The Declaration, Vindication, and Proteſtation of EDVVARD DOBSON, Citizen, and Stationer of LONDON.

IF (according to the old Proverb) Looſers may ſpeak by authority, then may not I be ſilent, conſidering the many preſſures and oppreſſions the arbitrary and tyraunicall Government u­ſurped by my fellow-Subjects, but exerciſed over me, and other His Majeſties loyall Sub­jects, by reaſon whereof we are fallen to as ſad, if not ſadder condition, then the Athenians under their thirty Tyrants. Thoſe then that would have beheld theſe men at the beginning of this Parliament, and have marked with what zeale and haſt they went to Weſtminſter to cry Juſtice, Juſtice, againſt the Earle of Strafford, for bringing an arbitrary and tyrannicall govern­ment into Ireland, would have little thought that ever they themſelves would have exerciſed the ſame government in England over their fellow-Subjects, as now they doe? So that they ſtand not upon the Quid, but the Qualis, what perſons: For, ſo long as themſelves rule, they are content. It ſeemes that they have learned ſome Maxime of humane policie, To hate and de­cline that in others, that they may, with the more ſecurity, and leſſe ſuſpition, accompliſh the ſame to themſelves. This arbitrary and tyrannicall government doth very ill beſeem a Prince, the Earle of Strafford in Ireland, or any other Noblemen; but doth become Weavers, Basket­makers, or ſuch kind of Mechanicks in England very well. So the Iriſh Rebellion is called a horrid and bloudy action, a cruell warre: but the Engliſh and Scotch Rebellion is ſtiled a holy and juſt Warre, the good Cauſe, a fighting the Lords Battells, the maintenance of Religion, Lawes, and Liberty. So the Kings tax of Ship-money was counted an illegall impoſition, a heavy burden, and a great grievance, becauſe it was taken without the conſent of the three E­ſtates in Parliament. But the taking (though in the ſame manner) the twentieth, and fift part of mens eſtates, beſides Exciſe, plunder, and other illegall Taxes, are no burden, no grievance, but a great eaſe to the people. So the Oath ex Officio (though legall) w•s a great burden and oppreſſion to mens conſciences, becauſe it betrayed Off•nders into the hands of Juſtice. But the Scorch and Engliſh Covenant, (though forced with the greateſt ſeverity) or rather the French League, is no offence, no ſcruple at all, but a great eaſe to mens conſciences. So the ſi­lenci•g ignorant, illiterate, ſeditious, and factious Miniſters by the Biſhops, was ſtiled a Prela­ticall perſecution, an Antichriſtian Tyranny, and a ſtopping the mouths of Gods faithfull Mini­ſters. But the ſilencing, impriſoning, and plundering of learned and pious D. Featly, D. Holdſ­worth, M. Vdall, and many other Orthodox and Proteſtant Divines, unblameable untill theſe th…s, is nothing (with them) but the ſuppreſſion of Popery, and Popiſh Miniſters; for ſuch they term•all who hold and conforme themſelves to the Doctrine and Diſcipline of the Church eſtabliſhed by Law. And thus have they learned (like the Jewes) to put darkneſſe for light and l ght for darkneſſe; to call evill good, and good evill. It is not unknowne to the world, how by their ſcanda•ous and lying Pamphlets, they labour daily to poſſeſſe the people of the Kings intention to bring in Popery. And what is this, think we, but onely that they in the interim may with the leſſe ſuſpition, and more ſecurity, bring in Atheiſme, Hereſie, and all Sects and Schiſmes which have beene ever ſince Chriſt. How have they trampled under Feet the Temporall and Eccleſiaſticall Lawes? As by impriſoning of mens bodies, plundering and ta­king from them their eſtates, and robbing their King of his Forts, Townes, Navies, Maga­zines, and Militia. How do they obey Chriſt, who ſays, Render to Caeſar (though a Heathen)2 the things that are Caeſars, when they take all from him? It is not, give to Caeſar, but render implying, that Kings live not upon the gifts and almes of their Subjects, but that they have as great, if not greater right to their Revenues, as Subjects to their goods. With what conſci­ence then can the two Houſes uſurpe the Militia, which (by the Scripture) hath for many yeares belonged to the diſpoſing of Kings, as appeares by that Text in 2 Sam. 18.1. David the King ſet, or made Captains over Fifties, Hundreds, and Thouſands. It doth not ſay, his great Councell, or his Parliament; nay the word Parliament is not to be found in all the Scriptures: and we know that Parliaments had their originall and being from Kings. What monſters then are they, that would undermine, depoſe, and deſtroy thoſe that gave them their being? Are they any better then vipers, who eat out the bowels of their mothers? I ſpeake not this of a free Parliament: there was never any King depoſed or wronged by a free Parliament, neither is it de Jure in the power of a Parliament; for God ſayes plainly, By me Kings rule, or raigne, Prov. 8.15. He doth not ſay, by Parliaments, or by the peoples authority; nor are they ac­comptable to their Subjects in caſe of errour, or faults, but onely to God, as is moſt cleare in King David, who though he ſinned againſt man, yet appealed onely to God, ſaying. Againſt thee, againſt thee onely have I ſinned, &c. Pſal. 51. I have ſinned againſt the Lord, 2 Sam. 12.13. And whereas King Richard the ſecond is inſtanced and objected: I anſwer, That the de­poſing of King Richard, to the ſcandall of this Nation, was an act of high Treaſon upon the faireſt relation.

I will now ſpeake ſomething concerning the abuſes of the Church, and then of my owne. And firſt, let us conſider the ſacriledge, profaneneſſe, and many inſolencies offered in Gods houſe by the Parliaments ſouldiers, as they are commonly called: as their hewing and hacking downe the ſtone-workes, as if they intended to build their Babel with the ruines: their break­ing downe the railes, ſpoiling the Communion Table, pulling down Pulpits, as if they intended to ſet u a tub, or barrell to preach in: and which is worſt of all, their picking the poores box, and ſtealing their bread from off the ſhelfe, which is their prime aime at their firſt coming into the Churches to plunder. And as if the ills that they had already done could not be ſafe but by attempting greater, they proceed further, by laying violent hands on the Miniſters, tearing the Surplice off their backs, trampling the Book of Common Prayer under feet, the abuſe of which ought to be puniſhed (according to the Lawes) with great ſeverity. Yet have not the two Houſes of Parliament declared their diſlike, nor puniſhed any ſince the Kings departure, as ever I could heare. The Philoſopher ſayes, Qui vitia non prohibet, jubet & approbat, Thoſe that conuive at vices, and do not puniſh them, approve of and command them. But let us conſider further, what non-fence, falſe Doctrine and blaſphemie is preached up and downe the City by theſe orbicular Independents, lumps of ignorance, and ſillie fellowes in black, moſt of them be­ing ignominious and contemptible Mechanicks. It was Ierobohams ſin, in making the meaneſt and vileſt of the people Prieſts: and I pray God that it be not the two Houſes ſin, in ſuffering the meaneſt and the vileſt of the people to preach, and to make themſelves Prieſts: even ſuch as are, Tinkers, Weavers, Brewers, Bakers, religious. Sowgelders, and Button-makers.

But to leave this, and come to the illegality of my own impriſonments. The cauſe then of my firſt impriſonment was, for ſelling a Book intituled, A Declaration of the Practiſes and Treaſons attempted and committed by Robert late Earle of Eſſex againſt Her Majeſty, &c. This Book was publiſhed by the authority of Queene Elizabeth, and the whole State, in the yeare 1600. For this booke ſo lawfully licenſed was I moſt unlawfully ſent to Newgate by Iſaac Pennington the Traitor, and pretended Major, as the King ſtiles him: during my impriſonment in Newgate, one Clarke, a pretended Conſtable, with his rabble, forces the key of my ſhop from me, then goes to my ſhop: and becauſe he could not open my ſhop doore quickly, breakes it3 open, and fals to plundering; where he tooke a ſword and gold belt, a Set of Pictures, Sir Ed­ward Deerings Speeches, twelve of the aforeſaid Books, and a Bible, ſaying, that I was a Ma­lignant, and that they were Malignants goods (for ſuch they make thoſe and their goods that have any thing to loſe) and that he would carrie them to the Lord Majors, but whether he did or no, I leave to his owne conſcience which beſt knowes: I am ſure I received them not again, although I have uſed all poſſible meanes that may be. Now whether this be the Liberty of the Subject, I appeale to all the world? or whether there be ſuch a thing as liberty left us in Lon­don, unleſſe libertie to plunder? or if when they ſay libertie, they do not equivocate, and mean impriſonment, bondage and ſlaverie? For they have Maxims ex contrariis, to fight for the King and yet ſhoot great Cannon ſhot at him: deſtroy his Perſon, and yet preſerve the King: that treaſon cannot be committed againſt his Perſon, but his Power, which Power the two Houſes are: and therefore D. Lopus and Parry, who attempted to deſtroy Queene Elizabeths Perſon, were not traitors, but died verie innocent; and the learned Judges who condemned them as guiltie of high treaſon, did them great injuſtice: ſo did the Judges who judged, the Earle of Eſſex (this mans Father) guiltie of high Treaſon for attempting and endeavouring to take away evill Councellours from Queen Elizabeth, as appears by the Earle of Eſſex's Defence, and their Replie. The Defence, For my part I intended no hurt to Her Majeſties Perſon, but onely to take away her evill Councellours, &c. The Replie. The Judges delivered their opinion in matter of Law upon two points: The one, That in caſe where a Subject doth attempt to put himſelfe into ſuch a ſtrength as the King ſhall not be able to reſiſt him, and to force and compell the King to go­verne otherwiſe then according to his owne royall authority and direction, 'tis manifeſt rebellion. The other, That in every rebellion, the Law extendeth as a conſequence, the compaſſing the death, and deprivation of the King, as foreſeeing, that the Rebell and Traytor will never ſuffer the King to live or raigne, which might puniſh or take revenge of his Treaſon and Rebellion. And therefore this is not onely the ſenſe of the Law, but even common reaſon and experience teach­eth as much: For the Subjects never obtained a ſuperioritie over their King, but immediately followed the death and depoſition of the King, as in the example of Edward the ſecond, and Richard the ſecond.

But to returne to any owne occaſion: I wonder what Clarke or any of theſe holy, pious, and religious plunderers (who rob men in the feare of the Lord, and under a collour of Religion, and long Prayer, devour Widdowes houſes) will anſwer Chriſt at the day of Judgement, when he will ſay, I commanded you that you ſhould not covet, rob, nor plunder your neighbours: Why did you? Why truly Lord, I was told that they were Malignants, and that their goods were Malignant goods: blendes Lord, I had an Ordinance of Parliament for what I did then. Let them ſee whether their pleading that their neighbours were Malignants; or that their Or­dinance, or rather Patent to plunder, will beare them out at that day, for the breach of Gods Commandements. But theſe franticke Browniſts and wild Ambaptiſts have learn'd new Max­ims of Divinity, as firſt; That the dominion of things is founded in grace, and not in nature, from whence they conclude, that they may rob the wicked as (they ſay) the Iſrealits did the Egyp­tians. Secondly that the wicked are uſurpers and that they onely have right to the creatures, be­ing (as they ſtile themſelve•) the meek of the earth, but not to inſiſt on theſe things, and come to the ſecond cauſe of my impriſonment, which was; For beating one Nicholas Tew, an Ana­baptiſt, for ſaying, The King had none but Rogues about him, and for asking him, with what conſcience he could ſay ſo, he having taken the late Proteſtation to defend the Kings Honour? For this (by the information of the ſaid Tew and one Thomas Andrews an arrant honeſt man) was I apprehended, and had before Iſaac Pennington, my old friend, who committed me to Woodſtreet Compter, and the next day was ſent with a Rabble to the Parliament Houſe, from4 thence I made my eſcape to Oxford: after my departure they plundered me of all the Ware in my Shop, to the value of above one hundred pounds, beſides my wearing Cloathes, and (contrary to the rules of good huſwifery) left not ſo much as an egge in the neſt, for the henne to ſit upon: not content with this, they make a further gradation to perpetrate their impieties by murdering me in my reputation, and ſcandalizing me in their Libells, giving me a nick-name, more befitting the inventors. But it 'tis not ſtrange that they ſlander me, when they ſtick not to ſlander the footſteps of Gods Annoynted, their King, neither is it any marvell that they rob me, when they feare not to rob God, by robbing Churches, and Church-men, their lawfull King, and all the true Nobility: but by whom are they thus robbed? But by thoſe who deſpiſe all Arts and Learning, like the fox that contemned the grapes becauſe he could not reach them. When they had thus plundered me, they ſummon my own mother, and brothers, to make Oath, whether they knew of any more eſtate that I had, either in money, goods, or debts. O monſtrous: Ty­rant: I can the Pope, can Antichriſt uſe more Tyranny over conſcience, then theſe? To make a mother take an Oath to ruine & undo her own child by diſcovering his eſtate, that they may rob him? And thus they deale with mens ſervants, compelling them by their unconſcionable Oathes (Iudas like) to betray their Maſters, making them take Oaths to diſcover their Maſters Eſtates, being contrary to the Covenant of their Indenture, of keeping their Maſters ſecrets. Thus themſelves being treacherous, falſe, and perfideous, to their King, would have ſervants bee ſo to their Maſters. Now thoſe that refuſe their illegall Oathes, and Covenant, they impriſon; as they have done a young Apprentice of M. Smiths, for refuſing to be unfaithfull to his Maſter, by betraying his Eſtate, for them to plunder. In like manner deale they with the Kings Souldi­ers, their Priſoners, Either take our Covenant, or elſe lye in Priſon, and be ſtarved, for you ſhall have no maintainance or allowance from us, not ſo much as of your own Eſtates which we have plundered you of. And thus they dealt with me when they put me in the dungeon in the Gate-houſe at Weſtminſter. Now I ſay, that it is a quaere; whether an Oath or Cove­nant extorted in this nature obliges, and bindes the conſcience? The Schoolmen conclude ne­gatively that Extortum non eſt tenendum; And in my opinion, it bindes men to nothing but to repentance. Againe, it is another quaere, whether an Oath or Covenant can be impoſed up­on the conſciences of His Majeſties Subjects, without his aſſent, or without the conſent of the three Eſtates of a free Parliament? The Common Law concludes negatively too. An unlaw­full Oath it is thought, may lawfully be broken, though not lawfully taken. Herod ſinned in keeping his Oath, ſo did Iephthah in keeping his Vow. And I wonder why they ſhould call it the Nationall Covenant? Sure they meane, the Covenant of the S•iſmaticks and Browni••s of the Nation; for Proteſtants will not take it willingly. Not to inſiſt upon this. I have beene impriſoned, and under Cuſtody ten times ſince the King went a way, but not as an evill doer; and that is my joy, my comfort. Onely for a pretended Malignant, and becauſe I knew not how to depart from my allegiance, for denying to contribute money to deſtroy the King and King­dome, For refuſing to be under the tyranny and ſlavery of my fellow Subjects, and to forfeit the freedome and liberty purchaſed to us by our great Anceſtors with the labour and induſtrie of ſo many yeares. For theſe cauſes and for theſe crimes have I been plundered, impriſoned, and robbed. Nor am I like to have remedy, or to be bettered, but rather worſe: For they have ſafe­ly done ſo many evills already, that they will ſtill do more. But to paſſe by this, Let us loyall Engliſh conſider how happy we are in our King over other Nations? They fight for their King there, our King fights for us here. Was there ever King ſo ready to lay downe his life for his Subjects Liberties, as our now King Charles? Who is like to the good Shepheard, that will lay downe his life, for his ſheep, as appeares by his readineſſe to hazard his life and ſacred p••ſon in defence of us his poore diſtreſſed Proteſtants groaning under the bloody and cruell5 perſecution, of Papiſts in Ireland, and Browniſts, Sectaries, Puritans, and Roundheads in Eng­land. Saint Paul fought with beaſts at Epheſus. But the King fights with beaſts in England, unreaſonable beaſts; who would have the Biſhops preach and keep hoſpitality, and yet will al­low them no meanes They ſay that the Biſhops would bring in Poperie, but they would bring in Popery themſelves. For they would take away all the Clergies meanes, and make them all begging Friers.

But to returne againe to my owne occaſions. I was no ſooner diſcharged out of the Gate­houſe, but one Thomas Weaver, one of the Earle of Eſſex's Life-guard, meets me in Thames ſtreet, and after ſome greeting, would needs have me to priſon againe, without any Warrant. I endeavoured to perſwade and convert this Weaver, but all was in vaine: for I had no ſooner caſt the beame out of his eye, but the ſhuttle got into his braine: and ſo I left him.

I now come to ſpeak of my coming to Northampton from Worceſter, which was thus.

I hearing of a Declaration publiſhed in the names of the two Kingdomes, the ſecond of Fe­bruary laſt paſt, 1643. for the acception of all thoſe that would come in, and having divers oc­caſions (my mother being dead) to come to London, I relied upon the ſinceritie of this Decla­ration, and came accordingly from thence to Northampton. No ſooner was I c•me to Nor­thampton, and preſented my ſelfe to the Governour, Colonell Whetham, a quondam-Baker in London, but immediately I was ſtript, and rob'd of fifteen pounds, and after wards ſcandalouſ­ly abuſed in a lying London-Pamphlet, that I had a Crucifix about my neek. Indeed the bring­ing ſo much money was enough to make any man a Papiſt, a Malignant, a Spie, or what they pleaſe. Somthing muſt be ſaid for the unjuſt and perfidious taking away my monie and goods, els the robberie would be too groſſe. From thence I was ſent to London, and examined by the Committee for Examinations, and promiſed by them my monie: about a fortnight after that, I went to petition for my monie ſo promiſed, and was for peti ioning committed to the Gate­houſe, where I lay five weeks without anie reliefe. This courſe uſage made me to think that the aforeſaid Declaration was nothing but a ſtratagem or policie of the new State to get mens per­ſons as well as their eſtates into thei power, and then uſe them as they pleaſe. I wonder what Sir Edward Deering got by coming in to them? nothing ſurely, but was made (as they have made me) a religious beggar. We might well think, that thoſe that break their oath with their King, will ſcarce keep faith with us, they having learned the Jeſuits Maxim, Fides non eſt tenen­dacum Haereticis & Malignantibus. Not long after this I was againe apprehended by one Cox and Hunt, two wiſeakers, upon a pretended and forged ſuſpition of bringing a Saw to the Iriſh Lords, and was had without any Warrant to Guild-hall, from thence without any examination or Mittimus brought to the New-Priſon in Maiden-lane, and from thence to the Tower, before the pretended Lievtenant Iſaac Pennington, of whom I demanded my accuſers, but they were not to be found. After they had detained me ſome ſeven or eight daies cloſe priſoner, not letting me all that while lie in a bed, they ſend one Plucknut, a ſhark, to ſay, I was not the man that he ſaw go into the Tower with the Saw, he was a tall black man, and had a black beard: upon theſe words I was diſcharged. Now I appeale to all the world, whether this be according to the Lawes of God, or the Lawes of the Land, which they have ſo zealouſly covenanted to maintaine. It is ſaid, Acts 25.17. It ſeems unreaſonable to ſend a priſoner, and not examine the crimes againſt him; and our Saviour diſmiſt the woman becauſe her accuſers did not appeare, Joh. 8.10, 11. Beſides, 'tis againſt the Lawes of the Land, as appeares by Magna Charta, 9. Hen. 3.29. in theſe words, That Iuſtice ſhall be delay'd, defer'd, or deni'd to no man. But why do I ſpeake of Law or Goſpell, to theſe who regard neither? Who have not the feare of God before their eyes. Rom. 3, 18. Who feare not to reſiſt, diſobay their King. God commanded his people to ſubmit to the yoake of Nebuchadnezzar, a heathen, and an Idolatrous6 King, and threatened divers puniſhments to thoſe who did reſiſt, diſobay, and not ſubmit to him, as is moſt cleare in the 27 of Jer. 8, 11. and called him and King Cyrus his Annoynted, though Heathens. If then God would have his people to ſubmit and obay Nebuchadnezzer, a Heathen and an Idolatrous King, certainly then much more would he have us to ſubmit, not re­ſiſt, and obey our Proteſtant and Chriſtian King, who is not addicted to any of thoſe perſonall vices which many of his predeceſſors have beene. Laſtly and to conclude, I doe declare and pro­teſt for my Vindication, that notwithſtanding the many ſlanderous untruths, that I am a Prote­ſtant, but not of the Amſterdam, Geneva, or New-Eengland Cut: I am for Monarchy regula­ted according to Law, The Doctrine and Diſcipline of the Church eſtabliſhed by Law, and hope to ſee the King, like Solomon upon his throne, and with his countenance to ſcatter theſe curſing Shemei's, theſe railing Rabſhake's and round breeches, like duſt before the winde.

Finally if the King prevaile, all his loyall Subjects will be happie: but if the worſt ſhould come, and God ſhould puniſh us for our ſins by letting Rebells prevaile; yet, Malo vinci cum Caeſare, quam vincere et regnare cum Pompeio. I had rather fall, be overcome, ruined, and undone with my King, the Nobility, and loyal Gentry, fighting for the true Proteſtant Religion, the Lawes of the Lands and the Priviledges of Parliament; Then to conquer, overcome, rule, and raigne, with Eſſex; fighting for Schiſmatiks, Hereticks, Sacriledge, Rebellion, and Treaſon.