An ALARUM, &c.

IN the Preface of a Diſcourſe, Intituled, Awake Sampſon: Printed in the Year, 1696. I hinted that that was intended to be a Preparatory for a General Alarum.

Since we were told in the Year, 1678. that there was then a Deſign to ſubvert the Frame of our Engliſh Government, the Deſtruction of the Proteſtant Religion, and to adulterate the Coin, and had we took that caution given us timely, we had prevented many of thoſe Evils, which we have ſo ſenſibly ſince felt.

And ſince the Deſigns of our Enemies have been variouſly exerciſed, (viz.) to deſtroy Trade, to invade Property, to alter on Religion, and to adulterate the Coin of the Nation, which hath coſt us ſo much lately to retrieve; let it be a caution to us in other caſes for the Future.

It may ſeem to ſome to be needleſs now, to talk of an Alarum ſeeing we are at Peace; yet the following Diſcourſe will evidence that in the Subject I inſiſt upon, we have more need to be call'd upon now, then in a Time of War: The Reaſons are many, but in General, we know in War Watches are ſet, and People do never ſleep ſecure from Noiſe; but in a Time of Peace Perſons are apt to be too ſecure: I preſume, there is no juſt Occaſion to make an Apology, for waking a Perſon in danger of a Fire, tho' he is forc'd to it againſt his Na­tural Diſpoſition; and that ſuch a Perſon would2 not be offended, if pull'd out of his Bed when the Flames are about him; tho' he do not ſee it his Eyes being ſhut, and he in a ſound ſleep: It is the Condition of England at this time. We have been oft in Danger, and the Fire as oft quench'd, and tho' (generally ſpeaking) we have had very many and great awakening Providences ſounded in our Ears, Yet we have been like the deaf Addor that ſtoppeth her Ears, and will not hearken to the Voice of Charmers, tho' charming never ſo wiſely; and do not conſider a Secret Train is laid to blow us up, and tho' we have hitherto been preſerv'd almoſt to a Miracle, yet whether we have any grounds to expect it always, I cannot tell; my Faith is weak: But on the contrary, tho' we in this Age do not pretend to Prophetick Inſpiration, nor do I as little to Prognoſtication, yet by Com­mon Obſervations any Man may predict, what Concluſions neceſſarily follow ſuch and ſuch Premiſſes; or in a more familiar way of ſpeak­ing, we know if we keep a certain Road on Shore, or ſteer our Courſe at Sea, whither at length it will bring us.

How we have taken our Courſe theſe Forty Years is too Notorious, and for which the Land mourns; (I would be glad to be de­ceiv'd if my Fears are groundleſs) that it may vomit out many of its Inhabitants, at leaſt ſome of us fall ſhort of our Expectations.

And had I not made ſome Obſervations, of the wonderful Goodneſs of God to this Na­tion; as before hinted: I ſhould have deſpair'd of any hopes of being ſaved from an utter Deſtruction, for the Dangers we are now in3 are ſo great, that tho' we are at preſent (Bleſſed be God) at peace, yet when I conſider, the many thouſands that have lived comfortably in the Trade of our Wollen Manufacture, and which have contributed to the Support of the Government, and Maintenance of the Poor; are now (and like to be more) reduced to want themſelves, having no Employment; by reaſon that many of thoſe Countries that we have formerly ſupplied with thoſe Goods, do make not only for their own Uſe with our Wool, but ſup〈…〉other Forreign Countries alſo; and not only ſo, but that we have cut off as it were, and diſobliged both Ireland and Scot­land in ſome late Acts; I am not without my Fears what the Effects may be, beſides our Domeſtick Conſumption of Forreign Manu­facturies, and hindring our own, &c.

But if it be ſaid by ſome, (as it is) that if we looſe our Woollen Manufacture, we may employ our poor in a Linnen Manu­facture, &c. I muſt anſwer as I did on a like Occaſion, about the Year 1669. in a Tract, Entituled, England's Intereſt by the Benefit of the Woollen Manufacture: (viz.) I am the more large in the Demonſtration of this Affair, not only becauſe this hath coſt me many Years Labour and Study to conſult all ſorts of concern'd Perſons, beſides my own Ex­perience about it; but alſo becauſe it is ſo hard to convince People of the meaneſt Ca­pacity, and ſome of the wiſer ſort, how to cure this diſmal Malady which ſome deſpair­ing of, have rather thought of ſetting up ſome other Manufacture in lieu of endeavour­ing4 to prevent the Exportation of Wool, and manufacturing that at Home, as that of Lin­nen, &c. which is in my Judgment a great Miſtake, for other Countries have the Ad­vantage of England in that, but not in this of Cloathing; and it will be found that all or moſt Trades in England, wholly diſtinct from this of Cloathing, bring not the Tythe of Ad­vantage that this doth.

And to confirm my Sentiments herein tho' ſo long ago writ, I crave leave to add the Opi­nion of a late Author, who ſay•

Divine Providence that appoints to every Na­tion and Country a particular Portion, ſeems to allot to England which was the firſt Acceptable Sacrifice to his Omnipotence, that of the Flock the Produce of which, is the moſt Ʋniverſal Covering of all Civilized Countries of the World.

Our Wollen Manufacture is a Talent, which no Nation hath to that perfection as we have; this hath been for many Ages the Support of the Nation, imploying the Poore at home, and our Men and Ships at Sea. Now to decline this, and ſet up another Manufactory, looks like an Extravagant Mechanick, who by his Improvidence hath loſt his own Art, and thinks to retrieve his Miſfortune by taking up that of another Mans: This is condemn'd in particular Perſons, and therefore much more to be ſo in a Community.

But it will be ſaid, There is not Imployment for the Hands of the Nation in the Wollen Manufactory; and ſince Linnen carries away ſo much of our Money, it ſeems the Intereſt of the Nation to imploy idle Hands, in that which will keep Money in the Kingdom.

Now tho' both theſe Aſſertions have too much5 Truth in them, yet neither of them have weight e­nough to enforce the Concluſion, That the Linnen Manufactory is the only Remedy. If we ſearch into the Bottom of our Diſtemper we ſhall find another cauſe of our Diſeaſe.

It is not becauſe there is leſs Wollen Manufactory uſed in the World than formerly, that our Trade de­clines, nor yet becauſe we make more than formerly; Nor is it altogether to be aſſigned to the late War: For that our Trade decay'd in the latter part of King Charles the Second, and all the Reign of the Late King. The Reaſons then for our Decay in the Wollen Manufactory ſeem to be theſe,

• 1. The Growth of Courſe Wollen Manufactory in Germany, with which the Venetians Trade to Turkey.
• 2. The Prohibition of our Wollen Manufactory in France.
• 3. The Increaſe of the Wollen Manufactory by our Neighbours with the help of our Wool, ſo that in ſome things they out-do us in the Price they can ſell at.
• 4. By the great Wearing of Eaſt-India and other Silks, and the Ʋſe of Calicoes, which was formerly ſupply'd by our Tammies and Says.
• 5. The Want of the Conſumption of Ireland, &c.

Now if there be any thing in all I have ſaid, it ſeems reaſonable to conſider well; before the Nation gives up its Staple and long-continued Trade for a Shadow, as I take the Linnen Manufactory to be: For although I believe it can never come to effect, yet ſo far it may go, as to injure that of the Wollen, by diverting ſome that are now in it, and ſo raiſeth6 price of Spinning; than which nothing can be more pre­judicial; for as I mention'd before, nothing can re­trieve our loſt Trade abroad, but underſelling our Competitors: So then we muſt labour to make ours as Cheap as we can, and not ſet up another Manufactory. To bid who gives moſt for Spinners, is a ready way to ruin the Cloathing Trade of England, but not to ſet up the Linnen.

Let us conſider, beſides what hath been ſaid be­fore of injuring the Wollen Manufactory: How it will affect the Kingdom in the two Pillars that ſup­port it, That of the Rents of Land, and the Im­ploying our Ships and Men at Sea; which are thought the Walls of the Nation.

For the Rents of the Land they muſt certainly fall, for that one Acre of Flax will employ as many Hands the Year round, as the Wool of Sheep that graze twenty Acres of Ground. The Linnen Manufactory im­ploys few Men, the Wollen moſt, Weaving, Combing, Dreſſing, Shearing, Dying, &c. Theſe eat and drink more than Women and Children, and ſo as the Land that the ſheep graze on raiſeth the Rent, ſo will the Arable and Paſture that bears Corn, and breeds Cattel for their Subſiſtance.

Then for the Employment of our Shipping, it will ne­ver be pretended that we can arrive to Exportation of Linnen; there are others and too many before us in that: And the Truth is, he that cannot thrive at his own Trade, will hardly do it in that of anothers. If we are beat out of our Inheritance the Wollen Manufactory by Forreigners, over whom we have ſuch Advantages in our Wool, Fullers-Earth, and long Continuance in the Trade; it can be nothing leſs than a Miracle for us to take from them their Linnen Manufactory, in which they have ſo much the Aſcendant over us.

I ſhall end this part of my Diſcourſe with the Anſwer of a Weſt Country Man to his Neighbour, that ask'd, what Voyage he had made in a Fiſhing at New-found-land, that proved not good? I have made (ſaid he) a brave Voyage, as you may gueſs, for I have ſold my Bible, and bought a Tobacco-Box: Would it not be ſo to this Nation, if we ſhould change the Nobleſt Manufactory in the World, for the pooreſt and moſt deſpicable: So are thoſe People in all parts of the World, that are im­ployed in the Linnen Manufactory, which only thrives where the Country is crowded with Poor, and Bread not to be had, at the Charge of the Pariſh, where the Tenant is but a Vaſſal to his Lord, and there is no power in any to relieve; but in the Lord who is ſtrange to the Practice. It is a Miſtake in them that believe the Linnen Manufactory in Hol­land, to be the Product of their own Country: It is only the eaſier part, that of Weaving and Whiting, most of the Thread comes from Saxony.

Thus much for this Author, from whence we may Conclude, That if the Riches and Strength of England, were firſt of all begun from our Wollen Manufacture by King Ed. 3d. and brought to a greater Perfection in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth; we alſo ought to take the ſame care in its preſervation: Otherwiſe we may be reduced to that mean Condition Eng­land was in, when Land and other Commodities was of no Value, till about the Time of that Famous Princeſs Queen Elizabeth, whoſe Long and Proſperous Reign had raiſed this Nation to that Riches and Strength, as elſewhere is enlarged; and Sir Walter Raleigh, as a Wife8 Stateſ-man, and Lover of his Country, (as many, if not moſt of that Queen's Council were) had began well to promote Englands Intereſt, but was in the Reign of King James the Firſt undermined by the Intereſt of Spain, which was then ſo prevailing that that unfortunate Knight was taken away. But in the latter End of that Reign, and the whole of the three Laſt Kings, inſtead of the Spaniſh the French Intereſt has ſo much prevailed amongſt us, that we are now under the ſad Effects thereof, and that King about the Year 1661. upon a De­ſign he had to have forbidden the Trade be­tween France and England, ſuppoſing the Va­lue of Engliſh Commodities ſent into France, did ſurmont the Value of thoſe that were tranſported hither: The following Particulars were laid before that King. (viz.)

Upon which the French King ſoon laid aſide his Deſign of Prohibition, and inſtead thereof in­creaſed the Duties laid upon all our Wollen Manufacture imported into his Dominions, of what was imported in the Year 1654. and 1660. (about which time we exported more Goods, eſpecially of our Wollen Manufactures to France, then was imported from France in­to England in thoſe Years.) But the great Increaſe of French Commodities imported into England, was after the Arrival of King Charles the Second. And we may rationally conclude, that the Duties paid to the French King when the aforeſaid Goods, valu'd at 2600000 l. were10 exported, together with the Freight, and what was paid for Cuſtom when imported, as alſo the Profit to the Merchant and Retailer, and by the Advance of Price by our Fancies, the ſaid Summ of 2600000 l. may be rationally increas'd to 3000000 l. ſo that the Conſumers of the French Commodities advanced the French Intereſt and impoveriſhed our ſelves; but then after this time in 1662. the French having got vaſt Quantities of our Wool to encourage that Manufacture, great­er Duties were impoſed on our Engliſh Commodities in the Year 1664. and further increaſed in the Year 1667. not only on our Wollens but on all our Engliſh Commodities, even great Duties upon our Shipping, that I my ſelf having occaſion to go to Lille in Flan­ders, could not land at Dunkirk, tho' I had no Commodities in the Veſſel without paying Tun­nage; but thi was not all, but the French King reſtrain'd and confin'd the Importation of our Wollen Manufactures to his Ports of Callice and Diep, and other Goods to ſome other in­convenient Ports: By which means, and by the Encouragement of the Conſumption of the Cloths, Stuffs, &c. made by his own People; it amounted to a Prohibition of our Commodi­ties in many caſes.

And by the way, it hath been examin'd that in the Year 1674. or thereabouts; there was imported from France Silks to the Value of 300000 l. and in Linnen Cloth 500000 l. and Wine and Brandy, 217000 l. where we may alſo Note, that if ſuch a Quantity was legally enter'd, there was ſome of all11 thoſe Commodities run, as it's called (viz.) Stolen and paid no Duties; beſides all ſorts of Lace, when in that Year our Exports to France amounted but to 171020 l. and it was further Obſerved, that in the Year 1675. the Importation of Wine and Brandy was al­moſt doubl'd of what it was before, and at the latter End of the Reign of King James it was much more increaſed, (viz.) the Importation of French Wine and Brandy.

The great Loſs of the Trade we formerly had with France of near 1500000 l. per Annum, which we exported of our Wollen Manufacture to that Kingdom; occaſion'd that Famous and Worthy Sir Matthew Hale, late Lord Chief Juſtice to ſay that our Populouſneſs, which is the greateſt Bleſſing a Kingdom can enjoy; is become the Burthen of our Nation: The uneaſineſs of this Burthen upon us theſe late Years, hath occaſion'd many unusual Remedies and Attempts, many New Acts of Parliament in the Reign of King Charles the Second, be­ing once miſled, our Uneaſineſs made way for a further Deſign upon us, as a Man being out of his way will be ready to liſten believingly unto almoſt any Direction. In the 15th. Caroli 2. there was an Act made for the Encourage­ment of Trade in its Title, whilſt the Body of the Act was no more, than to encourage the Exportation of Corn; (the low Price there­of being as before, occaſion'd by ſo many thouſands want to Employ, and could not have Money to buy Corn) and to give Liberty to carry away our Bullion, which help'd one ſtep forward. In the next Place followed12 the Act againſt importing Cattle from Ireland, which was a Cure like the reſt that led to farther Inconveniencies, this was in the 17th. Caroli 2. After which a free Liberty was given to Export Leather, which was in the 20th. of that King's Reign, directly contrary to for­mer Statutes ſucceſſively. And to compleat the whole Deſign, in the 25th. Caroli 2. there was an Act made, to take off Aliens Duties upon all Commodities of the Growth, Pro­duct and Manufacture of our Nation, except Coals; which fully anſwer'd their End. All the Priviledges of England were given away by wholeſale, whilſt all thoſe Acts proved but turnings in a Feavor, which gave ground to the Diſtemper upon us, no way affecting the true cauſe, and this not matter of choice; if any other way propoſed, the Countrey Air was ſoon thought beſt, (viz.) the Parliament ſent home, ſuch was our Caſe in thoſe Reigns; &c.

Of which Acts I ſhall by and by more en­large upon, but to ſpeak more of the Trade of France and the Conſequence thereof; for as we loſt the great Advantage that formerly we had by the prohibiting of our Wollen Ma­nufacture in that Kingdom, during moſt of the two laſt Reigns; ſo the unequal Duties laid upon the German and Flanders Linnens, the Product of our Wollen Manufacture, and by the ſmall Duties laid upon the French Lin­nen, and Eaſt-India Calicoes, and Muſlings purchaſed with our Money. This in my Judg­ment being impartial (viz.) (not concern'd in Intereſt) muſt in reaſon be the main Occa­ſion;13 at leaſt a Foundation for Germany and Flanders, to encourage the Wollen Manufactury in thoſe parts: And it's well Obſerv'd by the Author of a little Tract, Intituled, The Inte­reſt of England conſider'd; Printed in the Year 1694. (viz.)

The fine Linnens of Flanders and Germany, have come in competition theſe many Years with the Calicoes and Muſlings of the Eaſt-Indies; and the fine Dowlace and Gauſes of France, one the Effect of our Manufactory, the other of our Bul­lion, and yet you will find upon the Book of Rates, if I miſtake not, all the Linnen of Flanders charged with about three pence an Ell Cuſtome, and the fine Dowlace of France not at one half penny; and the Callicoes of the Eaſt-Indies but at two pence a piece.

Now as that unequal Trade was carried on, all the time almoſt of the two Late Reigns, ſo the Neceſſity in the late War in doubling the Duties upon Flanders Linnen, which is almoſt half the Value of much of their ſaid Linnen, and the unſeaſonable timing of the Lace Act, which did (as was lately affirm'd in a Committee, &c.) occaſion a Flanders Merchant then in London, dealing much in Lace, to go over to Flanders, and put the States upon the prohibiting our Wollen Manufacture.

And tho' this occaſion'd the ſaid Prohibition, yet conſidering the Little Quantity of Lace, at leaſt viſibly brought into England, in compariſon of the Linnen imported formerly from Flanders; cannot be the Original, tho' it may be the In­ſtrumental Cauſe as before hinted.

Hereby it may appear how we have loſt our14 Trade, and how inſenſibly our Treaſure was exhauſted, and our Nation beggar'd, whilſt we neglected our own Intereſt, and Strangers (ſuch as proved our great Enemies) were di­ligent to make their Advantage by us, but moſt of thoſe Evils might have been prevented, had we really aſſum'd our Anceſtors regard to our Wealth and Grandeur.

But leaving Particulars let us be more ge­neral, for tho' we are agreed, that Trade is the main Spring from whence Riches flow, yet we do as much differ in the Method of ac­quiring thereof, and there is certainly as much need of Regulation in Trade, as of Laws to ſecure one Man's Right from being invaded by another, for it's now become as neceſſary to preſerve Government, as it is uſeful to make Men rich.

And notwithſtanding the great Influence, that Trade now hath in the Support and Wel­fare of States and Kingdoms, yet there is no­thing more unknown, or at leaſt that Men differ more in their Sentiments; than about the true Cauſes that raiſe and promote Trade.

The Merchant and other Traders, who ſhould underſtand the true Intereſt of Trade, do either not underſtand it, or elſe leſt it might hinder their private Gain, will not diſ­cover it.

Some Writers about Trade, do in their Treatiſes better ſet forth the Rule to make an Ac­compliſh'd Merchant, than how it may be moſt profitable to the Nation. And thoſe Argu­ments every day met with from the Traders, ſeem byaſſed with private Intereſt, and run15 contrary to one anothers, as their Intereſt are oppoſite.

And how fair and convincing ſoever their Premiſes may appear, for the Enlarging and Advancement of Trade; the Concluſions of their Arguments, are directly oppoſite.

The Reaſons why many Men have not a true Idea of Trade is, Becauſe they apply their Thoughts to particular Parts of Trade, where­in they are chiefly concern'd in Intereſt; and having found out the beſt Rules and Laws for forming that particular Part, they govern their Thoughts by the ſame Notions in forming the great Body of Trade, and not reflecting on the different Proportion betwixt the Body•nd Parts, have a very diſagreeable Concep­tion; and like thoſe, who having learnt to draw well an Eye, Ear, Hand, and other Parts of the Body, (being unskilful in the Laws of Symmetry) when they join them together make a very deformed Body.

Therefore whoever will make a true Repre­ſentation of Trade, muſt draw a rough Scetch of the Body and Parts together, which though it will not entertain with ſo much Pleaſure as a well finiſh'd Peice; yet the agreableneſs of the Parts may be as well diſcern'd, and thereby ſuch Meaſures taken, as may beſt ſuit the Shape of the Body.

The Reaſon why I uſe this ſimilitude, is from the Experience we have of the miſerable Effects we now, and may more hereafter feel of this ſeparate Trades that have been carried on in this Kingdom, (viz.) that ſome few Per­ſons gain great Eſtates, when the Nation in16 general decays, as in many Particulars may be inſtanc'd, (viz.) the French Trade all the Time of the two late Kings, that ſuch Merchants who imported vaſt Quantities (and ſome that run their Goods and paid no Cuſtoms) of ſuch Commodities that were purchaſed with Money, and tended to debauch the Nation, then the Eaſt-India, by both thoſe Countries this Nation hath leſſen'd the Employment of near Five Hundred Thouſand Perſons, for by ſuch a Number of Perſons out of Employ, or double that Number but half Work; it's all one the Nation muſt be greatly impoveriſhed thereby: For before that time when People were fully imployed, ſome Families could earn in the Cloathing Trade by ſpinning and weav­ing Twenty, and ſome Thirty Shillings per Week, tho' ſome leſs, others more; which was moſt ſpent by them, and laid out with the Farmer and Graſier, who was thereby better able to pay their Rents to the Nobility and Gentry; by which means the Value of Lands were kept up, but when ſuch a Number of Perſons beforementioned had no Employment, it's not probable the Commodities can be ſold which neceſſarily ſunk the Rents of Lands, and this was the Occaſion of the Iriſh Act, (as that before of Corn) to prohibit the Im­portation of Cattle, ſuppoſing that would be a means to ſupport the Value of Lands in England: But the Miſtake is now ſo manifeſt, that we have by it loſt a great part of our Trade, and laid a Foundation to looſe all, and it was well Obſerved by Mr. Tho. Manly, a Juſtice of Peace in Kent, ſhortly after that17 Act paſt upon another Occaſion about the Ex­portation of Wool; (viz.) If the Iriſh Wool enables the Forreigners to carry on that Manufacture hurtful to us, we have ſmall reaſon to aſſiſt them further, leaſt we imitate thoſe good Men, who break the Pot, becauſe their Wives break the Pitcher, and ruin our ſelves becauſe Ireland hurts us.

For if it be true, as is by ſome affirm'd, (and by Demonſtrations made good) that England gain'd by the Trade with Ireland before, and in the beginning of the Reign of King Charles the Second, Two Millions per Annum: It is plain, that Act laid the Foundation of our ruin, for before that Act was in force, the Iriſh con­tented themſelves with Trading only with England, by which Trade we received ſo great an Advantage, but ſince the Iriſh have been neceſſitated to ſeek for a Trade elſewhere, which they have found to be our Loſs. And tho' the late Act about the Wollen Manufacture in Ireland, was well intended to encourage our own; yet as things now ſtand, I am not with­out my Fears that it will not be ſo advanta­gious as was expected, and as it might have been done another way: I would be glad if I am deceiv'd in my Fears.

Before I paſs Ireland, I would crave leave to inſert a part of a Diſcourſe writ by Mr. An­drew Marvyl, and printed in the Year, 1677. (viz.)

The fall of Rents, and cheapneſs of Wool, and decay of Manufacture in England, being ſuggeſted to be principally occaſion'd by Ireland, the Iriſh Cattle were thereupon prohibited by an Act of Par­liament, and declared to be a publick Nuſance.

Admitting that ſome of thoſe Counties might be be prejudiced by the Importation of Iriſh Cattle, yet whatſoever Profit accrued to others by it, did upon the mutual Neceſſities of all, ſettle into the Common Stock of the Nation.

And it ſeems but reaſonable, that whatſoever private Obligation a Parliament Man hath to the Place where he is Elected; yet when once he comes to ſit, his Truſt and his Mind is enlarg'd, and he does no more conſider himſelf as the Politician of a Shire, or the Patron of a Burrough, but as a Repreſenter of the Ʋniverſality: Whereas otherwiſe, if any County, one or more chance to be more fer­tile than other in Members of Parliament, and they act by ſuch narrow Meaſures, the deciſion would be by Multitude, not by Reaſon.

And notwithſtanding if we were to tell Counties, thoſe that are not advantaged and are really agrieved, make the greateſt Plea; for if we account like Mer­chants by Profit and Loſs, all the Profit that can be made (and that very ſmall) by this Act, returns to ſuch Counties which are proper for breeding, and that ſmall profit is loſt to them, if not much more by their Corn for want of Trade by it, and the whole Nation hath hereby loſt in great meaſure, the vent of it's Home and Forreign Commodities to Ireland, and the increaſing Product to England in General, by Iriſh Cattle in Specie.

But as to the Political Point, you did herein as much as in you then lay, to cut off all that ſtrong as more natural Dependance of Ireland upon England, and to govern it rather by force of Authority, than by the influential Benignity of Intereſt. And tho' I am no Polititian, dare ſay in General, that it concerns you to uſe us kindly, and to indulge us19 in all things that tend to civilize, cultivate, and people this Nation.

Memorandum, This was written by Mr. Marvyl, under the Notion of a younger Brother in Ireland to an Elder Brother in England; the reaſon was that it might not be thought his Writing, becauſe he was not willing to diſ­oblige the North Country Members, being his Friends, they being for that Act.

The next Act was about Leather, the Effect of which hath leſſen'd the Employment of many Thouſands in that Manufacture; ſo that Act hath given Advantage to Forreigners, contra­ry to the deſign of the ſaid Laws, and more par­ticularly one lately made in the 12th. Year of Car. 2. as by the Preamble of that Act may appear; wherein 'tis Evident that the Deſign thereof was for,

• 1. The ſetting on work the Inhabitants of this Realm.
• 2. The Improving the Native Commodities of this Country to it's beſt, fulleſt and utmoſt Uſe.
• 3. And that the Advantage accrewing here­by, might redound to the Subjects of this King­dom, and not the Subjects of Forreign Realms.

Wherefore theſe three Deſigns were either good, and ſufficient Motives for the Prohibi­tion therein expreſt or not; if Good and Sin­cere, then whatſoever is contrary muſt be to the prejudice of England.

So that if thoſe Acts before-mentioned are con­trary to the true Intereſt of England, and notwith­ſtanding have produced Effects contrary to Ex­pectation, we ought to conſider whether it be pro­per that the ſaid Acts ſhould ſtill remain in force.

And then we added another Miſtake, upon a Suppoſition that if Forreigners had a liberty equal to our Engliſh Merchants, it would un­avoidably encourage and encreaſe Trade; and therefore Aliens Duties were taken off; the Effect of which hath, inſtead of that, laid a Foundation to looſe the Freedom of the Eng­liſh Merchant, and let Strangers into the My­ſtery and Advantage of our Manufacture, as well as ruin many of the Wollen Manufactures of this Kingdom, for when thoſe Forreigners have got ſome Credit, they have engroſſed vaſt Quantities of the ſaid Manufacture, and then leave the King­dom: So that all thoſe Acts before-mentioned, in­ſtead of promoting have tended to deſtroy our Trade; and had not the late War fell out as it did, (which occaſion'd the Conſumption of ſo much Fleſh and Corn in the Fleet and Army) it had been much worſe than now it is for the Far­mer and Grazier. Beſides the General Decay of our Trade, which we ſhould e're this time been more ſenſible of. I ſay again, had not the War came on at that time, we had not only loſt our Trade, but the Liberty of Free-born Engliſh Men.

And now we have Peace (generally ſpeak­ing) there is much cauſe upon another Ac­count, to be afraid we ſhall bring Deſtruction upon our ſelves by the Methods uſed, now to promote a forreign Intereſt, as we did France in the Two late Reigns; and tho' we are daily told of our Danger, yet we will not credit thoſe Cautions given us. Which brings to my Mind the Hiſtory of the Jews, who tho' they were often told of their Deſtruction that would21 certainly come upon them, if they continu'd to go on in thoſe ways in which they were then walking; and tho' this Warning was given 'em with the greateſt Compaſſion that a Man cou'd expreſs, and all imaginable pains taken to convince them of the certainty of thoſe Evils that were coming upon them; yet they re­jected all good Counſel, and ſlighted all the Reproofs that were given them by their Pro­phets, until at laſt Deſtruction came upon them to the uttermoſt, and there was no Re­medy.

I would alſo crave leave to inſtance in the Caſe of the Grecian Chriſtians at Conſtantinople; that notwithſtanding the many Warnings given them of the Deſigns of the Turks againſt them; yet how careleſs and inſenſible they were, and wou'd not make that proviſion for their De­fence which was required of them, and there­fore, the Effects of that Careleſneſs was felt by them, when the Turks came to poſſeſs that great City: For at the taking of it by Maho­met the Great, At which time the Riches of the Conquer'd was no better than Poverty, and Beauty worſe than Deformity; but to ſpeak of the hidden Treaſure there found, paſſeth credit; the Turks themſelves wondering thereat: Whereof if ſome part had in time been beſtowed upon the Defence of the City, the Turkiſh King had not ſo eaſily taken both it and the City. But every man (as now we here) was careful how to encreaſe his private Wealth, few or none regarding the publick State; (it's ſtill our caſe) until in fine every Man with his private Abundance, was wrapped together with his needy Neighbour in the ſelf ſame common Miſery,22 (and who knows what may fall out of the ſame kind hereafter) yet the ſecurity of the Conſtantinopoli­tans was ſuch, that tho' they were always environ'd with their mortal Enemies, yet had they no care of fortifying ſo much as the Inner Wall of the City, but ſuffer'd the Officers, (which had the Charge of it) to convert the greateſt part of the Money into their own Purſe.

I dread to name my Fears, if England, which (for many Generations) hath been ſo Famous to all the World, ſhould now be given up to ruin, and be a prey to our Neighbours, and thereby a Scorn and a By-word to the World, by the Evil Practices of it's own Natives; but were we unanimous and true to our real Engliſh Intereſt, we need not fear all the World; but on the contrary if we perſiſt in that de­ſtructive Practice of private Intereſt, what Mi­ſery may not juſtly be expected by us, when we are ſo inſenſible of the Train that has been ſo long laid to blow up thoſe good Foundations, (which have been ſo many Ages agoe eſtabliſhed by our Noble Anceſtors) of all our Engliſh Liberties and Properties: For I know no Nation under Heaven, as at this Day en­joying thoſe Priviledges we do.

It's thirty Years agoe, there was a Tract publiſhed, Entituled, England's Glory: (as a Caution to us againſt the Deſigns of its Ene­mies) which I now fear is departing from us. (I will not ſay as Phineas's Wife at the taking of the Ark, The Glory was departed from Iſrael) tho' I may ſay I fear it. I would not fore­ſtale Providence, nor anticipate the evil Day, yet if I could be any ways inſtrumental, to23 awaken us out of that General Lethargy we are fallen into, I ſhould greatly rejoyce; however, I ſhall endeavour to quiet an uneaſie Mind, by diſcharging it this way, in giving ſome Account of that which hath occaſion'd my Fears.

This Nation is hitherto own'd a Free People, but now long that Freedom may be enjoy'd no Mortal can conclude; for if we do (as we ought) ſeriouſly reflect on the condition of moſt Parts of the World, and more particu­larly many of our neighbouring Nations, how they have loſt their Liberties and Priviledges they formerly enjoyed, and conſider how we at preſent are upheld, and the Dangers we are in by our own Folly, and if we did but a little deny our ſelves, (tho' ſuppos'd) pre­ſent ſelf-denial, and really purſue our real and true Engliſh Intereſt (viz.) if I as a private Perſon or in Company carry on a Trade that may be advantagious to my ſelf and Com­pany, which may not only be prejudicial to a greater Number, but tend to the deſtruction of the whole Kingdom, and peradventure my ſelf at laſt; I therefore in ſuch a caſe ought to deny my ſelf in my private and ſuppos'd pro­fit; and by this happily preſerve the reſt from Deſtruction: For if through the Loſs of our Manufacture ſome Hundreds of Thouſands have no Employ, Hunger breaks through all Laws, we may not forget what happened not many Years ſince of the Weavers in Spittle­fields, and if that was ſo dangerous in one branch of Trade then failing, and but part of this City of London; what may we24 not fear, when it ſhall be the General Com­plaint of the whole Nation; which I fear, we ſhall be more ſenſible of by feeling, than by my writing: And tho' at preſent, thoſe Perſons before-mentioned are ſome of them remov'd, and others by turning their Hands another way; which doth and will affect not only the City of Norwich, but the Counties of Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridge and Lincoln, and ſome other Counties; yet when it becomes a General Complaint, I cannot ſee where we can then have Relief.