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A LETTER FROM SR. LEVVIS DYVE to the Lord Marquis of New-Caſtle gi­veing his Lordship an account of the whole Conduct of the KINGS affaires in Irland, ſince the time of the Lord Marquis of Ormond, His Excellencies ar­rivall there out of France in Septem. 1648. Until Sr. Lewis his departure out of that Kingdome, In June 1650.

Together with the annexed Coppies of ſundry Letters mentioned by SR. LEWIS DYVE as relating to the Buſineſſe He treats of From the Hague 10. / 20. July 1650.

HAGVE, Printed by SAMUELL BROUN, English Bookeſeller. 1650.

3
MY LORD,

NOt long after my arrivall at the Hague, intimation was given me by a noble freind (upon ſome caſuall diſcourſe with him of the affaires of Ireland) that your Lordship had a great deſire to be ſatisfied as well in ſome particulars touching the conduct of that buſineſſe ſince my Ld. Leiut. laſt went thither, as in what condition the Kingdom ſtood at the time when I came from thence; Wher­upon not knowing whether the neceſſitie of my occaſions, (or indeed the uſuall thwartneſſe of my fortune in what I moſt covet) would allow me ſo great a hapineſs as perſonally to waite upon you before I left this country, I held it my duty in that caſe to leave ſome teſtimony behind me of my obedience, and readineſſe to ſerve you, wherin rather then faile, I have adventured to ingage my ſelfe in this relation, though cons­cious of mine owne diſability to performe it in ſuch ſort as the ſubject requires, the unpollished rudeneſſe of ſo plaine and courſe a ſtile, affording no luſtre of ornament, or beauty that may render it worthy to be preſented to a perſon of your eminency; which may the eaſier in my behalfe admit of ex­cuſe, whoſe profeſſion, and practice hath all wayes bin ac­cuſtomed rather to uſe a ſword then a pen: the only plea I have therfore to offer to your Lordship for this preſumption is the candor, and integrity where with it is written, which I have4 religiouſly obſerved through the whole body of the diſcourſe, endeavouring to vindicate truth, which I find highly ſuffering by the world, either through the malice, and malignity of theſe unhappy times, or for want of cleare, and impartiall in­formation: which I am confident your Lordship, and all who rightly know me, will expect from my hands, and which ſince­rely I promiſe to afford, without ſuffering the Biaſſe of any paſ­ſion, or privat reſpect, or intereſt whatſoever to ſway me in the leaſt circumſtance contrary to truth; unleſſe by miſapre­henſion, and want of judgment, or by the miſrepreſentation of the ableſt, and beſt knowing perſons, I may unhappily have bin miſled. But, that I may the better do it, it will be neceſſary a little to look back, and take a short view of the deſperate time, wherein his Excy. the Marqueſſe of Ormond, under tooke this worke; and to reflect upon the ſad face that was then upon His MAjESTIES affaires in all his three Kingdomes.

In England as your Lordship may well remember, the King was not only made a cloſe priſoner, his Crowne, his life, and the ſucceſſion of his poſterity declared againſt, but alſo all thoſe parties that ſtood for him there, or had declared in his behalfe, and taken armes for his reſcue, were wholy diſperſed, and ſubdued: yea and all other men, whoſe parts, honeſty, or pu­blique intereſt made them worthy of a ſuſpition, either im­priſoned, banisht, or utterly diſarmed.

In Scotland the army raiſed for the freedome, and reſtaura­tion of the King, having bin unfortunatly loſt (under the leading of Duke Hamilton in Lankashire,) all that acted by the Kings com­miſſion were not only compelld to lay downe armes, but after being declared incapable to ſit any more in Parliament, or to have any share in Government, ſom of them proſcribed, and5 expelled the land: whilſt Cromwell for having countenanced them in theſe proceedings, was ſaluted at Edenburgh, Preſervator of the nation; thus you ſee there are two Kingdoms, wherin is neither Garriſon, nor army left at the Kings devotion; nor any perſon ſcarce at liberty, that durſt owne either him or his quarrell.

Ireland only remaines to be conſidered, and that God knowes a wofull ſpectacle, cantonized into ſeverall ſundry factions, drawing all divers waies, and driueing on ſeverall intereſts; there was Iones, Monke, and Coote playing an Independant game as eagerly as might be; there were the Scots Patronizinge the Covenant, and Presbitery; there was O Neale, and the Nuntiated party of the Cleargy, that with might, and maine (under the colour of Religion,) were promoteing a forraigne intereſt, in caſe they could not make a Prince at home; there was the counſell of the confederats, together with all the auntient English, and ſome of the Irish their adherents (who being more moderat, and averſe to ſuch deſperat courſes, awakened alſo with the miſe­ries that oppreſt them already, & the ruin that menaced them out of England) made fresh applications into France, unto the Queene, and the Prince his highneſſe, that my Lord Leiut. and the Kings Authority might againe be ſent amongſt them; wherupon theſe two factions grew to ſo great a fewde, that the latter were all excomunicated by the firſt; and the firſt proclaimed Traytors by the latter.

Beſides all theſe, there was Inchiquin, who having recol­lected himſelfe at laſt, & diſlikeing the revolutions in England, had prevailed with his party, to declare for the King. Wher­upon he made a ceſſation with the counſell of the confederats, in ex­pectation of my Lord Leiuts, coming over; which ceſſation being6 violently oppoſed, both by the ſpirituall, and temporall ſword of the Nuntio, and O Neale, induced finally my Lord Marqueſs of Clanricard, (who from the time of my Lord Leiunts. going to ſea from Dublin, had retired himſelfe, and his family to a place convenient to ship away: aſſoone as he should deſpaire of being able to ſerve the King by his further ſtay) to take armes, and drawe together his army to countenance the ceſſation, and to make way for my Lord Marqueſs of Ormond with the Kings Au­thority; to which he did highly contribute, by awing, and curbing the towne of Galloway, at that time the ſeat of the Nuntio, and the principall receptacle of the moſt factious people in the Kingdome; as alſo by his ſuccesfull reduceing of Fort­faukland, Athlone, Iames towne, and the greateſt part of the Pro­vince into his power; But to the end that you may ſee with what ſteadineſſe that Honorable Perſon in the depth of all theſe revolutions hath ſtill adhered unto the ſervice of the King and the Intereſts, of the Crown even againſt thoſe that couloured al their deſignes and practiſes over, with the artificialleſt and moſt deludeing pretences of Religion (ſince it is an example fit to be recommended to poſterity and truly worthy your lordships knowledge) you may pleaſe to read the particular conduct of this his undertakeing in the Coppy of a Letter (I ſend you herewithall) writ from the Marquis himſelfe to Mr. Wal­ſingham then in France.

In this poſture was Ireland when my Lord Leiut. came againe upon the ſtage; with his hands in effect empty of armes, and his purſe of money, without the countenance, or aſſiſtance of any foraigne ſtate, wherby to unite this diſtracted people, and re­cover unto His MAjESTIE this devided Kingdome; before Cromwell were at leaſure, to make an expedition thither, which7 as yet either the murder of the King not yet perpetrated, or the unſettlement of that mishapen cub of his new common wealth detained him from.

Yet notwithſtanding all theſe diſadvantages of having neither armes wherwith to awe, or money wherwith to buy men into their duty, or any party ready to imbrace him (my Lord of Clanricard only excepted) but upon the racke of ſcrewed con­ditions; yet at length by Gods bleſſing and his owne prudent management of affaires, ioyned with the great intereſt he had in that people, he ordered matters ſo, as in few months to ſowlder moſt of theſe factions together; and make a peace, wher­unto all but O Neale, and the Independant party did willingly ſubmit. O Neale complained that the conditions were neither ſafe, nor large enough, as to the concernments of Religion, and the Province of Vlſter: and the Independant party exclaimed that the Proteſtant Religion, and the English intereſt forſooth were both betrayed by it: ſo opoſite were, then, theſe two par­ties in their publique quarrells, about the peace, who you shall ſee not long after shake hands behind the curtaine againſt the Kings Authority, which indeed is the blocke they both ſtumble at; for as to the pretence of Religion in the firſt, it is manifeſt how vaine it was, for you shall find that party embrace the peace herafter upon the very ſame conditions; And as to their Provinciall concernments, they were even then well enough ſatisfied that my Lord Leiut. could in no ſort be blamed, he being put upon the choiſe whether he would accept of the reſt of the confederats, and the English party in Monſter upon the termes in the printed articles, without any further conceſſions unto Owen O Neale, and the Vlſter army: or elſe in yeelding to their demaunds, looſe both the other two; which may ſuf­fice8 to juſtify my Lord Leiut. in that peace againſt their com­plaints. The invectives of Coll. Jones, & his party were urged with far greater arte, and fallacies, which being induſtriouſly published in print, were received, I feare, with too much ap­plauſe by many of the people of England, that either were un­willing, or unable to judge a right; and being fortified by a na­tionall animoſitie, had too great an influence, even in Ireland it ſelfe, upon the English army under the comand of my Lord Inchiquin; wherin ſundry of the principall Officers were ſo averſe to a conjunction with the Irish, that dureing the time of the treaty they conſpired to have ſurprized both my Lord Leiut. and the Lord Preſident, & to have delivered them up to the Parliament: which in all probabillity had then taken effect, had it not bien acci­dentally prevented by their unexpected departure from Caricke, upon a petition, or repreſentation from the counſell of the con­federat Catholiques to His Excy. that he would remove thence to his owne houſe at Kilkeny; as a place more fit for the conclu­ſion of the treaty: Now whether thoſe ſons of Zerviah were ſo ſtrong, and powerfull in the army that they could not be called to an account, or whether it was conceived more conducible for the advancement of His MAjESTIES affaires to reduce them with time, and gentleneſſe to a right underſtanding, then to looſe ſo many perſons of abillity, and authority, I know not, only I feare their impunity was either the ſole, or concurrent cauſe of the generall revolt, and apoſtacy of thoſe garriſons ſince. But for a full, and ſatisfactory anſwer to all objections, that can be made by either of the parties upon that ſubject, I have taken the bouldneſſe to ſend your Lordship together with this, the copy of a letter (I found lying by me) that was writ by Mr. Walſingham, in returne to the laſt of Jones his printed papers,9 (after it was thought fit by my Lord Leiut. to reply no more as from himſelfe) which ſpeaks ſo much truth, and reaſon, that though it came to Jones his hands, he was well content to give over his paper war; in that letter your Lordship may find the peace ſo firmely aſſerted, and both the juſtice, and neceſſity of what was don ſo well demonſtrated, as wauing all arguments of mine owne in that behalfe I refer you Lordship thither for an en­tire ſatisfaction.

Only I shall take leave to tell your Lordship this, that his Excy. in aſſociating the Irish and my Lord of Inchiquin together, and in making up of this peace, hath what in conditions to the one, and to the other, ſo bound up himſelfe, as he may well be ſaid to be Lord Leiut. but upon curteſy, untill the time of Parliament; having granted unto my Lord Inchiquin the ſole co­mand, and ordering of thoſe forces, and garriſons he brought with him to the Kings obedience; and having oblidged him­ſelfe unto the confederats to authorize only thoſe Officers, and to march in the head of that army which their Commiſsioners should preſent unto him. By this your Lordship may perceive the neceſſity unto which His Excy. was brought, but it could not be avoided, either theſe thinges muſt be aſſented unto by him, or the peace muſt not be made.

And in this ſort my Lord Liunts. hands were manacled in ef­fect as to the militia, he having no more to do, but only to go in, & out before an army of ſeverall factions, & religions much averſe to one another: the Officers wherof though never ſo much diſliked by him he could not but admit of; if either the one party, or the other inſiſted upon their conditions; it cannot therfore ſeeme ſtrange, (when rightly conſidered,) that Inchiquins, and the Irish forces were never incorporated together,10 nor indifferently intermingled in all the garriſons; neither why the army was either ſo ill diſciplined, and officerd, (as in truth it was,) ſince what hath bin ſaid is a full anſwer, as I conceive, to that objection.

The difficulties His Excy. alſo had, to make theſe ſeverall Factions underſtand either him, or one another, were very great; witnes the printed Declaration the Mounſter forces ex­torted from him before the concluſion of the peace, and thoſe many diffidences, and demurs the Irish made therupon; both which parties he muſt of neceſſity humor, and comply with, or elſe mutinies, and defections could not be avoided. The caſe being ſuch, your Lordship (who have commanded great ar­mies, and had experience in ſome meaſure of theſe inconve­niences) very well knowes, that the skill muſt needs be great in a Generall ſo to devide himſelfe amongſt them, as to keep them in obedience, and contented. My Lord Lieut. by the gentleneſſe, and affabilitie of his diſpoſition, and his great pru­dence in foreſeeing, & preuenting evils, wreſtled a long time ſuccesfully, with all theſe inconveniences, tuneing all theſe diſcords into harmony; and at length aſſoone as money could be got to move withall, or the ground affoorded graſſe for their horſe, a part of the army is drawn together under the com­mand of the Earle of Caſtle-haven (generall of the horſe) whoſe prevaileing againſt ſeverall of O Neales, & Jones his garriſons joyned to the voluntary coming in of many of their ſouldiers, and ſurrender of their holds, gave very much credit, and repu­tation to the Kings army.

All the time that this is in doing my Lord Leiut. was buſied in treating with, and courting Jones, & Owen O Neale unto the Kings obedience; the firſt of which (being as is beleived)11 corrupted by Cromwells bribes, & large promiſes, poſitively de­clines my Lord Leiuts. favour, as apeares by their printed let­ters: the latter having at laſt waued all things concerning re­ligion, more then what was granted in the peace, inſiſts finally upon the comand of 6000. foot, and 800. horſe, together with thoſe other conditions that ſince were granted him; the Commiſ­ſioners will permit my Lord Leiut. to allow him no more but 4000. foot & 600. horſe, which number they obſtinatly refuſed to ex­ceed; denying him alſo ſeveral other of his leſſer demaunds, wherupon O Neale ſeeing them willing either to leave him quite out, or to have him come in upon ſuch termes as he judged inconſiderable, (they peradventure thinking themſelves able to do the worke without him) makes preſent application unto Monk, and Jones, either to be revenged, upon the Commiſsioners, my Lord of Inchiquin, the Scots, and all the reſt, that he con­ceived to oppoſe him, or elſe, as he afterwards ſaid, to make himſelfe more conſiderable, and therby facilitate his condi­tions with them.

Whatſoever his motive was, at laſt Monke makes an agreement with him, in the name of the Parliament;) though they very tamely upon Cromwells motion did afterwards thinke fit to diſclaime him) upon which ſcore, howſoever, he aſſiſted them all he could, undertaking the releife of Derry, which he after­wards effected; and notwithſtanding that his Excy. dureing all this time was very ſencible of the great conſequence of Owen O Neales comming in, or ſtanding out, in order to the ſervice, or diſſervice of the King, and that he looked upon the diſpute of denying him the comand of 6000. men, when they were content to entruſt him with 4000. as a ſtrange kind of overſight in the Commiſsioners, & the reſt concurring with them, the rather,12 becauſe he knew that by his ſtanding out, that accurſed quarrell betweene the Kings, and the Nuntios party, (not unlike that of the Guelphs, and Gibbelines in Italy) was kept on foot, the re­fractory Cleargy were countenanced, & upheld in credit with the people, and the great Cityes were animated to refuſe guar­riſons, to deny the payment of impoſitions, and to diſreſpect both the Lord Leiut, and the Commiſsioners: yet was it not in his power to helpe it by any meanes; unleſſe he would have broken conditions with them, which no conſideration of any advantage, how great ſoever, could induce him to do, ſo tender hath he bin ever of his faith and engagements given: The buſines being grown paſt remedy, he gives the treaty over, and the ſeaſon inviteing him to take the field, his army being drawen together, he bends his thoughts wholy now upon the reduction of Dublin, yet meetes with a very unexpected rub in the beginning of his march, for the English forces of Mounſter would not move, neither would the Vlſter Scots unanimouſly ſub­mit before my Lord Inchiquin be declared Leiut. Generall of the ar­my: which comand had bin imediatly upon the peace conferd on my Lord Marqueſſe of Clanricard (now upon his march towards Slego) but this demur was alſo overcom by his Lordships being content, to part with that comand, rather then the Kings ſervice should ſuffer through any concernment of his: ſoon after my Lord of Caſtle-haven, upon my Lord of Inchiquins horſe refuſeing to obey his orders, quits the feild in diſtaſte, and re­tires to Kilkeny; which his Excy. ſeemed willing for avoiding greater inconveniences to ſuffer, giving the Earle of Caſtle­haven the charge of ſeing the contributions brought in, and the Comand of the country in his abſence.

Theſe difficulties overcome, His Excy. makes directly for13 Dublin, all the garriſons in his way (but Balliſonan) by force, or faire meanes ſurrendring to him, yet is he ſet forth ſo ſlenderly provided with money, that neare Kildare the army is ready to mutiny, & fall to peeces for want of a very ſmall ſumm, had not a worthy perſon (that was there but accidentally) ſupplied them in that extremity; this ſtraight alſo being overpaſt, & my Lord of Inchiquins forces being come wholy up, they hold on for Dublin, and compell Jones that was drawne out as far as the Naas with what ſtrength he could make to interupt them, to re­tire into the towne; whither being come at laſt, and finding it competently well fortified, and plentifullie man'd both with horſe, and foot, in ſo much that it was judged no waies fit to hazard the army upon a deſperat aſſault, and being not as yet a number able to inveſt the place, eſpecially whilſt O Neale, and Monke, together with the garriſons of Drogheda, and Trim lay ſo convenient to attempt upon them; it was reſolved that my Lord Leiut. should with the greateſt part of his army encampe at Finglaſſe, from thence to awe, & diſtreſſe the towne, and be ready to countenance any ſtirs, or revolts within, whilſt my Lord of Inchiquin with a great body of horſe, and above 2000 foot endevours to take in Trim, and Drogheda; al this time His Excy. found great wants to encounter with, his proviſions, and contributions coming in ſo ſlowly, and diſproportionably to the neceſſities of his army; and many factions to compoſe, and temper, the Mounſter, and the reſt of the English forces mur­muring againſt the liberty the Irish had there in the exerciſe of their religion, & the Irish againe repining to ſee themſelves mur­mured at; but more eſpecially to ſee the English Mounſter forces (though they were fewer in number, and had contributions of their owne) to ſwallow up both their pay, and proviſions alſo;14 which though the reſt of the army did petition againſt, His Excy. could in no waies remedy, being conſtrained to humor, and comply with that party, as being a people ſo ticklish, and un­ſteady, that, if diſguſted, might probably either ſide with Jones, or retireing to their own garriſons, compell the army to with draw, from Dublin by declaring themſelves for the Parlia­ment.

Sr. Tho. Armſtronge, and my Lord Moore being come in to my Lord Inchiquin; Coll. Mark Treuors (that was but newly de­clared for the King) having got notice of a choice party of O Neales, ſent to Dundalke to convay thence ſuch armes, and amu­nition as Monk had undertaken to ſuply him withall, invites my Lord Inchiquin to intercept them, who came ſo oportunely thither, that he gained O Neals ſuplie of amunition, with the utter defeat of his party; wherupon ſoon after the gaining of Drogedah, which enſued imediatly upon O Neales defeat; Dun­dalke it ſelfe being ſummoned, the ſouldiers compelled Monk to a ſurrender, and themſelves took armes for the King.

Imediatly after this defeat of his party, O Neale haſtneth towards the releife of Derry which was the only towne in that Province untaken, all the reſt being already reduced by the Lord of Ards, Sr. George Monro, and Coll. Treuors, who were now hindered only by O Neales army, and the Siedg of Derry, from bringing up a conſiderable body of horſe, and foot to the leaguer of Dublin. Where may be obſerved how great a preju­dice the faction of thoſe men (who deſireing out of animoſities, & ends of their owne, to ſtaue of O Neal & his party from the benefit of the peace; ſtood chaffering with him about his com­mande of 4000, or 6000. men, and other trifles) have don to the Kinges ſervice, and to the whole Kingdomes in deprivinge15 themſelves therby, not only of the forementioned aſſiſtan­ce of the Scots, but alſo of the poſſeſſion of London Derry, together with ſo conſiderable an addition of forces as O Neale could then have brought; wherby not only the whole Province of Vlſter would have bin ſecured to the King; but Dublin it ſelfe either reduced, or ſo ſtrongly furrounded, that it would have bin impoſſible either for Jones to releive himſelfe, or Cromwell to invade the Kingdom: which, notwithſtanding all theſe fore mentioned diſadvantages, was, upon the matter, even gained already, and would have bin entirely, without any manner of queſtion, if it had fortuned that His MAjESTIE had feaſonably come thither himſelfe in perſon, which by all parties was deſired with infinit paſſion, but eſpecially by thoſe whoſe prudence made them beſt able to judge how effectuall his preſence would be, not only for the animating of his own loiall party, but alſo ſuppreſſing of all factious humors, and uniteing all intereſts chearfully, & unanimouſly to go on againſt the common enemy: which muſt ſoon have put a period to that warr, and made his authority abſolut in that Kingdom, without diſpute; for as upon his arrivall His MAjESTIE should have found Mounſter enti­rely in the Irish, and my Lord of Inchiquins poſſeſſion, Vlſter all reduced, but the fort of Culmore, and Derry into the hands of the Scots; Conaght by the Marqueſs of Clanrieards fortunate gaining the ſtrong fort of Slego (with what elſe the enemy had then remaining in that Province) wholy cleared: in Leinſter nothing left for rebellion to neſtle in, but Dublin & Balliſonnan; both which were ſo well attended upon, that the defendants had but little pleaſure to ayre themſelves without the circuit of their workes; ſo by his coming he would undoubtedly have diverted Owen O Neale (who would imediatly have ſubmitted unto the perſon16 of the King from releiving London Derry, and therby have ſe­cured both that town, and Province, with Dublin alſo as it is thought) for they that had reaſon to know Jones his mind apprehended that his leaving the Kings party did proceede from a Pique either againſt my Lord Leiut. or Sr. Robert Byron about a Leiut. Colls. place, which was conferd over his head upon an other; and that then the ſcene being altered in England, & his old freinds out of authority there, his new termes with the Independents alſo yet unmade, he had himſelfe come over, if the King had bin there in perſon; or if not, yet his party would have all deſerted him; and the worke had bin don one way, or other; that Kingdom wholy reduced without ablow; all factions, as I ſaid before extinguisht; and His MAjESTIE had an army of above 20000. men to have emploied where he pleaſed.

However, thitherto you ſee my Lord Leiut. (having ce­mented together ſo many differing parties, & maſtered almoſt incredible difficulties) hath with prudence, and ſucceſſe con­ducted the buſines, and is hindered only by the wilfulnes, and faction of ſome of his owne party from compleating the worke. After the taking in of Trim (which followed ſoon upon the ſurrender of Dundalke,) my Lord of Inchiquin brings up his forces, now much improved in number, to the army before Dublin wherupon His Excy. leaving a part of his army at Caſtle­knock under the Command of my Lord Dillon of Coſtelo (a per­ſon of much gallantry) to keepe them in on that ſide the water, removes his Campe to the other ſide the towne, to diſtreſſe the enemy that way alſo, which, whilſt they are endevouring to do, (upon intelligence that Cromwell was ready with an army to em­barke himſelfe for Ireland, and that he intended to land in Mounſter) my Lord of Inchiquin thought it fit that he should17 with a good party of horſe go down into thoſe parts to ſecure his garriſons and provide for the worſt.

His Lordship was no ſooner gone, but my Lord Leiut. deſigning to shut up the enemy within his workes, and quite impede as well their getting in of hay, as the graſeing of their cattle with­out their line; gave order to Patrick Purcell, Major Generall of the foot, to march with a ſufficient party of men, and an Engineer to Baggot-Rath there to poſſeſſe himſelfe of that place immediatly, & caſt up ſuch a worke as had been already de­ſigned: Sr. William Vaughan Commiſſary Generall of the horſe, had order likewiſe to draw together moſt part of the troopes that were on that ſide the water and to keepe them in a body upon a large plowed field looking towards the Caſtle of Dublin, there to countenance the foot whilſt the workes were finishing, and to ſecure them in caſe the enemy out of the towne should attempt to interrupt them. Theſe (my Lord) were the orders given, but not executed, for notwithſtanding it did not much exceed a mile, whither the foot were to go, yet through the ignorance, or negligence of the Officers, that were to conduct them many houres were ſpent, ere they came at the place: Whither when they were come they found the worke ſo wretchleſly advanced by Mr. Welsh the Engineer, (and to helpe all) themſelves kept ſuch negligent guards, that many judged it was done on purpoſe; & that theſe neglects proceeded from thoſe lurking ſeedes of diſcord betwene the Kings and the Nuntios parties: for it is certaine that about that time upon an apprehenſion that thinges went on too proſperouſly with my Lord Leiut. there were Letters written to Owen O Neale, about broaching a new warr, in caſe Dublin had bin taken; what ever the grounds of theſe faileings were, the enemy never ſtood to18 examin, but being much troubled to ſee a fort deſigning there, (where, with ſo much eaſe they might not only be kept, from all forrage, and ſuccour by land, but entercourſe with the ſea alſo:) and perceiving the poſture they were in, deſtitute of horſe, to guard them, reſolues upon a deſperat ſally to diſturb this worke, which they hapned to make about eight of the clock in the morning, when His Excy. who had bin on horſeback moſt part of the night (as his conſtant cuſtome was ſince his coming neare Dublin) was newly laide him down in his tent to take his reſt.

The enemy found the new fortification ſo ſlight, and the re­ſiſtance there ſo weake, that they ſoon became maſters of the place, from whence ſeeing the Irish flie in ſuch fright & diſorder, (contrary to their firſt intentions,) they purſued them up to the avenewes of their Campe, where finding the ſouldiers alſo that were in gard with great ſecuritie, and unconcernment looking on, they laid hold on the advantage, charging briskly in, and in a trice beat them of their poſts, which if they had de­fended (as a far leſs number then they were, might very eaſily have don) the Campe being no way acceſſible towards the towne, (excepting by thoſe few avenewes which there purpo­ſely had been left open, nay ſome of them thrown open con­trary to orders for the conveniency of the ſoldiers) could poſſibly have run no hazard.

But theſe paſſes being thus loſt, & abandoned, & more men coming out of the towne to reinforce thoſe that were alredy ſo ſuccesfull, the whole army in the greateſt terror, and confu­ſion that might be, falls a running every one a ſeverall way, & in this condition were all things brought before my Lord Taaffe then Generall of the Ordinance had awaked my Lord Leiut., who19 preſently takeing horſe together with my Lord of Caſtle-haven (who was now returned backe to his command) & Coll. Milo Power; made towards the enemy taking all ſuch a long with them as they could either by force, or faire meanes perſwade to face about, with intention to beat them backe, or at leaſt, by making head a while, to ſtop their progreſſe till ſom conſide­rable part of the army could be rallied, and brought up againe, to oppoſe them: but by that time they came neare the enemy, their followers were grown ſo thin, that His Excy. (after the having expoſed himſelfe to much danger, and received a shot upon his armes in a brusk charge that he made upon the fore­moſt of the enemies troopes,) was faine to retire at laſt, and ſeeke to recover his army that was gone before; Sr. William Vaughan being already killed, his brother Coll. Richard Butler ta­ken, and the whole campe in effect abandoned except by thoſe that could not get them ready, or wanted meanes of flyinge.

Thus beſides the ſlaughter that was made, and the priſoners that were taken, one of which was the lot of moſt of the English that were under the command of Coll. Woogan (whoſe behaviour that day deſerves much commendation) who having gotten together into a ſmall body defended themſelves ſo gallantly and with ſo much reſolution againſt the whole power of the enemy, as at laſt, after a great ſlaughter, the reſt made conditions for themfelves before they could be inforced to yeeld, or lay downe armes:) the totall plunder of the campe, with all the artillery, tents, and baggage fell into the enemies hands, moſt of my Lord of Inchiquins foot, that at firſt made ſome reſiſtance, ſeing the day loſt, upon this diſaſter changed ſides, and revolted to the enemy. All this was don in ſo short a ſpace, and with ſo little noiſe, that my Lord Dillon,20 and the reſt of the forces that were on the other ſide the river of the Liffy, knew nothing of what was don till the buſineſſe was over, and ſome ſcattering runawaies brought him word of it; the Irish that got of, made ſuch haſt every one towards his home, and with ſuch diſtraction, that it was impoſſible for my Lord Leiut. to draw any body of them together; and therfore (having met with the newes of the ſurrender of Balliſannon that very day into the hands of his forces that lay before it) he reſted at Caterlo that night, and went the next day to confer with the Commiſsioners of truſt, and my Lord Inchiquin at Kilkeny.

When this great diſaſter is well conſidered, ſcarce any other ſound reaſon can be given for ſo ſad a misfortune, but the good pleaſure of Almightie God. who (if it be lawfull to look ſo far into the judgments of heaven,) knowing the ill intentions and deſignes that were in the harts of many both of the Irish and English there, in caſe Dublin had bin taken, ſaw them un­worthy of that bleſſing, and tooke that time, for their punish­ment, and humiliation; not only in this but a torrent of other croſſes following in the necke one of another; for beſides this miſchance before Dublin, to the ruin of ſo great an army, about the ſame time O Neale releives Coot in London Derry, to the immediat loſſe of that Province, & the future ſcourge of his owne followers; not long before likewiſe the plague was brought by a ship out of Spaine into Gallway, and beſides the havock it made in that towne, ſo diſperſt it ſelfe over all the Province of Conaught, that my Lord Marqueſs of Clanricard; being deprived thorough the Calamities that were upon that towne, & coun­try both of money, and meanes, to march withall, could not for many months draw his army together, either to act any thing alone, or joine with any other, for feare leaſt by that meanes the plague, that made ſuch ſpoile while they were aſun­der, should mow them down when they were all together.

21

This Route at Dublin, the releife of Derry, and the plague might be thought competent afflictions to be caſt upon a people ſo impoverished, & a Kingdom ſo waſted before; yet this ſufficeth not, there are heavier loſſes yet to follow, and a worſe peſtilence to land shortly at Dublin, that will ſweep away their men, and townes together; but here your Lordship may juſtly interrupt me, and ſay, that though it muſt be confeſſed, that whatſoever befalls us in this vale of miſery is to be attri­buted to the hand of heaven, or the permiſſion at leaſt of the devine providence, (into the reaſons of whoſe ſecret, and hidden counſells, our weake capacities are unable to ſearch) yet nevertheleſſe thoſe viſible cauſes, wherby we draw mis­fortunes upon our ſelves, by ſuch, who through neglect of their duty, & diſobedience to their ſuperiours, are apparently the authors therof, ought not to paſſe unpunished, and ther­fore you ſee no reaſon why thoſe were not called to an account that deſerved it both by their cowardice, and ſo shamfull omiſ­ſion of their duty, as could admit of no excuſe.

But when your Lordship shall be pleaſed to reflect upon what I ſaid before, that my Ld. Leiut. comands this army, & indeed the Kingdom but as it were upon courteſy, all his authority in effect con­ſiſting in the aweing one faction with another, the beſt of which he found to be on ſo uncertaine, & unſetled, termes; that you will I doubt not when you reflect upō it eaſily grant, that my Ld. Leiut. could not in prudence do an act that was likely to give ſo great, & generall a diſtaſte as indeede to have proceded againſt the Ma­jor Generall would have bin to the confederats, amongſt whom he had ſo many alliances, & freinds: & the running away of the reſt was ſo univerſall a fault, that it was hard to diſcover who deſerved pu­nishmēt moſt; & harder to find a Court of warr to cenſure them.

Dureing this short reſidence at Kilkeny, His Ex. cy: have­ing taken order with the Lord Inchiquin to bring up what22 forces he could poſſibly make, and with the Commiſſioners for the recruteing, drawing together, & arming, their diſperſed forces aſſoon as could be, to the end they might be ſent after him, who ſpeeds away himſelfe in the company only of 20 or 30 horſe towards Trim, and Drogheda, as the places both neareſt the enemies attempts, and likelieſt to totter backe, if not ſe­cured in time: at Tecroghan (a houſe of Sr. Luke Fitzgarretts) he makes a ſtay, till thoſe ſeverall bodies that he then expected were com up, and upon notice of their coming removes to Trim; where he meets with newes of Jones his being before Drogheda, who ſoon after, upon intelligence that my Lord Leiut. was at Trim, and ſupoſeing his forces, to be greater then indeed they were, drew of in the night, & returned Ime­diatly to Dublin.

The next day His Excy. went through to Drogheda, where a party of the Scotch horſe, and foot under the Command of the Lord of Ards, and the Lord Clanbrazill. Came up unto him, but, whilſt they are conſulting what to do, they receive aſſurance of Cromwells landing with very conſiderable forces: Wherupon concludeing that towne neceſſary to be kept to entertaine the enemy before whilſt they made up their army, as they hoped to do very conſiderably, & ſoone enough to come to the releife of the place; of which if they should faile, no queſtion was made, but after the gaining of time, which was then pretious, they in the town should be able to make honorable conditions for themſelves; whilſt Cromwell is refreshing his own men in Dublin and reducing Jones's, there is put into Drogheda a garriſon of 2500 foot, and 300 horſe, which was thought ſufficient: & ſo having furnisht it with proviſions, as well as that short time would give them leave, His Excy. commits the charge of that23 place to Sr. Arthur Aſton, as a perſon whoſe experience, courage, & approued fidelity did worthily deſerve the higheſt truſt. Theſe things thus ordered His Excy. returnes to Trim, and from thence he diſpatched away Coll. Daniell O Neale then Governor of that place, (with a Commiſſion to ſet on foot the treaty againe with Owen O Neale, if it were poſſible, & to endea­vour the reduceing of the Vlſter army even upon any condi­tions;) a perſon eſteemed by all, beſt qualified for that im­ployment, as well in regard of his ſingular abillitye, and approued fidelitie to the King as the great intereſt he was ſuppo­ſed to have in his Unckle, who managed the buſines with that dexteritye, as he won his Unckle to harken againe, unto an agreement; wherupon. Sr. Richard Barnewell, and Sr. Nicholas Plunkett are ſent after to make an abſolute concluſion with him, though by the way this may not be unworthy of obſervation, that thoſe perſons who were formerly moſt oppoſit to this agreement, were now become the greateſt ſticklers to pro­mote it with His Excy, being growne ſencible of the immi­nent, and aproaching danger that now threatned them.

Tecroghan is the next ſtage His Excy. removes unto, (where I had the honor firſt to kiſſe his hand after my arrivall in Ireland,) here he makes a ſtand, as being the moſt opportune place to draw his army together in, and lyeing moſt convenient after that was don, to releive Drogheda, or make any other attempt upon the enemy: Where beſids the remains of the Irish army, already ſom what recruited, there joyned unto him a good re­giment of my Lord Marqueſs of Clanricards of above 1000 foot, together vvith 300 horſe; likevviſe that party of the Scots be­fore mentioned; Sr. Thomas Armſtrong, and Coll. Treuors, to­gether vvith vvhat forces my Lord Inchiquin could bring out of24 his precincts; theſe being got together, and daily additions being ſtill expected to the making them up a more conſide­rable body, then they were at Dublin; my Lord Leiut. re­ceaved ſeverall advices from Sr. Arthur Aſton to precipitate nothing: for he doubted not of finding Cromwell play a while, as certainly he had done had not Coll. Walls regiment after the enemy had bin twice bravely repulſed; upon the unfortunat loſſe of their Collonell in the third aſſault bin ſo unhappily dis­maide, as to liſten before they had neede unto the enemy of­fering them quarter; and admitted them in upon theſe termes; therby betraying both themſelves, & all their fellow ſouldiers to the ſlaughter; for Cromwell being maſter of the towne, & told by Jones that he had now in his hands the flower of the Irish ar­my, gave order to have all that were in armes put to the ſword: Where beſides the gallant Governour Sr. Arthur Aſton, Sr. Edmond Varney, Coll. Warren, Coll. Fleminge, and Coll. Birn, Leiut. Coll. Finglaſſe, and Major Tempeſt, together with many other excellent Officers, and Gentlemen, there were butchered neare 3000 ſouldiers, and thoſe truly reputed the beſt that Kingdom affoorded: in whoſe fall, there is ſadly ob­ſervable, how great a number of them were guilty of the un­lucky breach of that ſolemne agreement, made about two yeares before betweene the Lord Marqueſſe of Clanricard and the Leinſter army at Sr. Nicholas Whites Caſtle of Lexleap; ſe­verall of thoſe that ſurvived having perisht ſince; and few, or none of them eſcaped ſome remarkable affliction, or other. This maſſacre at Drogheda having lopt of a principall limbe of my Lord Leiuts. army; and the loſſe of that towne, letting the enemy looſe, cauſed his Excy to remove his army from Caſtle Jordan down towards the Counties of Wexford, and Kilkeny,25 there not only to lye ſecure, till Generall O Neales army came up unto them (with whom now at laſt he having bin rejected by the Parliament, and the Commiſsioners whipt to reaſon with ad­verſity, there was an agreement made, and he ſubmitted to the Kings Authority) but alſo ready to be drawne into either Wex­ford, or Kilkeny, as there should be occaſion, for upon one of thoſe places after the enemies retreat from Drogheda to Dublin, it was concluded they would fall next. For which reaſon His Excy. for many daies courts the towne of Wexford to take in a Gar­riſon, Kilkeny having received one already, but they (affirm­ing they were able to defend their towne themſelves) would never be brought to admit of one till the enemy was at the Walls, and then tumultuarily Sr. Edmond Butler with neare 1500 men was receaved in, as Governour; whome to rein­force, after the enemy was now ſet down before it my Lord Leiunt comes with new ſupplies with in ſight of the towne, & had put them in, to the infallible preſervation of the place, if James Stafford then Governour of the Caſtle had not upon termes of advantage to himſelfe before His Excies eies shamefully be­trayed it, and the town into the hands of a moſt cruell, & faith­leſſe enemy, who butchered there alſo after they were admitted in, above 2000 more.

There was nothing now remainning to be done, the Vlſter army being not yet come up, and ſeverall troopes of my Lord Inchiquins being ſince the ſeidge of Drogheda run away to the enemy) but put a Garriſon into Roſſe which was ſent in under the Command of Luke Taaffe with orders (for the place was judged ſcarce tenable againſt ſo powerfull an enemy) to make conditions when they ſaw themſelves able to reſiſt no longer, as at laſt they did when the breach was made, and the enemy26 ready to give an aſſault, haveing termes to march away with their armes.

About Graigge and Thomas Town His Excellency houered with his horſe, and the ſmall remainder of his foot, untill the come­ing up of the Vlſter army. Vnder the Command of Leiutenant Generall Farrell, (the Generall himſelfe lying then a dying:) This new Conjunction with Owen O Neale, and ſo great an acceſſion of Forces bringes my Lord Leiutenant into a Condition not only of putting a ſtop upon Cromwells haſty progreſſe, but even of gaining ground upon him, as queſtionleſſe he would have done, had not another misfortune greater then any of the former interveened to fruſtrate all; which was this, my Lord of Inchequin having as I ſaid before conditioned to have the order­ing of thoſe Garriſons, and forces that he brought in with him to the Kings obedience left wholy to himſelfe out of deſire (as is beleeved) to keep himſelfe ſtill conſiderable upon a bottome of his owne; would never hearken unto any Propoſition of ad­mitting a proportion of Irish into any of his townes, King­ſale onely excepted into which place at the importunity of Prince Rupert he at laſt admitted ſome: Being confident that the English forces under his command having ſerved under him ſo ſo long upon ſeverall ſcores; all, or the moſt of the Officers where of being either Creatures of his owne, or men obliged, and indeared unto him upon a long account, would never ſe­perate themſelves from his fortune, or abandon his ſervice. But his Lordship it ſeemes tooke wrong meaſures, for the moſt part of them being ſteared wholy by ſelfe intereſt, and knowing the way already, how for advantage to ſerve againſt the King (whoſe buſineſs they ſaw ſo much declining, that no more was likely to be got that way) whilſt Cromwell was full of mony,27 and ſucceſſe; Conſpired together how to poſſeſs themſelves of my Lord of Inchiquins perſon, together with the townes under his Command, that they might make a ſurrender of all at once unto the enemy: Youghall begins the dance, and taking occa­ſion to mutiny againſt the English Cavaliers under Woogans Com­mand that were quartered there, impriſoned, & diſarmd them all, and afterwards ſtood upon their guard.

Whilſt my Lord of Iuchiquin is by all Gentle meanes en­deavouring to reclayme back this towne, ſeverall of his Offi­cers combine to ſeize upon him, (then lying ſecure at Leiute­nant Generall Barries houſe of Caſtle Lyons) but they, and their deſigne being diſcovered to his Lordship by one of their owne complices, were ſo farr prevented as to be ſeized all upon them­ſelves. Wherupon the towne of Youghall ſeing Cromwell yet at too great a diſtance, & the time of his coming into Mounſter uncer­taine, offered to ſubmit upon aſſurance of indemnity, the releaſe of the impriſoned Officers, and removall of the Cavaliers; which his Lordship either wanting the meanes to compell them, or being willing with kindneſſe, and faire meanes to vvin upon them, & keep them in order aſſented unto. After which, having viſited his Garriſons, and beleeving all things ſo ſecure, as not to re­quire either his further ſtay there, or the bringing any propor­tion of the Irish into thoſe other townes, he returnes unto his charge in the army. And novv Cromwell having nevvly received an affront before Duncannon, through the courage & gallantry of Wogan vvirh thoſe English Gentlemen, that vvere put in vvith him upon that occaſion, vvas retired back to Roſſe there under the Protection of the town to make a Floting Bridge over the river to the end that by having a paſſage to the other ſide, he might at his pleaſure either compell His Excy to devide his army, to28 attend upon his motions and ſo give him an opportunity of ſetting upon one part, or other of it; Or, at leaſt, if it kept to­gether, of getting a Paſſage into Mounſter, where he expected, to find a generall Revolt of thoſe Garriſons under my Lord of Inchiquins Commands, as it afterwards happened.

My Lord Taaffe was ſent with a part of the army to hinder the worke; But what through want of powder, (and indeed all ſortes of ammunition) which was now grown exceeding ſcarce, extremity of foule weather, diſtempers amongſt his men, and other ill concurring accidents, he was not able to effect it. My Lord Leiutenant through Cromwells ſuddain retreating in the night, from before Dun Cannon, having loſt the oppor­tunity of fighting him, (as he was then reſolved finding his army cherfully deſire the occaſion) had nothing left him now to do, but vvaite upon the enemies motion, and endeavour to cut of his proviſions, (vvhich the country people allured by the orderlineſſe of his ſouldiers, who had mony to pay for vvhat they tooke, and command it ſeemes to do ſo) brought them in as faſt as could be; vvhilſt His Excellency having no mony to pay his army, nor indeed a competence of bread to give them, vvas conſtrained to let them take their ſuſtenance vvhere they could find it.

During this intermiſſion of action, Corke, Youghall, and all the English townes of Mounſter (even through the incitation of thoſe Officers, that were but lately releaſed) being openly re­volted, and the Lord Broghall with ſome men landed in thoſe parts; Very many of my Lord Inchiquins party, both horſe, and foote deſerted my Lord Leiutenant, and ran daily over to the enemy: In ſo much that both the Commanders, and ſouldiers of the Irish (not without reaſon) grew very jealous of the reſt29 that remained behind, fearing that if ever they came to en­gage againſt the enemy, they would turne upon them, and be­tray them, there wanted not diverſe alſo (though doubtleſs very unjuſtly) that extended their jealouſies unto my Lord of In­chiquin himſelfe grounding their accuſations upon his Lordships not punishing the Conſpirators when he had them in his power, upon ſo faire a warning, and juſt an occaſion, as then was gi­ven him, his not putting Irish into his Garriſons; Upon his wife, his family, plate, and goods being ſent him ſafely out of Corke into the Irish quartars, upon his not conſenting to the dis­mounting, and diſarming, of the reſt of his men, when ſome of the Commiſsioners preſt the doing of it, upon his delivering his advice in Councell (as they heard for his Excellencies coming to conditions with Cromwell, and making this an argument for it, that his men would fight no longer; and laſtly upon an imper­tinent accuſation without head, or taile (appeared when he came to be examined in the buſineſſe) brought againſt him by the Marques of Antrim, for holding correſpondence, and having made conditions under hand with the enemy.

Upon theſe foundations, and ſuch as theſe, did many of the Irish repreſent unto my Lord Leiutenant the neceſſity of diſcharg­ing my Lord Inchiquin of his Command, & ſecuring his perſon; which his Excellency being more tender of the Kings honour, and his owne, then upon bare ſurmiſes, and ſuſpitions to deale in that manner with a perſon that had but lately deſerved ſo well both of the King, and him; would not be brought unto: Choos­ing rather to run any adventure, then to be guilty of breach of conditions with him, which he muſt needs have been, if before a conviction of apparent treachery he should upon the ſcore of my Lord of Inchiquins overſights, or the uncertain jealou­ſies30 of the Irish; have condeſcended unto either of the things propoſed.

This temper and juſtice in my Lord Leiutenant (in not ſuffer­ing himſelfe to be led by the clamors and importunity of the people, and ſoldiers) involues him alſo at laſt under their diſpleaſure, and miſtruſt: ſo that out of want of confidence in their cheife Commanders, and out of diffidence in one another, the army was now falln into a very unfit condition of hazarding a battaile with the enemy, if an occaſion should offer it ſelfe: and to make it worſe the Scots that were there (being tired out with the neceſſities, the whole army ſuffered, and receiving newes of the enemies prevalence in their Country) deſired leave to returne into the North which after great importunity at laſt being granted them, they immediately with drew their forces, and haſted homewards; where they were no ſooner come, and Sr. George Monro joynd unto them, but they re­ceived ſo ſore a blow from Coote with ſo much loſſe, and diſper­ſion of their men that they were never able to make head in Vlſter ſince.

Cromwell now finding the army ſo much weakened, by the deſertion of ſo many of my Lord Inchiquins men, and the depar­ture of the Scots, and likewiſe knowing that it was in ſuch diſor­der through the diſtruſt, & animoſities that were amongſt them, ſo that in reaſon he was like to have much the advantage if they should fight him, adventures over his bridge at Roſſe into the County of Kilkenny; where by facing my Lord Leiutenants army, and mouing after it up, and down, he amuzed the Irish; whilſt Jones, his Leintenant Generall, with parties tooke in the Caſtles of the Country, & had Carrick given into his hands wretchedly by Martin that Commanded there; Upon notice where of31 Cromwell haſtens thither, to paſſe his army over into Mounſter, which was now his buſineſs; for notwithſtanding his purſe to buy proviſions of the Country, and his ships that wherever he went waited continually upon him, his army through the un­ſeaſonableneſſe of the weather, and want of quarters, was ſo much haraſſed, and waſted; many of his men falling ſick, and dying daily, that if he did not haſten to his Winter quarters, he would in probability have perished without a blow, which ne­vertheleſſe, to make ſure worke, my Lord Leiutenant (whoſe army alſo was quite tired out with wants, ſufferings, and con­tinuall marches) hearing that he was gone towards Carrick in­tended to beſtow upon him before neceſſity forced him to dis­perſe his men, and to that end his Excellency marcht ſpeedily af­ter the enemy with deſigne to ſet upon him whilſt he was either engaged before Carrick, or elſe incumbred at ſome other paſſe upon the river; but after all this diligence when my Lord came near the towne he then learnt that the place was loſt before, and that Cromwell leaving a competent Garriſon therin, had only paſt his army over, and was gone towards Waterford, which town during Cromwells Reſidence at Roſſe, though the perſua­ſion (as it is ſaid) of Geoffry Baron, and Hugh Rochford had un­derhand begun a treaty with him, for the delivery of the town unto him; Which treaty only ſtuck upon the free exerciſe of their Religion, and the Churches denyed unto them by Cromwell.

The knowledge of this cauſed my Lord Leiutenant now to haſten thither, with no ſmall danger to his perſon to preſſe them to admit of a Garriſon, which being a long time denyed, & my Lord of Caſtlehaven, with diverſe others, that his Excellency propounded, being utterly rejected by them; yet at laſt they32 were content to admit of Farrell, and the Vlſter men, who ac­cordingly were ſent immediately unto them. After Farrells ad­mittance, he upon notice of the enemies motion that way, fear­ing ſome commotion in the towne, and thinking himſelfe not ſtrong enough to reſiſt the enemy without, and maſter them within writes unto his Excellency for a ſupply of men; And theſe his Excellency (ſeing Cromwell ſo unexpectedly got over into Mounſter through the treachery of the Garriſon of Carrick) in­tends now to conduct himſelfe out of hand into Waterford, be­fore which the enemy was ſuppoſed to bee; Therupon ſome Principall Officers of the army deſired leave that they might in the Interim attempt the regaining of Carrick, againſt whom his Excellency objecting the want of materialls neceſſary for ſuch an enterprize, was aſſured they had enough to ſerve their turne for that worke, yea, and ſome of them poſitively under­tooke the taking of the place that night; Wherfore leaving them to their buſineſſe my Lord bends his Courſe for Water­ford, where he arrived when it was late; upon notice where of Cromwell deſpairing of doing any good upon that town, and finding many of his men fall ſick, and dy of the fluxe, which then raged amongſt them, drawes of in the night, and haſtens towards his Winter quarters at Corke and Youghall, in which march as he gaind Dungarvan, ſo he loſt Jones his Leiutenant Generall.

During my Lord Leiutenants abſence, the army at Carrick aſ­ſaults the place, the foot falling on with extraordinary galan­try, and reſolution, where after the loſſe of many of them, they faild of carrying the place only for want of a few pickaxes, and ſpades which being calld for were no where to be found, which neceſſitated the poore foot, after having done ſo hand­ſomely,33 and ſtood under the walls ſome houres, to quit the bu­ſineſs, and draw of; when extreame want of food (they having eaten nothing almoſt for two daies) enforced them to march away towards Clonmell, all the Country betvixt Carrick, and Kilkenny Being totally ſpoild already.

The remouall of the army hence without ſending notice of it to my Lord Leiutenant had like to have put his Excellency into the enemies hands, for he making full account of the regaining of Carrick upon the former aſſurance that was given him, was upon his way directly thither, (where the enemy had 300 horſe, & he not forty in his Company) when Colonell Milo Power by good fortune found him out, and told him of the ill ſucceſs of the enterprize, and the motion of the army thence, wherupon he altered his Courſe another way. And then con­ſidering that the enemy was now retired into his Garriſons, that the weather was bitter, and unfit for action, the Winter being now come on, or if it were not ſo that he had neither meat, nor mony wherwith to keep his men any longer toge­ther, having ſince the revolt of Mounſter (which deprived him of the greateſt share of his Contributions, and Proviſions) been along time already forced to live upon the ſpoile of the reſt of the Country; he concluded upon diſperſing his army into quarters alſo, which (becauſe the Principall townes refuſed to admit them in) he was fain to ſcatter over all the Kingdom. The greateſt part of the Vlſter forces were ſent into their own Province there to Chooſe a new Generall according as their conditions allowed them. Luke Taaffe, and Morogh, O Flahartye with their men were ſent back into Connaght to my Lord of Clanricard; my Lord of Inchiquin with the remainder of ſuch as belonged unto him, went over into the County of Clare; my34 Lord Dillon with his, into Meath, and towards Athlone, all the reſt were ſcattered ſeverall wayes; Only Major Generall Hugh O Neale was admitted with about 1500 Vlſter men into Clonmell as Governour, and Kilkenny received alſo a Competent Gar­riſon to ſecure them againſt ſo ill neighbours as Roſſe, and Carrick were.

Here your Lordship beholds a ſummary of what paſt in the feild, ſince the army firſt ſet forth untill their going to their Winter quarters; in all which time how ill ſoever the ſucceſſe hath been, nothing can with any colour of reaſon be laid to my Lord Leiutenants charge, except the not punishing thoſe many failings, treacheries, and diſorders that were committed during this Summers expedition: Yet as to the diſobedience, & neglects in the ſeidge of Dublin I gave you reaſons why that was paſt over before; And thoſe that were committed ſince were for the moſt part by men of that condition, & Intereſt, that it was neither ſafe, nor fit (all things conſidered) to call them to an account; as for treacheries, moſt of the authors of them tooke care to ſecure themſelves and in time get out of reach; Only Crosby that betraid Kingſale, after he was deſigned to dy, by my Lord Leiutenant, upon my Lord of Inchiquins coming to towne, was, I know not for what conſiderations, repreived and ſaved; The want of mony to pay the ſoldiers, and the exigences they were for the moſt part in, after the miſchance at Dublin, did ſo much authorize their diſorders in the Country that if they had not been paſt by, and connived at, there had been no meanes of keeping them together. There was no Officer in all that army, that will not likewiſe confeſſe that my Lord of Ormond did too often, and too freely expoſe himſelfe to danger by going upon every litle expedition; and that he did take more35 toile, and paines then became a Generall, by deſcending fre­quently to play the Major Generall, the Quarter-Maſter, the Pro­voſt Marshall, or any thing; which yet the unremediable negli­gence, and inſufficiency of many of his Officers obliged him unto.

Out of all which it is very evident that it was neither want of conduct, courage, or vigilancy in him that brought thoſe ſad ſucceſſes upon the Irish, but (next after the immediate hand of God) thoſe factions, that hee had neither power, nor meanes of maſtering, thoſe treacheries, which no mans Prudence could prevent, and thoſe wants, that his empty purſe and deep en­gaged fortune could not ſupply. For I dare boldy ſay, that had it not been for the averſion of the Commiſſioners, my Lord of Caſtlehaven, my Lord of Inchiquin, & the Scots, to Owen O Neale, he had been reduced in time; Both Derry, and Dublin would have fallen into my Lord Leiuteuants hands, & no landing place have been left for Cromwell unſecured: Nay, I have many reaſons to beleeve, that notwithſtanding the defeat at Dublin, and ſuc­ceſſe upon Drogheda, Cromwell with all his great army, his fleet, and ſtore of mony, had been loſt, and ſunke to nothing, if the Caſtles of Wexford, and Carrick had not been ſo fowly betrayed; Nay, and after that too, if thoſe townes, and forces in Mounſter had not ſo treacherouſly revolted.

But how innocent ſoever his Excellency were, by this time, ſome leaders of the factious part of the Cleargy, and people (thinking now they had got a faire occaſion of lifting him out of the ſaddle, and therby of ſlipping their own necks out of the collar of obedience again,) begin to exclaime aloud againſt my Lord Leiutenant for their ill ſucceſſes; they blame his con­duct of the army, as if he had miſguided it on purpoſe; his36 diſpoſing of their contributions, as if he had defrauded them; his Kindneſſe, & Countenance to the English Gentlemen, was a ſigne he wisht our Nation, better then his owne; and an infe­rence of his not being fit to be truſted longer by them; for to confirme which they coined a thouſand arguments, and ſcat­tered induſtriouſly amongſt the people opinions, that my Lord of Ormond was guilty of the greateſt treacheries, and miſcarriages that had been committed. To make which pro­bable, they called to mind afresh the ſurrender of Dublin to the Parliament, rather then to them, They inſtanced alſo his preſent ſupporting my Lord of Inchiquin, though ſuſpected ſo deeply by every one; Nay, out of his ſtanding ſo hard with them in all paſt treaties upon conceſſions of Religion, and out of his ſteadineſſe in his own Profeſſion, they framed arguments of his unfaithfullneſs to them, and averſion to theirs: So that now you could ſpeake with few amongſt the common ſoul­diers, or the peaſants that would not either ſay, they could not looke to proſper under the Command of a Proteſtant, or elſe tell you, that it was no wonder their armies were beaten, and their townes were loſt, ſince their cheife leaders betraid them.

Thus did the knavery, and malice of a few ſteale away the hearts of the generallity of that undiſcerning ſimple people from my Lord Leiutenant, few of them being able to judge at all of the Prudence and integrity of his conduct; or to conſider that the army that was in the feild the foregoing Summer would have required foure times the Contribution that was raiſed, without leaving any ſurplus either to be hoarded up, or ſent beyond ſeas: From which his Excellency was ſo farr, that on the other ſide, he frequently offered to engage at a very37 low rate all that remained unmorgaged of his Princely eſtate for the ſupport of the army.

Theſe people could not reflect how much right, and honour he did their Nation in his Civillities, & Nobleneſſe to thoſe English Gentlemen, that were in want, and Bannishment only for their faith unto the King, and who, if ever the Royall Intereſt recovered, were many of them like to become ſo capeable of acknowledging thoſe favours with advantages back unto them; wherfore his Excellency, as well out of their common con­cernments, as his own goodneſſe, bewayled nothing more, then that his own private, and the Kingdomes publique neceſ­ſities limitted his bounty; and that the ill nature, and indiſcre­tion that raigned amongſt many of the Irish would not ſuffer them to hide their repininges, at his favour towards theſe Gentlemen.

The ſurrender of Dublin truly had been made unto the people of Ireland by the arts of thoſe, that were at that time in Government amongſt them, a moſt odious thing; though thoſe very perſons knew well enough, it was themſelves and not my Lord Leiutenant, that was in the fault; by twice fowly violating their publique faith with him, firſt in breaking a peace made, and ſolemnly published both at Dublin, and Kilkenny, (the reſpective ſeates of the Kings Leiutenant and the Councell of the Confederates) & in ſeconding that act (after having impri­ſoned the Lord Muskerij, Sr. Robert Talbott, Sr. Lucas Dillon, Mr. Brown, Mr. Belings, and the reſt of their Supream Councell, that had made the peace, and ſtill ſtood honeſtly to what they had done) with bringing their armies before Dublin, where having cauſed the burning, and deſtruction of thoſe quarters, the town it ſelfe muſt have been loſt unto them, if upon over­tures38 of a treaty with the Parliament they had not ſent men and ſupplies to reſcue it. And next in the breach of that ſolemn engagement made between them, and the Marqueſs of Clanricard, as ſoone as (upon beleife of their reſolution to return unto their duty) the treaty was broke of, and the forces of the Parliament ſent home again; Could it be expected, that after two ſuch acts as theſe any wiſe man would truſt, or treat with the Irish any more, whilſt the Government was ſtill in the ſame mens hands; Who after all this wrought the whole Aſ­ſembly to declare they would never have any Proteſtant Governour more, and namely not my Lord Leiutenant; and who were not ashamed at the ſame time, both to anull the Peace, and yet acknowledge that the forementiond Gentlemen that had been makers of it, and ſuffered in juſtification of it, had neither ex­ceeded their inſtructions, nor done any thing misbecoming honeſt men.

Theſe kind of proceedings at Kilkenny joynd to a new expe­dition deſigned againſt Dublin, as ſoon as the ſeaſon of the yeare would ſuffer them to march, were, it muſt needs bee Con­feſſed Provocations ſufficient to have juſtified my Lord Leiu­tenant (if he had received no ſuch inſtructions from the King as he did) finding himſelf unable to keep the place any longer, in the ſurrender of it: (rather then to ſo faithleſſe a people, as thoſe were, that then ſwaied there, and who were driving on a forraign Intereſts with might and main) into the hands of the Parliament (who were at that time in treaty with the King) upon conditions of giving him free acceſſe to His MAjESTY, and of repaying unto him thoſe monies, which hee during the troubles of his Government (the Kings Exchequer failing) had out of his own purſe lent unto the army. Whether His Excel­lency39 did in this caſe like a man of honour, and as became him, let the late Generall O Neale be judge, who (if he be not much wrongd) did affirme unto a confident freind of his, that if he had been intruſted from the English Nation, and with the Intereſts of the Crown of England there, as my Lord Leiutenant was, he would have done juſt ſo, as His Excellency then did.

His ſupporting my Lord Inchiquin then ſinking in the Gene­rall opinion, if it had been duly waighd, should have been an argument of much comfort, and ſatisfaction to this jealous people to ſee his Excellency ſo tender of the Kings honour, and his own word; ſo juſt in his freindships, and ſo exactly carefull to ob­ſerve conditions; Out of his warineſs in all his treaties with them, they might alſo have pleaſed to infer (rather, then what they did) theſe two things; firſt that like a faithfull ſervant, he endeavoured to make as good a bargain as he could for the King his maſter; & ſecondly that without deſignes of cheating them into their duty (like thoſe, that ſome others had) he was reſolud to aſſent unto nothing, but what His MAjESTY, and he might juſtly own, and ſafely make good unto them: Finally his ſteadineſſe in a religion, that from very tender yeares he had been imbued with, and his firmneſſe in his loialty, in having ſtood for many yeares all thoſe batteries, that either with ar­guments or incredible offers of advantage, they had often made to win him to their party; in ſo much, that they might ſee that nothing but the hand of God and the convinceing of his judgement could alter him in the firſt, nor any thing in the world corrupt, or shake him in the latter, might at leaſt have been an aſſurance to them, that he would never become a Proſelite to a Religion far leſſe rationall, and alluring, then theirs was (I mean Independancy) and that having refuſed to become their40 Prince, he would not betray ſo eminent a loyalty, his Country, his freinds, and ſo noble a fortune as his is, only to become a Vaſſall unto Cromwell; from whom he could not poſſibly promiſe to himſelfe (if a ſecurity for the performance, or permanence of it could be given him) any thing of honour, or advantage equall to what he did already enioy, and might hereafter juſtly promiſe to himſelfe from the King.

Thus went thoſe kind of Spiders about making poiſon out of every thing, where with having now either allienated, or in­fected farr the greater part of the Kingdom, by abuſing them at home, they have attempted alſo to do the ſame abroad, and moſt particularly at Court, by their letters, and ſneaking emiſ­ſaries ſuch as Hugh Rochford and Fitzmorris, who, under pre­tence of great devotion to the King, by impudent corner ſug­geſtions, and malicious whiſpers, have laid all the foregoing ac­cuſations to His Excellencyes Charge, & endeavoured ſo to blaſt him there, that his MAjESTY might have been enduced to remove him from the Government, which on my ſoule if he had done, or should do, whilſt theſe diſtractions continue, it were the ready way to ruine all his Intereſts in that Kingdom; for my Lord of Clanricard wauing it, as (eſpecially upon that ſcore, and ſuch a conjuncture) without doubt he would have done, Irland afforded not another perſon, who for all reſpects was able, and fit for that truſt; and no ſtranger could have been ſent, whoſe want of knowledge in that Nation, and want of intereſt amongſt them, should not have laid him open to ſo great diſadvantages, as he should have done nothing elſe but looſe himſelfe, and the Kings buſineſſe. Which is the Reall end, which theſe baſe informers, and their abettors driue at, and the lurch they ly at for the broaching of a new Rebellion;41 the impoſſibility of ſetting which on foot, whilſt ſo wiſe, and experienced a perſon, and one of ſo great an alliance, and in­tereſt in the Kingdom is at the helme: and their utter deſpaire of ever being able to bring my Lord of Ormond to their bent, are the only true reaſons of all their perſecutions of, and aver­ſions to him.

Whom, as I remember, (before this long, yet neceſſary digreſſion) I left at Kilkenny, where having in vain endeavoured to qualify the univerſall diſcontents, and obſerving how faſt (notwithſtanding the admonitory Declaration of all the Bishops from Clonmaenoſſe to the contrary) the people being alienated with the rauaging, and diſorder of their own armies, and al­lured with the ſucceſſes, and ſmooth invitations of Cromwell, ran headlong into him for Protection, and vnder Contribution; as alſo, how great numbers of the Irish ſouldiers, ſome frighted with the plague, which now began to ſpread into the other Pro­vinces of the Kingdom, and others for want of livelyhood, as having neither meat, nor pay, flockt in unto the enemy. He goes into Conaght to confer about carrying on of the publicke buſineſſe, and the remedy of theſe diſorders with the Marquis of Clanricarde at his Caſtle of Portumna about the end of Chriſt­mas; who being a perſon of that eminent merit towards our King, and Nation, & deſerving ſo much honour from all honeſt men; I shall, I beleive, do a thing very pleaſing to your Lordship to give you a breife Character of him.

The Story of his Charity, and Protection to ſuch multitudes of diſtreſst English, and Proteſtants in the time of thoſe Tragicall Maſſacres, and Rapines, that at the beginning of the warr were acted in Irland; & his Civillities, & Nobleneſſe to thoſe of our Na­tion, whoſe honeſty deſerved his favour ever ſince hath ſo many42 Liveing Relators, that I need not medle with it; likewiſe for me to give a particular account with what integrity, and wiſdome he hath preſervd his Loyalty, through all thoſe ſtraits, & troubles that have hedgd him in, free from the guilt of the leaſt com­pliance with either the Parliament, or Confederates, though me­naced, and courted incredibly by all, not only the Nuntio and O Neale, but even by Sultan Cromwell himſelfe (as looking upon his Lordship for the perſon likelieſt now to give him the greateſt oppoſition, and to contribute moſt to the preſervation of what was left) all which aſſaults he hath ſtood out with the greateſt conſtancy, and modeſty in the world, would make me too tedious upon this occaſion.

Wherfore I shall content my ſelfe to tell your Lordship in short, that he hath conducted his own, and that share he hath had of the Kings buſineſſe, with the greateſt prudence, & honeſty the freeſt from faction, or ambition, and with the cleareſt neglect of ſelfe intereſt, & private advantages, that hath ever yet falln under my obſervation; in fine I will aſſure you, he is a ſubject as well worthy of a Princes favour, and as fit for his Counſells, that he is as reall, and hearty in his freindships, and hath a ſoule as full of juſtice, and honour as is any where to be found.

Upon his coming to Portumna, my Lord Leiutenant meets with Sr. George Monro, who was poſted thither out of the north to make ſome Propoſalls in order to the reduction of Vlſter to His Excellency & my Lord of Clanricard, (who had the Summer before aſſiſted him towards his Vlſter expedition with a Re­giment of foot 100 horſe, and 1000 pounds in mony out of the Province of Conaght;) & in caſe thoſe overtures of his were not approved of, to demand his paſſe, that he might leave the Kingdome; But what he propounded, was ſo plauſible, that43 in caſe mony, and armes could be had in time, and in propor­tion to what he demanded, (as the infection of Galloway out of which towne cheifly both were to be had, made it very difficult) they judged it a very likely expedition; Wherupon my Lord of Clanricard, deſirous to keep ſo able a commander as Sr. George in the Kingdom, furnisheth him with what mony he could at the preſent, and ſends him Northward to lay, and pre­pare the buſineſſe before; promiſing to do his uttermoſt en­deavours to procure him thoſe ſupplies of mony, ammunition, and armes by the time appointed; as alſo to bring his army up as farr as Sligo, there to countenance Sr. George in his under­takings, and be ready for any fair occaſion, that should preſent it ſelfe for the maſtering of the Country.

After four, or five daies ſtay at the moſt, His Excellency tooke his leave, and haſtened towards Kilkenny, obligeing my Lord of Clanricard to come after him, to be preſent at a meeting he had appointed there, for the procuring of a good underſtand­ing between the Clergy, the Commiſſioners, and himſelfe, and for taking the beſt order they could for the raiſing, and main­tayning an army againſt the next ſpring: But though they met, nothing at that time could be done, or agreed upon; Wherfore my Lord of Clanricard returnes into Connaght to take order for his Northren expedition; which out of the great dif­ficulties of getting his men together, ariſing out of the uni­verſall diſtractions, that were then in the Kingdom, the hard ſeaſon of the yeare, the Peſtilence, the want of monies, and proviſions; he could not poſſibly go through with, againſt February which was the time deſigned; Nor even then, when he did, without very great neceſſities, and inconveniences to himſelfe, and his army, as I can well witneſſe, having44 had the honour to waite upon him moſt part of that journey.

This failing in Point of time, and a great part of the monies promiſed him, (which nevertheleſſe as things ſtood no mans Induſtry could have remedied) Sr. George Monro complained very much of, affirming that their opportunity was loſt ther­by; eſpecially now they being come, the army was able to move no further, through extream want of Proviſions (kept from them by foule & contrary weather) for which, & the reſidue of the mony, together with hopes of an accord between my Lord Leiutenant; and the Commiſsioners ſome daies were ſpent in Ex­pectation, but nothing coming in the end, except only a letter from my Lord of Ormond ſummoning my Lord of Clanricard, ſuddainly away; his Lordship was forced to leave his army, and the Northren buſineſſe to the hazard, and return back to meet my Lord Leiutenant, and the Commiſsioncrs at Loghreogh: Wher­upon Sr. George Monro beleiving now that my Lord Leiutenant would leave the Kingdom, ſeing the diviſions amongſt the Irish grow daily greater, and giving all for loſt, and laſtly find­ing the impatience of his own party to treat with the enemy, (as he had often before publiquely declared he would) retires himſelfe to Eniskillin, and having made Conditions for him­ſelfe, the remainder of his Party, and his Officers that were in priſon, gave up that place to the enemy, & departed the King­dom. Very ſoone after whoſe retirement, my Lord of Clanricards army for extremity of want was forced to returne from Sligo back towards the County of Galway.

Where I will leave it, and come back unto his Excellency, who being left by my Lord Clanricard lately in Kilkenny, after having cauſed Captain Tickle to be executed for a deſign he had of be­traying that town unto Cromwell; was by the breach growing45 daily wider between him, & the Kingdom, and through the encreaſe of the ſickneſs now come thither, at the joynt requeſt of the Commiſsioners, and Officers, induced to remove towards Lymerick, where being negligently received without the ac­cuſtomed reſpect uſed to the Kings Leiutenant, he after a short ſtay departed thence into the County of Clare. Immediately therupon, the enemy having refreshd his men, and encreaſed his army, with a great acceſſion of old ſouldiers, that had for­merly ſerved under my Lord Inchiquin and my Lord Leiutenant, takes the feild, and falls a ſummoning Caſtles, and bringing the Country under Contribution, wherin he had a generall ſucceſs, moſt of the Caſtles ſurrendring upon appearance of a party of horſe, except Kiltenan, which gave him ſome reſiſtance.

His Excellencies army through the forementioned obſtinacy, and diſobedience of the townes againſt receiving Garriſons, was ſo farr diſperſed, that there was no meanes of drawing them together; Neither, if that were done, of keeping them in a body, for the Country was deſtroyed, and waſt, ſo that it could not ſupply him; beſides during theſe diſagrements between my Lord Leiutenant, the Clergy, and the Commiſsioners there were few, or none of the Irish ſouldiers (if there had been Proviſions for them) that would obey his Excellencies Orders. Of all which Cromwell was well aware, and therfore went ſecurely, and with confidence to work, carrying all before him: A mongſt other of his ſucceſſes, Balliſonan is ſold unto him, and Cahir Caſtle (then the dwelling houſe of Maſter Mathewes a yong youth, and halfe Brother to my Lord Leiutenant) given him contrary to thoſe ſtrict orders left by his Excellency with Maſter Mathewes for the keeping of it; who was ſo conſcious of his own miſdoing in the act, that he refuſed upon ſeverall ſummons, and invitations46 to appear before my Lord, & ſtaied ſtill in the enemies quarters to ſecure himſelfe from His Excellencies indignation. But ne­vertheleſſe this act of Mr. Matthewes is made aground of new ſuſpitions, and fresh clamours againſt my Lord himſelfe by the Irish, who all this while run on in their extravagancies, intent only upon their diſputes in hand, as if there were no ſuch man as Cromwell in the Kingdom; in ſo much, that ſeing ſo many ſe­verall meetings aſſigned, and ſo much time ſpent to ſo litle purpoſe, His Excellency concludes that thoſe people would ne­ver be brought into order by him, and therfore reſolves to withdraw himſelfe from the Government, if not to depart the Kingdom, and to commit the mannagement of all unto the Marquis of Clanricard, which was the reaſon of his Lordships being ſent for back from Sligo.

The enemy in the meane time having the Caſtles of Gowran, and Laghlin, together with the Officers commanding in them delivered into his hands by the common ſouldiers, ſets at laſt upon Kilkenny; Whence a while before the Earle of Caſtle-haven, (who was now left with cheife command in Leinſter) was drawn out with his forces, by reaſon the ſickneſſe raged ſo, leaving Sr. Walter Butler, and Major Walsh with about 50 horſe, and ſome 400 foot in the place, where a breach being made, and the enemy aſſaulting, they were bravely repulſed, leaving 600 armes behind them; after which check, they reſolved, to march of, and are ſending their artillery away ſilently before, whilſt the townſmen conuay a drummer privately over the wall, and upon I know not what accord, let the enemy in, unknown to the ſouldiers, who were then forced to retire to the Caſtle, & make their termes, which being granted them, they march away.

Kilkenny being gained by him, let us leaue Cromwell at Cashell47 for a while amongſt his Committee men, & returne into Connaght, where the Cleargy, and Commiſsioners ſeing that my Lord of Clanricard having refuſed to take the Government upon him was reſolved in caſe, they continued diſobedient unto my Lord Leiutenant (leaſt the Kings Authority should bee expoſed to further diſobedience & contempt) to leave the Kingdom toge­ther with His Excellency, & conſidering what a certain ruine their departure would be unto them all; are now courting my Lord Leiuteuant to ſtay, and offer to come to compoſition with him: who demands aſſurance from them that the reſpective towns of Lymerick, and Gallway shall receive ſufficient Guarriſons, and that themſelves with all the ſoldiers, & people shall hereafter readily obay him; Which they undertake unto him, upon condition that all the English what ſoever under his Excellencies command might be disbanded, and ſent away; that the Bishops of the Kingdom might have a share in Councell, and the mannagement of things; that the Receiver Generall (which was Sr. George Hamilton Brother in law to my Lord Leiutenant a perſon of great parts, ho­nour, and merit) might give in his accounts; all which his Ex­cellency, out of his great deſire to ſatisfy, and unite the people therby to preſerve the Country, and the Kings Intereſt (if it were poſſible) at laſt aſſents unto.

This agreement being made, the English were accordingly (to free the Irish of their jealouſies, who either were, or would ſeem to be equally ſuſpitious of the Cavaliers, as of thoſe, that had ſerved the Parliament before) disbanded, and ſince there was no further employment for them, nor meanes of getting away by ſea, they had leave to make their conditions with Cromwell, to paſſe through his quarters out of the Kingdom, which being granted by him, all the ſmall remainder of my Lord of Inchiquins48 men, (except a few that Colonell Buller was to Carry for Scil­ly) went under the conduct of Colonell John Daniell into the enemies quarters; ſo did my Lord of Ardes, and after him, Sr. Thomas Armſtrong, with whom went alſo Mr. Daniell O Neille upon the Score of carying a Regiment into Spaine, There remained none behind, that was permitted to beare any charge, but Leiutenant Colonell Treſwell, at my Lord of Ormonds particular inſtance to command his Guards of horſe; only my Brother John Digby, Colonell Henry Warren, & Colonell Hugh Butler ſtaid to waite upon his Excellencies Perſon, and beare him company in his ad­ventures.

But before I go on, I muſt not omit to tell you, how Dean Boile, who was ſent to treat with Cromwell for the English, that were disbanded, being offered it, as he ſaies, by Cromwell, and imagining, as himſelfe affirmes, to do a ſervice to my Lord Leiu­tenant, & my Lord Inchiquin, in it, adventured of his own head to take paſſes from him, for their departure out of the King­dom; Wherof, aſſoon as ever Dean Boile was gone, he makes uſe to debaush the Irish Garriſons, to take conditions from him, aſſuring them my Lord Leiutenant had received his paſſe to de­part the Kingdom, as appeares by a letter that the Governour of Roſſe writ (it ſeemes by Cromwells order) unto Generall Pre­ſton commanding in Waterford; the Copy of which Letter, with that of Cromwells paſſe, & three of Dean Boiles Letters concern­ing it, together with his Excellencies to Cromwell, when he ſent him back his paſſe by a trumpet of my Lord Clanricards, (having procured them for my own ſatisfaction) I herewithall ſend your Lordship, that you may ſee how abſolutely without my Lord Leiutenants privity, or licenſe theſe paſſes were accepted, & with what indignation reſented. Emer Mac Mahon Bishop of Cloghor,49 who had been choſen Generall of the Vlſter army, having a good while ſince received his commiſſion from my Lord Leiutenant, was now gathering together his army, which in ad short time af­ter (before my leaving the Kingdom) he had made up to be about 6000 men, wherewith having taken ſeverall little Caſtles in his way, he was marched up into the Claneboyes, and become maſter of the feild.

The next enterprize Cromwell went in hand with, was, to take Clonmell which was kept by Major Generall Hugh O Neale, who behaved himſelfe ſo diſcreetly, & gallantly in defending it, that Cromwell loſt neer upon 2500 men before it, & had notwith­ſtanding gone away without it, if they within had had ſtore of powder; but their ſmall proportion being ſpent, the Governour with his ſouldiers was fain to go out of the town on the other ſide of the river by night towards Waterford, & leave the townes­men to make conditions for themſelves; which they did the next morning, the enemy not knowing but the Garriſon was ſtill in towne, till the conditions were ſigned. Thus the loſſe of this place, & ſeverall other Garriſons, for want of ammunition, was another effect of the diſobedience of the townes; In ſo much, that had it not been for a little magazine, that my Lord of Clanricard had providently made before hand, & wherewith, ſince the loſſe of Drogheda, his Excellencies army, the Scots, the Vlſters, & moſt of the Garriſons were ſurnished; All might have gone to an irrecoverable ruine, whilſt the walld townes like free States lookt on, as unconcernd, denying to afford it to them.

This being true, no body that hath heard of any injuries, or injuſtice in point of trade, or prizes here, can blame the King, or my Lord Leiutenant for it, neither of whom they did obey, further then they pleaſd themſelves, but now having received Garriſons, (as I make no queſtion they have) I dare be bold to aſſure any body, that trafficks that way, of all equity, & juſtice50 from my Lord Leiutenant hands. About the time of the ſeidge of Clonmell, David Roch having raiſed above 2000 men in the Counties of Corke, & Kerry, and beginning to make head with them, received a ſmall brush from my Lord of Broghall, which only diſperſed his men for a few daies, his loſſe being not con­ſiderable for any thing, but the Bishop of Roſſe, who being taken was hanged with two other Prieſts by Cromwell, for being found in armes (as they ſaid) againſt the Right worshipfull the State of England.

Soone after the gaining of Clonwell, Cromwell, upon letters out of England, inviting him thither, goes to ſea, and leaves Ireton in cheife command behind him, to ſubdue the reſt of that miſe­rable waſted Kingdom, whilſt himſelfe went about the conqueſt of new Empires, more worthy of his preſence; But ſince he is gone, I cannot but here obſerve, that of all thoſe thouſands, that either came with him thither, or were ſent after, there are now few hundreds ſurviving, either to reap the benefit, or report the ſtories of their Victories; his army upon his departure being ſunke to a very inconſiderable number, eſpecially in foot, and neer three parts of thoſe conſiſting of either Irish, Jones, or my Lord of Inchiquins men, who only are able to undergo the wofull incommodities of that Country, now groning under a univer­ſall plague famine, and deſolation, to that degree, that if they knew but halfe the miſery that expects them there, I am confident that no threats, nor flatteries, could perſwade men out of England thither, in hopes of reaping the fruites of their fellowes labours in that deſtroyed Kingdom. Which, as low as tis brought, may chance to coſt Cromwell a ſecond expedition, and another army, and yet go without it.

For they have Waterford, Galloway, and Limrick three of the ſtrongeſt, and moſt conſiderable townes of the Kingdom ſtill untaken, any of which, if they be well Garriſond (as queſtionleſs51 now they are) will be neare a ſummers work to reduce; The forts of Duncannon, & Silgo, the Caſtles of Caterlo, Athlone, Charlemont & Neauagh are not eaſy puachaſes; the Province of Connaght is ſtill preſerved intire by my Lord of Clanricard, who will be able to bring 4000 men of his own into the feild, now that Galloway & his Country is ſomewhat cleard from the infection of the plague; which begins to rage greatly in the enemies quarters, as Cork Youghall, Wexford, and Dublin it ſelfe; Kilkenuy, Clonmell, with ſeverall places there abouts being left deſolate with it. The County of Clare in Mounſter brought unto my Lord Leiutenant at a Rendezvous juſt upon my coming away, above 2000 men wher­with his Excellency being invited by the Magiſtrates was ready to march into Limrick for to Garriſon the place, and to make it his reſidence

What Forces the Irish had in Vlſter, & towards Kerry, I have already told you, as likewiſe what Connaght, and the County of Clare afforded: I muſt add that Hugh Mac Phelim had in Wicklow, & towards Wexford, hard upon 2000 men, & at Waterford. Generall Preſton and Hugh O Neale had litle leſſe; to conclude beſides all this the Lord Caſtlehaven, the Lord Dillon, and the Bishop of Drum­more, made account they should draw together a conſiderable body in Meath, and the reſt of Leinſter to joyne with the Marquis of Clanricard towards, the releife of Tecroghan, then beſeidged by Colonell Reynolds. Thus your Lordship may ſee that (provided they bee united amongſt themſelves) (as truly I left them) and that meanes can be found of keeping them in bodies together, there are men enough in armes yet to diſpute the buſineſs with an enemy, that is not halfe their number, & whoſe quarters are peſtered likewiſe with the plague, and famine, as well as theirs, eſpecially theſe having ſuch ſtrengths, and faſtneſſes, ſtill in their hands, as are almoſt inacceſſible to Cromwells ſouldiers. Who after having maſtered the greateſt part of Mounſter, and52 Leinſter, and their ſupplies from England coming in but ſlowlyhave made bold at laſt with the people they flattered with be­fore, & altered their manner of proceedings, taking from them by force what they pleaſed, and violating their protections gi­ven; making not nice to tell them, they ſuffered them to poſ­ſeſſe their eſtates but during pleaſure, and till they could have planters to put into their roomes; by which kind of clear dealing they have ſo loſt, & made deſperate the natives, that lamenting their former too ready compliance with the enemy, they now call for my Lord Leiutenant again, & taking armes in their hande begin to riſe in all quarters of the Kingdom, ſo that it is impoſ­ſible for a greater power then Ireton has there to attend to the ſuppreſſion of them all.

In this poſture left I that Kingdom, it being very probable, that if the enemies recruites, and proviſions out of England did faile through any other diverſion, and the Irish receive but any moderate ſupplies from abroad, they would not only make good all that was left them, But alſo recouer upon the enemy conſiderably this Summer, which really I wish with all my ſoule they may, Principally for His MAjESTIES ſake, and the preſent engagement of the Kingdom of Scotland, to both which the pre­ſervation of what is left, or the regaining of what is loſt in Irland, muſt needs be, if well conſidered, of high concernment; And in the next place for the ſake of many worthy families amongſt them, ſome of which were never involved in the aſſociation, nor had any hand in the warr, and many of the reſt, through the menaces & ſtrange kind of proceedings of the Parliament againſt the whole Nation upon the Inſurrection, & the villanous prac­tiſes of Parſons, & Burlacy, the then Lords Juſtices who deſired to make them all forfeit their eſtates, were frighted & forced into Rebellion. All which are now to ſuffer equally, and by Cromwell with out diſtinction deſigned for ruine, together with thoſe, that53 were the Originall authors of the firſt Rebellion, and thoſe ugly maſſacres, that were committed: which indeed deſerves commi­ſeration, ſince very many of the Nobility, & gentry, with the body of the people wish the King as well, & have as great diſpo­ſitions to his ſervice, as can be deſired, having been abuſed whointo thoſe offences they have committed, by a few malicious ill affected perſons, craftier then moſt of the reſt; Who hawith great art, and induſtry acquired unto themſelves the opi­nion of wiſe, religious, and honeſt men: Wherby they miſleathat credulous, and for the moſt part unwiſe Nation, upon pre­tence of the advancement of their Roman Religion, and pre­ſervation of their Country, to what they pleaſe.

Having been able to perſwade them, that all theſe afflictions, & misfortunes they ſuffer under, are come upon them for their admitting of a ceſſation, & a peace indiſobedience to the Nuntio, & for their joyning with Heretiques; Not ſuffering them to con­ſider rightly, that it is their diſobedience to the lawfull King, & the blood, and murther they are guilty of that, makes them ſo unfortunate, that is their breaches of publike faith in compliance with the Nuntio, the rapine, and want of juſtice, that raignes amongſt them, that hath brought upon them theſe heavy pu­nishments, & given them over to be ſcourged by the hand of ſo faithleſs, & Bloody an enemy. And ſurely whoſoever shall recollect how firſt, after the double breach of the former peace, they were immediately punished with the defeat of two conſiderable armies, one after another; with the deſolation of the flourishing­eſt part of their Country; upon which a famine enſued, that de­voured neer 20000 ſoules, then how the plague, that hath ſince over ſpread the Kingdom, began firſt at Galloway the place that did moſt, & longeſt countenance thoſe ill proceedings of the Nuntio, & O Neale, of any other in the Kingdom; where it ſwept away about 5000 ſoules, & thoſe only of the common, and54 meaneſt ſort of people, who were they, that contrary to the in­clinations of the principall perſons (being moſt of them mode­rate, & well diſpoſed men) carried all things their violent way.

Next how the Vlſter army, which I heare have received a great defeat ſince my coming away) who were the beginners of the rebellion, the breakers of the firſt Peace, the oppoſers of the ſecond, & the releivers of Derry, are now come to fall under the hands of Coote, & thoſe men, who, if it had not been for them, had certainly been deſtroyed; And laſtly how the Bishops of Tuam, & Cloghor, who had ſo deep hands in the contrivance of the warr, & were guilty of ſo much blood, have both fallen (if the printed relation concerning the laſt of them be true) upon the edge of the ſworde, together with their armies The Bishops of Roſſe, & Downe alſo, (the firſt of which had, not many weekes before his own miſcarriage, appeared very unhandſomely in the perſecution of the Proteſtant Lord Bishop of London Derry, a perſon of great worth, moderation, and prudence, & one; Who, as he had meritted highly from the King for his loyalty, and conſtant ſervices, ſo, alſo was he very farr to my knowledge, from deſerving ill from that Kingdom; The ſecond, one, who had ever cherished ſtirrs & factions, & both of them notoriouſly averſe to peace, & to the Government, coming to perish igno­miniouſly in the hands of thoſe enemies, (that by ſtaving off a timely ſubmiſſion to the Kings Authority, & hindering the ſettle­ment of the Country) they may be ſaid, after a ſort, to have brought into the Kingdom. He muſt needs, as I do, admire the order of Gods Chaſtiſements, with ſubmiſſion acknowledging that he is juſt, and that his judgements are right.

Through whoſe fault, or through what miſcarriage, Tecroghan is loſt after it hath been ſo long and gallantly defended by Sr. Robert Talbot, and the lady Fitz-Garret, and the Vlſter army de­feated, I cannot undertake to ſay, ſince they are accidents after55 my coming to ſea, Though I do much feare that the firſt was occaſioned principally through the reliques of thoſe unhappy emulations & backwardneſſes that dwelt in ſome of the great ones againſt others who were like to reap too much honour and ad­vantage from the enterprize in caſe that place had been re­leived and preſerved.

What ever the matter were I confeſs thoſe miſchances have much altered the caſe from what it was, but yet I deſpaire not of the buſineſs in giving all for gone, but hope Gods juſtice having been in ſome meaſure ſatisfied, & the people being be­come more humble, & more united, that by Gods bleſſing they may weather this ſtorm, & preſerve themſelves with that King­dom to the King. However I am confident this late defeat of the Vlſter army under the conduct of the Bishop of Cloghor by ſo ſmall a party will convince the people, that theſe misfortunes are not entailed unto either my Lord of Ormonds perſon, or reli­gion, & conduce much to ſatisfy them, that his Excellency hath neither betraied the Kings Intereſt, nor them into this low con­dition they are brought into; Of which being once perſwaded, they will turn their hearts, & fixe their hopes wholy upon the Kings Leiutenant; Who, beleeve me my Lord, is as Wiſe, as Honou­rable, & Gallant a Perſon as is any where to be found, & as excellent a ſubject, as any Prince in the world can boaſt of; Yea and one who, I aſſure your Lordship, (if ever he shall thinke it fit to give the world an account of his actions) is able with modeſty, & truth to ſay ſo much for himſelfe, and for what he hath done, as will wring a confeſſion out of the mouth of enuy herſelfe, that hee hath behaved himſelfe ſo prudently, & ſo uprightly in the place he now holds notwithſtanding all theſe forementioned misfor­tunes, that no man hath ever out gone him in loyalty to, or merit from the Crowne and Royall houſe of England, of which a better ar­gument needs not be given then that moſt Excellent Speech (for56 the eloquence, and ſubject of it deſerving an Eternall Memory) delivered by his own mouth unto the Generall Aſſembly of the Confederates upon the concluſion of the Peace wherin you will find the Principles he goes upon, ſo Loyall, and ſo Vnbyaſſed; The Treaſons, Defections, and Impaciencies of the people that have faln out ſince, through the nationall animoſities particular factions and preſſures of the warr ſo prudently foreſeen, & ſo Prophetically foretold, that thoſe perſons (of what Nation ſoever they bee) muſt be as blind as they are Malicious that shall attribute any of thoſe mis­fortuns that have enſued, either to want of Abilities or Fidelity in my Lord Leiutenant.

Wherfore I Lordship (if any where it ſeeme leſſe clear, and ſatisfactory, then you could wish) not to looke upon this short account I have given, as upon all that might have been ſaid upon the ſubject, for theſe being only reflections of my own, and delivered in ſuch haſt, it is no wonder, if ſome things be mistaken, and more forgot, by him that is with all the duty and affection in the world:

My Nobleſt Lord
Your Lordships moſt devoted humble ſervant LEWIS DYVE.
1

THE COPIES. Of the ſeverall LETTERS Mentioned by SR. LEVVIS DYVE In the foregoing Diſcourſe.

A Letter of the Marquis of Clanricard to Mr. Walſingham Secretary to my Brother the Lord Digby concerning his Lordships taking armes In defence of the Ceſſation-mentioned. PAG. 6.

WORTHY COVSEN,

THough at a late houre, accept of my thankfull acknowledgements for the frequent intelligences and adviſes I have received from you; though the obſtructions they mett within their Paſſage to mee, and their finding mee engaged in the remoteſt parts of the Kingdome, did not afford me opportunity to keep the like Correſpondence with you, nor reap the full benefit of your advertiſements: which a more quick and ſeaſonable convayance might have produced. But now, not knowing what, or whe­ther any right information hath gone from hence of our paſt proceedings, I hold it not impertinent (having met with ſo ſure a meſſenger) to enter­taine you with ſome breife notions of them, Conceiving your friendſhip and reſpect to mee, will take of the Scandall of any vanity or oſtenta­tion2 in mee to bee the true relator of my own ſtory unto you in theſe diſa­ſtrous times.

Vpon my Lord Lieutenants and my Lord Digbyes departure (having deve­ſted my ſelfe of that ſmall power then remaining with mee, and ſequeſtred my thoughts from ingageing in any buſineſſe) I retired to ſome Caſtles of mine near the ſea ſide, with an intention together with my family to ſhip for France; but not ſo ſetled in that reſolution as not to bee inclined to weather out the ſtorme, as long as I could diſcerne any probability of ſafety in that ſolytary retirement, in which I remained untill my Lord of Inchiquin declared for the King, and that intelligence was brought mee of my Lord Lieutenants arrivall in France; and the probability of his returne hither in his former Command.

Then upon Conſideration of the Condition of affaires in order to the Kings ſervice, (though the diſtemper of this miſerable age could not afford me ſuch authorities as might ſecure my undertaking) I thought it a ſeaſona­ble and becoming duty in mee to appear abroad, and make ſome tryall how the people ſtood affected towards a ſetlement: Whereupon finding many friends well diſpoſed, and willing to run any hazard with mee rather then admitt of my departure out of the Kingdome: I put on a reſolution to appear in armes in oppoſition to Generall O Neales, and the Nuntios faction, who were then grown very ſtrong and reſolved both to breake the preſent government, and overthrow all overtures towards a peace.

In breife after I had framed and publiſhed a declaration (which I am confi­dent you have ſeen ere this, and therein obſerved the ſtreights I was put unto to keep my ſelfe within due limits, and to make it likewiſe ſatisfactory to thoſe parties whoſe aſsiſtance was neceſſary for mee.) I procured my Lord Taaffe and a party of my Lord of Inchiquins to come and joyn themſelves unto thoſe forces I had raiſed; whereupon wee advanced towards Owen O Neale then at Athlone, who though he exceeded us in number marcht away through the counties of Roſcommon and Letrim cleerly out of Conaght: Whereby I recove­red the ſtrong caſtle of Athlone (formerly as you know ſo deſtructively and ſo unſeaſonably loſt) Iames Town a very conſiderable place, the Mote, Elphin, & ſeverall other holds of ſtrength and conſequence; by which meanes, and by the committall of ſome principall factions perſons, having ſetled the lower parts of the province. I returned homewards; where ſome rebellious perſons and others of the county of Mayo aſſociated with the town of Galway, and ta­king the advantage of my abſence had ſurprized ſome Caſtles of mine, and ſtopt the armes and ammunition I had contracted for at Galway. But after ha­ving blockt up that town I brought them to a ſubmiſsion within three weekes, and to pay a conſiderable ſum of mony: Beſides all which J would have for­ced them to take in a Gurriſon but that I was neceſsitated to haſten away, and attend Owen O Neales motions; who having fetcht a great compaſſe was gotten3 into Ormond, and had ſurprized the Neanagh (a ſtrong Caſtle of my Lord Lieu­tenants tenanted by young Sr. George Hamilton) after which he tooke the Birr in the Kings County, and then Fort falkland; a fort of the Kings which had a dange­rous Proſpect towards mee; giving him paſſage over the River within ſeaven miles of Portumna.

But by the time I was drawn of from Galway and gotten home, I received in­telligence from my Lord of Inchiquin that he was in purſuite of Oneile and had by ſtorm regained the Neanagh, and likewiſe Birr; And finding him deſirous of the aſsiſtance of my forces to attempt Fort falkland, I repaired immediately unto him, with a conſiderable party of horſe and foot: When being ready at laſt to fall upon the fort, my Lords Officers tired with foule weather, and long Marches after Oneile would not be perſuaded to ſtay: But whilſt this was in diſpute (moſt luckily as it fell out) Owen O Neale with 7000. foot, and 500. horſe clapt down hard by us in aſtreight of Bogge and woode and therby utterly obſtructed our paſſage back; ſo that our army being forced to ſtay I prevaild that my men with my Lords Battery ſhould attend upon the fort, whilſt my Lords army did face Owen O Neale: Whereby after a day or two battering, the fort was ſurrendred to us; & O Neale who thoughto ſtarve us had that lot him­ſelfe, being, forced to ſteal away in the night; and then I having plentifully ſupplyed the army by boate out of the county of Galway) his Lordſhip had a free paſſage back, leaving me in the poſſeſsion of the fort much to my advantage and ſecurity. Soon after which to perfect our Good Succeſſe, we received certain notice of my Lord Lieutenants being landed at Cork, which concludes this ſtory.

I ſhall not need to enlarge my ſelfe upon the happy concluding of the peace, and the great difficulties we overcame; they will come fully repreſented unto you by ſeverall wayes. J ſhall only expreſſe my confidence that wee are now ſecured from any ſecond revolutions amongſt theſe people, though the Marquis of Antrim & Owen O Neale have not yet ſubmitted, for I conceive they are not ſo conſiderable but they will be ſoon ſuppreſt if they continue obſtinate. I judge it likewiſe very poſsible that this ſummer Dublin may (if God ſo pleaſe) be recovered either by force or treaty. And now beleeving I have tired you with this tedious imperfect relation, I ſhall with brevity and much truth give you aſſurance that you ſhall conſtantly find mee.

Your very affectionate Couſen CLANRICARDE.
4

A Letter of Mr. Walſinghams to Colonell Jones Gover­nour of Dublin in juſtification of the peace of Yrland, and in reply to his ſecond anſwer to my Lord Lieutenant. Men­tioned, PAG. 8.

SR.

HAvinge been at laſt ſo much beholdinge to your vanity, as ſome daîes ſince to meete with thoſe papers in printe that I long before heard were tranſmitted betweene my Lord Lieutenant and your ſelfe; which I perceive his Excellencies modeſty & ſcorne would have ſtill concealed, had not your itch to have your confidence, and clearkeſhip known, tranſported you ſo far beyond diſcretion as to ſnatch at the occaſion of publiſhing my Lord Lieutenants letters (though ſuch indeed as if your care and prudence in manageing the cauſe you plead for, were not far inferior to your owne vaineglory you would induſtriouſly have ſmothered) to the end you might not want ſome pretence to intrude upon the world together with them, thoſe manifeſt Ca­vills, and leane diſcourſes of yours that are ſtuft with nothing ſingular but inſolence, and malice. And finding that his Excellency with a generous neg­lect both of your perſon and impertinence (with whom his publicke zeale, and duty to the King and Kingdome had enduced him to take thy paines, and deſcend ſo low) had now as one unworthy of ſo much honor, and incapable of ſo much reaſon as was preſt upon you, given you over.

Notwithſtanding as well for juſtice ſake that you might not want the right of an encounter from a more equall hand then my Lord Lieutenant, as alſo for that poſsibly there may be (as I beleive there are) ſome men ſo weake and ſo willing to be deceived, that your impudence and fallacies ſhall paſſe for rea­ſons with them if not replied unto; I thought it fit that your laſt voluminous and peremptory Letter be not let paſſe unſcand, and brought unto the teſt by a more familiar pen; that may with decency deale roundly with you, & give you (what you cannot receive from his Excellencie) the confuſion of an foyle.

Though for man to thinke either with reaſon or language to contribute to the ſatisfaction of any diſcreet unprejudiced perſon, much leſſe to the recti­fieing your miſtakes after my Lord of Ormond hath gone before: is a ſottiſh­neſſe as great as yours, who after two addreſſes from his Excellencie ſo civill, ſo full of prudence, & unanſwerable truth, had the face to tell him you were no­thing5 ſatisfied therewithall, nor any way convinced in judgement thereby.

By which affirmation of how much impudence and malice you are convic­ted by your ſelfe, I leave you and the world to gather out of what I ſhall here­after ſay; which I am confident will convince other men aſwell as you (that know it well enough already) that your judgment was drownd in ambitious, and ſelfe intereſts ſo abſurd, and ſo ill byaſſed, that ſince reaſon and juſtice were inconſiſtent with them, you had no will to be rectified.

For if you had, ſurely you would never have produced arguments to cou­lor your perſiſting withall; that well examined perſwad point blanck againſt, and may be returned with a double force upon you; (unleſſe you did it out of ſo invincible a ſimplicity (as to deale painely with you) is not compatible with that hipocriſy & ſophiſtry your unmannerly epiſtle ſwels withall; as I now come ro inſtance particaliarly unto you.

In the firſt place you hold forth the proteſtant religion for a baby to the people, and alas good man your compaſsion and care of it is very great, aſwell beco­mes the ſonne unto a Biſhop, and one imbued both by education and many yeares profeſsion with it, you ſay you ſee not how it can be advanced by an army of Papiſts, nor how it can be ſecured in the peace no proviſion being made for it therin: yet that tis no ſuch miracle (they being ſecured of their owne libertie of conſcience) that an army of Catholiques, ſubjects to a prote­ſtant King, and lead by a proteſtant Generall, may in order to the reſtoreing their opreſſed ſoveraigne, and to the ſupreſsion of ſuch a Turco Iudaiſme as is now on foot be induced unto it; and that it is no new thing in the world for men to be ingaged ſo, nay (where they have no tyes of duty, nor other ſuch powerfull motives as theſe men have) directly againſt the intereſt of their owne religion, you neede but looke into the, Othoman armies where you ſhall find thouſands of Chriſtians fighting daily againſt Chriſtianity it ſelfe, and under the enſignes of France & Spaine many regiments of proteſtants fighting in quarrells if you will beleive the princes themſelves purpoſely ſet on foot for the advancement of the Roman Catholique faith: which if waighed makes it nei­ther impoſsible nor ſtrange that the Iriſh ſhould be content to concur with any body, and almoſt upon any termes to the deſtruction of that Wild Bore who having already rooted up and overturned all government and religion in En­gland, is now preparing to do the like in Irland.

Now as for the proviſion the you find unmade for the proteſtant religion in the peace, I beleive you urge that only to ſhew your owne dexteritye in finding out objections: for you are rationall enough to know where his Majeſties authoritie is once reſtored his lawes returne to their vigor; and you ſhould be lawyer e­nough to know that there are lawes enough provided in this laſt foureſcore yeares for the ſecuritye of the proteſtant religion, all which the Roman Catholi­ques will willingly ſubmit unto except ſuch penal ſtatutes as deprive them of the6 free exerciſe of their religion, that are indeed by the peace to betaken a way, and which being laide aſide, take not any thing from the ſecurity of the pro­teſtant.

The Roman Catholiques are not the givers but the cravers here; they deſire only to ſecure their owne, not to uſurpe upon the liberty of othermens con­ſciences; as is evident both by their daily profeſsions, and the whole trans­actions of the peace, what abſurdnes then it is for any one to thinke a new pro­viſion neceſſary; or to expect it in this caſe, that very condition for that ar­my of ſixteen thouſand foot, and two thouſand five hundred horſe, with the deputation of thoſe Truſtees for to ſecure them of pardon for their paſt of­fences, and of liberty of conſcience, with thoſe other promiſed graces and immunities againſt the ſeveritie of the lawes in force, untill all were confirmed in Parliament: to any man endued with but Comon ſenſe is a ſufficient argu­ment; to ſay nothing of the apprehenſions (though vaine) ſtill amongſt them that they are yet not for all this ſecure enough.

And what cauſe they had to inſiſt upon this army and theſe commiſsioners, do you but looke into your owne Conſcience and laying your hand upon your hart imagin ſo well of your ſelfe as that it were your owne caſe, and J am ſure you will tacitely confeſſe it is a proviſion but very reaſonable. Nay let a loo­ker on conſider the time theſe men tooke to ſubmit to his Majeſties authority, when he had neither meanes to puniſh, nor protect them left; and he will certainly commend their duty, and be far from diſcommending either the king or my Lord Lieutenant for any thing that in the peace is granted unto them; not excepting againſt either the number of that army, or power of thoſe Comiſsioners you make your ſelfe ſo ſcandalized withall.

His Excellencie hath been already pleaſed to tell you that as to the army the ſu­preme comand thereof is in the Kings Lieutenant; the ordering of which, and diſpoſing of all future commands wherin ſo it conſiſt of, and be to Roman Catholiques will in effect be left to him; now that there are very many of that Re­ligion inſeparable from their duty to the King, both the confederats and the Par­liament have to their great coſt and trouble had a plentifull experience; wit­neſſe the prudent and generous Marqueſſe of Clanricard, Whoſe eminent piety and conſtancy in his profeſsion, joynd to his irreprehenſible allegiance to the King will remaine to the glory of his Nation and Religion a great and laſting exam­ple to future times of a firm and united Loyalty both to divine and humane Ma­jeſty; as it hath ſerud the preſent already for a pattern unto ſeverall Other conſiderable perſons in Ireland to follow. And you have no reaſon but to thin­ke there are a good number of thoſe in this army which will ſomwhat leſſen the groundles danger you fancie to your ſelfe: eſpecially if you take alſo into conſideration the frequent wayes and diſpenſations that have bin found for entertaining very many proteſtants into ſeverall imployments in this army; and7 how both theſe parties (to ſay nothing of thoſe in the north that have ſubmit­ted to the Kings authoritie) added to that remnant army as you call them in mounſter conſiſting of about ſix thouſand men, led by an able and ſuccesful com­mander (who being undeceived at laſt by the publike villanies in England have betraid themſelves (it you will have it ſo) againe into their duty will ballance any thing of ill that may be pretended in the caſe, I leave it to any one that is but capable to judge in ſuch a matter.

This dangerous argument being once removed how litle remaines of hazard in that other of the power of the commiſsioners, is very evident by the articles of peace; where it is plain that their power is abſolute in nothing but the levies to be made upon their owne and that part of the peoples free holds which formerly acknowledged their Iuriſdiction, and who now had entruſted themſelves into their hands: whilſt in all the other caſes ſo induſtriouſly quoted by you (though to no other end but take up paper, and amuze the readers) they limit him as litle as formerly the counſel table did; He being able to determin nothing without their adviſe or Conſent, nor they to actuate any thing without his Commiſsion & authority: which circumſcription ſhould you ſtill affirme to bee too much, would entirely vaniſh ſhould his Majeſtie com in perſon hither (as tis both hoped and beleived he will) there being no condition in the peace that li­mits him.

But ſuppoſe the hazard & preiudice of the proteſtant religion by the peace were as great as you affirm it is, whether muſt be in fault the King, or thoſe men that preſt him to that extremity that he was only left to chooſe whether he would drown, or take hold of a brier to ſave himſelfe; whether he would utterly abandon his intereſt in all his Kingdoms to thoſe that were rebells againſt his perſon, his poſterity and Kingly power, or by giving the Iriſh whoſe rebellion could in the nature of it beare nothing ſo ill a Conſtruction thoſe not much unreaſonable conditions they ſo poſitively inſiſted upon) repoſſeſſe himſelfe of one of his three Kingdoms again, and therby becom enabled to diſpute for the other two.

Thus far have I diſcourſed for the ſatisfaction of other men, with your ſelfe I might deale more breifly, and tell you it is groſſe hipocriſy for you to pretend ſo much ſollicitude for the ſecurity and advantage of the proteſtant reli­gion on this ſide; and yet can find them both ſufficiently provided for by an army of Sectaries on the other ſide (without any proteſtant ſuperiour to moderate them as theſe have) that have not only quite puld down the whole building of that Religion but almoſt leveld the walls of Chriſtianitie it ſelfe? by providing a libertie for all opinions and religions in the world the Catholique and proteſtant alone excepted becauſe they conceive them forſooth to be more deſtructive to the great ends of their republique then any other, the firſt, as being too Mo­narchique, too full of Majeſty, & pleading preſcription amongſt Chriſtians, with too8 much authority; and therefore likely to gain overmuch ground upon them in a time when all order & religion were of the hinges, & the people ſo much at a gaze; and the ſecond as being for decency & order not only overpopish but alſo from its birth too much interwouen with the intereſts, of this Crown and royal familie.

Can any thing be more ridiculous then, that you who derive your power from the Commanders and Commiſsioners of this army of ſaints, and who are by your Commiſsion (if I be not miſtaken) incorporated into it, having likewiſe ſet aſide the profeſsion, and exerciſe of this proteſtant religion (miſconceive me not) that Religion which for near a Century of yeares hath been practiſed & eſtabliſhed in the church of England, & accommodated your ſelfe clearly to Mr. Cromwells Cut (though ſuch a one as you or ſcarce himſelfe if Cathechized can give an account either of the tenents or conſtitutions of) ſhould becom ſo great a patron of, and ſo much concerned in, the intereſts of a religion that either out of Change of judgment, or out of endes (no matter which in this caſe) is a­bandoned by your ſelfe already.

After the proteſtant religion comes the English intereſt; a conſideration indeed if urged to a perſon whoſe truſt from, and concernment in it were ſomwhat leſſe then my Lord Lieutenants, fit for you that are of English blood, and whoſe ſword & pen are both by nature, and the lawes obliged to the ſervice of that crowne (in which onely, and the colonies of English here, the English intereſt of this King­dome is included) but what this English Intereſt is when we ſhall have once exa­mined your fright concerning it will ſoon be over; it appears to me to be no­thing elſe but that the right and authority of the crown of England over them ſhould be acknowledged by all the ſubjects of this Kingdom; and thoſe Colonies of English, aſwell as the native Irish, be therby protected and ſecured in the poſſeſsion of ſuch fortunes, and eſtates, as either by the ſword, the roiall gift, or purchaſe have bin lawfully acquired unto them. Beyond this the English Inte­reſt is an unknown-land to me; and how far this Intereſt thus ſtated is ſecured by, or Conſiſtent with that peace you blame ſo, I leave it to any third unpreiu­diced perſon to determin.

Who I am certaine will find them ſquare ſo well together, that he ſhall have reaſon to beleive the Engliſh intereſt taken in your ſenſe infers an obedience to you, and your independant maſters abſtract from all relation to the crown: an eſta­bliſhment of your Tetrarchy here, till your ambition were wearied out, and you with your corrupt and hungry family had ungratefully glutted yourſelves in the blood and fortunes of thoſe noble perſons whoſe ſmiles and patronage in your mercenarie pleading daies were the top of your ambition; that ſo by this conſe­quence, the lives and eſtates of all that have been here in armes, may beleft a prey to worſe rebells then the worſt of theſe have ever been.

This is an English intereſt indeed that the peace ſecurs not, and which I cannot blame you for pleading for with ſo much paſsion as to affirme, that were there9 neither king nor parliament you would maintaine it; neither for averring that my Lord Lieutenants tranſporting a conſiderable part of the English army hence, was de­ſtructive unto: but as to the true English Intereſt I mentioned before, it was very ſuteable to that, that my Lord Lieutenant ſhould without diſputeomply with the Kings commands: from whom only he had his commiſsion and derived his authoritie, and whom both himſelfe and that army in all relations both of ho­nor and duty were obliged to obey. Beſides his Excellency knows well enough how much he was concerned in the ſupport of that cronne that gave him and all the English in this Kingdome the title to what they poſſeſſed here; nothing of which could be long ſecure unto them, and the crowne at home in danger.

In the next place I do not know whether the Parlement is more beholding to you for aſſerting their infringed authoriti; or the Irish themſelves in your being ſo generous as to let them ſee the invalidity of this peace they are abu­ſed withall: for to prove both which you bring noworſe an argument then an English act of Parliament; which underfavour your own skil in the lawe (if you have not forgot it) will tell you can be of no force here, untill received by a Parliament in Irland: which aſſerts a power as juſt and abſolute to it ſelfe, as the Parliament of England can; elſe ſhould the ancient conquerors of this King­dome, and their free poſterity, unjuſtly undergoe the dominion of thoſe, to whom neither Intereſt, nor merit hath given any right or footing here, or priviledge over them.

Beſides you ſhall have others which will tell you, and make it good, that a Prince cannot give a way the Iuriſdiction of his people to one that hath no title to it (as the Parlement of England hath none to Irland) without their own conſent: yet grant for argument ſake that theſe people by taking armes unlawfully had put themſelves into that condition that might aſwell enable as induce the late King of ever glorious memory to inveſt the Parliament of England with ſuch a po­wer over them as that act involues; yet can it not be beleived that the King ever intended to truſt them with managing the war of Irland againſt himſelfe: as by what they have don in England tis evident they would have done; but let us alſo ſuppoſe it poſsible that the royall power can be ſo convayed unto another, as that contrary to the intention of the King it may be converted to his own deſtruction (which is a poſsition I am ſure that no Sophiſter leſſe accute, and le­arned then your ſelfe will be able to make good) yet muſt this power ſurely needs revert to its firfl originall the crown: through the death both of the King that gave it, of the Parliament it was conferd upon, and that (ſince that the Kings death is out of diſpute) this Parlement hath for this ſeaven yeares at leaſt wanted both a King and freedome which being the head and hart of that body are two things moſt neceſſary to the life and eſſence of it, nay that, that breathleſſe headles carcaſſ of a Parliament, hath by thoſe Independant vermine that bred out of the putrifacton of it; been anatomiz'd and quite diſmembred ſince, there is10 no man that is not deafe and blind that can be uninformd.

Now that ſuch a martird mooncalfe canſtil be a living Parliament I am ſure there is no man wakes that can be ſo perſwaded; eſpeciallie the King that calld it being dead, which both the law & cuſtom tells you, that a Parliament could neuer yet ſurvi­ve: upon which concluſion you muſt needs grant that his preſent Majeſtie (who hath already confirmed by his; both my Lord Lieutenant, and all that his Excel­lency hath don by his Royal fathers Commiſsion) hath now indiſputably reverted to him the power to manage a war, and conclude or conirme a peace in Irland except that you will ſtill maintainé that the authoritie of the late Parliament is by I know not what legierdemain tranſlated into thoſe uſurpers, that have not only deſtrojed that Parliament but alſo declared that they intend there ſhall never be any more; and this non conſequence if you ſtill inſiſt upon, I will conclude you are crackt as was that Spanish gallant and leave you in your queſt of Windmills.

But if you can prevayle with your ſelfe to be ſo ingenuous as acknowledg the preceding truths, I will hold on ſtill, and endevour to remove out of your ten­der conſcience your laſt and greateſt difficult of breach of truſt: indeed a ſcruple very ſuitable to a man of honour ſuch as I would willinglie take you for; and to be­gin the worke I muſt tell you that the premiſſes are very convinceing that in your compliance with my Lord Lieutenant there is no truſt broken either with God, or King, or Parliament (who are all you can pretend to owe a faith unto) by deſerting thoſe villanous impoſtors, who have ſupplanted religion ſubverted Mo­narchy, murthered the King, violated the Parliament annihilated the lawes, tram­pled upon learning and nobility, and left neither worth nor juſtice unoppreſt within their reach; which kind of perfidious people ſurely to deceive right reaſon it ſelfe tells you there is no deceipt.

Yet had you no ſuch aſſurance I ſhould thinke it ſtrange, that you who have ſtretcht your Conſcience ſo often & ſo far already, as firſt to breake your truſt with the King when by ſeverall oathes both as a gowne man & a ſwordman you had oblidged your faith unto him; then with religion which conſidered with your education, parents, and a long profeſsion, we may ſay (& not improperly) that it was e­ven by nature convayed into you; after, with that late carcaſe of a Parliament from whom you tooke both Commiſsions and employment; and laſtly with that presbyte­rian Senate that preferd you hither as a proſelite of theirs, ſhould I ſay now make a ſcruple of breaking with theſe wretches, to whom you can pretend no other tye, but a Confraternity in treacherie and miſcheife.

It is not your repetition of Rebells and bloody Rebells will ſerve for your excuſe, ſince that you your ſelfe are ingaged with thoſe rebells that have waded dee­per into blood, and committed murther even with the ſword of Iuſtice upon not only innocent but Royall blood; more impudently, and more in humanly then any people how barbarous ſoever that as yet have breathed under the face of heaven.

11

'Tis true there hath been much barbarity and cruelty acted in this Kingdom ſince theſe unhappy tumults in the midſt of confuſion and diſorder, but nothing done under the forme of a miſcheivous law or the colour of abuſed Iuſtice, againſt any body; much leſſe againſt the life, or perſon of a King, and the best of Kings, ſuch as thoſe whom you will needes profeſs a faith unto have butchered on a ſcaffold, with a hitherto unequalld villany, which without all doubt heaven to convince the world that there is a divinity and juſtice there, will certainly when his indignation towards us is in ſome meaſure ſatisfied, at laſt ſee Notoriouſly punished upon them, and all their abettors with ſcourges as much tranſcending ours, as do their crimes.

And in order to this juſt revenge it wil be vertue in the King and my Lord Lieu­tenant (which as your ſelfe confeſſes will be a ſin in you circumſtances conſide­red) not onely to forgive but court Father Reyley (& if there be any others of his party leſſe pardonable and leſſe avowable then hee) unto their duty whom you can pretend to do nothing with in your Intrigues but either confirme them in their preſent, or ingage them in a new rebellion worſe and more malitious then that they are alreadie plunged in, and which they (being a trampled and a­buſed people, of another nation and religion from their Soveraigne) leapt at firſt into, out of a general feare, and ſenſe of their particular wrongs from, and aver­ſions to thoſe, who frequently miſuſed upon them both their own power and the Kings authoritie.

For the reſtitution of whoſe juſt Soveraignty, and the preſervation of whoſe life, my Lord Lieutenant (whom you expres a ſhamleſſe impudencie to accuſe with any guilt of his deſtruction hath run greater adventures in his perſon, made more prudent eſſaies, and under went the hazard of a better fortune then any ſubject in the three Kingdoms had to looſe beſides; againſt whom your inference is very ſtran­ge, that becauſe by the Kings own direction & Commiſsion he endevoured to ſet on foot the Royall intereſt again, he muſts need be guilty of, what was acted by thoſe that (before he left France, or appeard the ſecond time here about it) had al­ready robd the King of his libertie, and actually declared againſt his life.

But they having ſince ravisht from his Majeſtie his life aſwell as liberty, and ta­ken away both his Crowne and Royall head together, ſo contrarie to your then declared opinion (delivered as your ſelfe confeſſes to my Lord Lieutenant when the army firſt Seized on the perſon of the King who as you there profeſſed to belei­ve intended nothing elſe but to ſecure him from attempts & danger) muſt needs be a motive ſufficient either to Convert you from adhering longer unto them, or an argument at leaſt to convince me and all the world, that you both approved of, and conſented to, what ever they have done: how forraine ſoever you ſeeme to make it to your charge, in a Citty where, and at a time when, if you ſhould own it you might well feare to pull the indignation of the people, and a certain deſtruction upon your own head.

12

Yet ſurely you would much more have plaid the man of honor to have laide aſide theſe groſſer cheats & Mummeries, & dealing plainly to haue avowed the bare faced Truth (as your great maſters in England have found the courage and the confi­dence to do) that it is neither your care of the proteſtant Religion, or English In­tereſt, neither your duty to the Parliament, nor tendernes in breach of truſt, that holds you from ſubmitting to the King & my Lord Lieutenant but your over conſciouſ­neſſe of your own paſt unfaithfulnes and ingratitude to thoſe you had ſo many ties unto, your deſpaire of a full and free forgivenes, your obſervation that villany now a daies is only proſperous, and your conception that the courſe you are in ſutes more with your miſtaken Intereſt & wild ambitions then returning to your duty would; laſtly your deſire to continue yourſelfe and that Sr. Politicke, your moſt reverend brother, there A Moſes and Aron to the Irish Iſralites to conduct them ſafe out of the boggs and woods of their fortunes and eſtates through the deſerts of delinqnency; untill they ſtript of all thoſe cumberſom impediments were rea­dy for the land of promiſe, and you laden with their Egiptian ſpoiles, and a good old age were fit to be tranſplanted from Dublin to the government of the new Ieruſalem.

But let me now at laſt before it be too late prevayle with you ſo far as to perſwade your ſelfe that it is never too late to mend, that both the King and my Lord Lieutenant have mercy and generoſity enough to forgive and forget all your paſt tranſgreſsions, that fortune (how hopefully ſoever ſhe ſeem to looke upon you) hath neither leaſed out her wheeles unto your Chariot, nor victory intailed her ſelfe unto you Enſignes ſo, as to encourage you to that confidence and pre­ſumption you do put on; forgetting that God Almightie doth frequently lull in ſecurity and beſot with their paſt and preſent proſperities thoſe that are de­ſigned for a headlong deſtruction: and laſtly that (how ſuccesfull ſoever it may be for a time) there is a fulnes of iniquity which men being once arrived unto, Gods judgments are never long behind. Which exuberance of ſin if any people ever attai­ned unto, ſurely it is they that have been either actors in, or abettors of, the murther of the King: of the guilt of which horrid crime, that you may cleare your ſelfe, and prevent the hevy judgment that infallibly attends it by a ſea­ſonable ſubmiſsion and returning to your duty, is all that he aimes at, who hath dealt thus freely with you; and who on that ſcore will be moſt really.

Sr.
Your very humble ſervaunt. EDWARD WALSINGHAM.
13

The ſeverall Papers concerning Cromwells Paſſe to my Lord Lieutenant. Mentioned PAG. 48.

Dean Boyles, Letter to my Lord Lieutenant touching the tranſactions with Cromwell in behalfe of the disbanded English.

May it pleaſe your Excellency

BEing now returned from the enemies quarters, I am bold to give your Lordship an account of what we have done there; we were two dayes held in ſuſpence by Generall Cronwell whether he would deſcend to any capitula­tion upon thoſe articles we delivered him, dureing which time, his argu­ments were few, but his perſwaſions many, to come in upon a Cleare ſcore without any articling for conditions, and that he ſayd would put the whole party into a Condition of being truſted by the Parliament, which their inſi­ſting upon articles would deprive them of; But we, wholy waving the force of his perſwaſions, told him that we were limited by inſtructions, and to de­cline them in any particular, were very unfaithfull, and beyond our Com­miſsion, we therefore deſired his poſitive reſolution, whether he would aſcer­taine them of their ſecurities, or the like, or no, that ſo we might returne with an account to them that ſent us, whereupon ireton objected that by thoſe propoſals, which wee gave in to them, our deſign might be to contract for the Lord Inchiquint eſtate, aſwell as others, he being under your Excellencies command, to which I made him this anſwer, that indeed it was much the de­ſires of the Officers to ſerve him in that particular, but that I had peremptory directions from his Lordship to ſignify unto them that it was not your Excellen­cies intent, or his Lordships to Capitulate with then at all, or to be comprized under any general Conditions, whereuphn Cromwell then made anſwer, that if that were our purpoſe he would not a jot the more decline the buſineſſe; There were many houres waſted in debate. before we came to any iſſue, at laſt the reſult of all determined in theſe incloſed conditions, wherin your Excellency may he pleaſed to obſerve, that there lyes no obligation at all on our partes, but all on theirs, ſo that your Excellency may diſpoſe of your men, or any number of them, as you ſhall thinke fitting, notwithſtanding any enga­gements14 from us, only thus much we are obliged to, that our party under the couert of thoſe articles, do not prejudice them in the ſurpriſal of any of their guarriſons, or the like, which emboldens me to beſeech your Excellency, that Sr. Thomas Armſtrong may take notice of it, and ſend his engagement hi­ther, for Sr. Robert Sterlings, and Lieutenant Collonel Daniells ſecurity, and mine, this incloſed to him I held it my duty to preſent open to your Excellencie, be­fore I ſent it to himſelfe. My Lord Dureing my being there, I had many oppor­tunities, and hints given me by Generall Cromwell, and Ireton whereby I might plainly underſtand that if I would move any thing from your Excellency, or the Lord Inchiquin they would willingly hearken to it, but I waved them all ſo far that they at laſt in plain English asked mee what your Lordship intended to doe, if this party came of: I ſaid I was not acquainted with your reſolutions, But that I beleeud you would endeavour to forme the army there into a conſide­rable body, if upon the comeing off of the English party, you did not find their behaviours to be ſuch, as might give you no great confidence of them, & ſo enforce you to deſert them, if you were not neceſsitated to tarry with them for want of convenient tranſportation; to which they inſinuated unto me, that I might have a Paſſe for your ſafe going of, if you had a mind to it, & that I deſired it; my reply was that I had no commiſsion to that purpoſe, but on the contrary had poſitive directions not to aske any thing in your Lordship, or the Lord Inchiquins behalfe, yet if they would deliver me any ſuch paſſes for your Excellency, and the Lord Inchiquin, I would reſerve them by mee, and if I had any opportunity, make uſe of them; the Paſſes I have here to diſpoſe of as your Excellency ſhall appoint My Lord Inchiquin doth exceedingly diſlike my bringing them at all, and the rather, be cauſe there is not included in them a liberty for the ſhip it ſelfe, and all others to goe with you, that have an in­tent to wayte upon you: But J find if your Excellency have any inclination to make uſe of ſuch a Paſſe, it might eaſily be gayned for any, that ſhall deſi­re it, either for my Lord Muskery; or my Lord Taaffe, or any other officer of quality; They ſay they are very much concerned for the Marquis of Clan­ricard and if he would but deſire any thing that lyes in their power to ſerve him, he ſhould find that the State of England would not be unmindfull of thoſe many good offices (they were informed) he had done for the poor Proteſtants in that country. They gave me likewiſe a hint concerning Sr. Georg Hamilton, and the Caſtle of Nenagh, but I took no notice of it. Vpon diſcourſe with Gene­rall Cromwell, he ſayd that he had no intereſt at all in your eſtate, nor any de­ſigne upon it: he pretends to be a great ſervant of your ladies, and much to pitty her condition, the eſtate which ſhe brought your Lordſhip, they openly profeſſe, ſhall not be given to any from her. The day before I came from thence, there came a pacquet, which gave them ſome ſeeming diſturbance, upon the obſervance whereof, I uſed meanes by one of their own party to diſ­courſe15 with the captaine that brought it, who certifyed him that the news was very bad, and that Montroſe was landed, or certainly did intend to land in Ir­land, with 12000. men, ſomething of conſequence there is in it, but whether this be the Certainty thereof, or no, it is not yet known. I muſt beg your Ex­cellencies pardon for this tedious, and rude diverſion, which I could very much lengthen by ſeverall other paſſages, but I fear I have tranſgreſſed too farr already, which ſubmitting to your Excellencies Charitable interpretation, I remain.

My Lord,
Your Excellencies moſt faithfull and moſt humble ſervant, M. BOYLE.

Cromwells Paſſe unto my Lord Lieutenant.

THeſe are to require you, and every of you, to permit and ſuffer his Ex­cellency the Lord Marquis of Ormond, and his family (not exceeding the number of twenty perſons) with three horſes, and alſo their clothes, hou­ſhold ſtuffe, and other goods (not being merchandize) quietly, and ſafely to take ſhipping at any place within the river of Shannon, or at Galloway, or to Paſſe to Kinſale, and take ſhipping there, and from ſuch place of their ſhipping to be tranſported to any parts beyond the ſeas, (except to England, Wales or Scotland) without any violence, injury or moleſtation, as you will anſwer the Contrary at your perills. Provided they take ſhipping, and depart from Irland within the ſpace of two monthes after the date hereof, and that in the mean time they, or any of them do not act any thing to the prejudice of the Parlia­ment, or Commonwealth of England. Given under my hand, and ſeale the ſeaventh day of May, Anno Dom. 1650.

O. CROMWEL.
To all Officers ſouldiers and others under my command, & to all Captaines & com­manders of any of the shipping under the obedience of the Parliament.
16

Dean Boyles ſecond Letter to my Lord Lieutenant to juſtify himſelfe concerning the fore mentioned Paſſe,

May it pleaſe your Excellency.

REflecting upon the preſent ſad Condition of thoſe, who have adhered unto his Majeſties ſervice, I aſſumed to my ſelfe very much ſatisfaction (above many others) in the Clearneſſe of my deportments therein, which hitherto hath alwayes juſtified me in the opinion of thoſe, who have been en­truſted in the mannagement of his affaires; But I find by ſome Letters of your Excellencies to my Lord Inchiquin that I now ly under ſome hazard of being blaſted in your Excellencies eſteeme, by a ſevere charge layd on my diſcretion, and a greater wound upon my integrity, as if I had exceeded the limits of my Commiſsion, in this laſt, (and I may juſtly call it unfortunat) tranſaction: My Lord, my pretence is ſo ſlender to the firſt of theſe, that I can very eaſily diſgeſt any thing, that is objected me on that ſcore, being much more ſenſi­ble of my own weaknes, then any other man can bee, though J cannot yet con­vince my ſelfe of any ſin againſt the rules of reaſon: for apprehending When I left your Excellency, that it was your reſolution to depart the Kingdome, and finding the intentions of the enemy to block up that Harbour, by their ſhip­ping, from whence you purpoſed your departure, I eſteemed it a ſpeciall peice of providence for the preſervation of your perſon, and your honour, that they by an accidental diſcourſe ſhould offer that of themſelves, which I ſuſpected you might have been neceſsitated to make ſuite for; As for that clauſe in the Paſſe obligeing you not to act any thing to their diſadvantage, during your re­mainder here, though I muſt confeſſe that to be no way ſuitable to your Excel­lencies condition, yet I conceive it may juſtly excuſe my acceptance of it, I not making it at all my buſines to ſeeke it, and might therefore appear imper­tinent, and indeed injurious to your Excellency to except againſt it, which I the rather paſt over out of an opinion that your Excellency would have declined the ſervice here, by the time of my returne out of their quarters. But for this par­ticular as it intrencheth onely upon (that which I cannot own) diſcretion; I ſubmit it wholy to your Excellencies better diſquiſition, having this ſanctuary at laſt to be my refuge, that if I have tranſgreſſd therein, it had no other de­ſign in it, but your Excellencies preſervation, and honour. But as to the other particular of exceeding, my Commiſsion, I muſt beſeech your Excellencies leave a litle to juſtify my integrity, the rather in that I look upon my ſelfe out of any Capacity to ſerve you hereafter, whilſt I ly under the juſtice of that reproofe,17 diſhoneſty being an offence which J abhominate towards the moſt ordinary perſon, much more towards your Excellency, who have layd ſo many obliga­tions upon me; I had nothing in Charge from your Excellency in the tranſaction of that buſines, but to declare your refuſall of comeing to any conditions with them at all, or of having any inclinations there unto, which I did oftentimes not privately, or to the meaneſt of them, but publiquely, to the cheifeſt amongſt them, Cromwell and Ireton. Which I conceive to he a perfect diſcharge of what was intruſted to me by your Excellency, and as for my bare reception of the Paſſe, as it proceeded not at all from my demand, ſo it cannot certainly, without very much ſeverity, be interpreted a breach of my Commiſsion.

This poor party being very ſuddainly to be diſperſed to their ſeverall deſti­nies, I know not what providence intends mee for the future, but for the preſent I am like to be neceſsitated to the ſame misfortune with them, and by this great miſtake of my eſſayes for their ſervice, to be inforced to deſert the perſons whom I honour, and to retire amongſt thoſe, who are, and have been my moſt profeſſed enemies. I know not when I ſhall have the opportu­nity to wayte next upon your Excellency, and have therefore aſſumed the con­fidence of giving your Excellency the trouble of this my juſt excuſe; if it may prevayle to reeſtabliſh me in your Excellencies good opinion, it wil afford mee many peacefull thoughts, while I continue in my baniſhment. However, as I was your Excellencies moſt faithfull ſervant, before you placed and of your favours on mee, ſo no miſinterpretation of my actions ſhall make me a whitt decline my unalterable reſolution of avowing my ſelfe.

My Lord,
Your Excellencies moſt obedient and hum­ble ſervant. M, BOYLE.

The Governour of Roſſe his Letter to Generall Preſton com­manding in Waterford.

My Lord.

HAving had experience of your Lordships honour, and civility, and conſi­dering the condition of the place under your command, what by con­tagicuſnes18 within your citty, and the ſword about it, and the regardles inconfiderablenes of your party for your releife, induces me to ſympathize with your Lordship, J haveing now a ſeaſonable opportunity to offer ſuch conditions to your Lordſhip, as may befit ſuch a perſon of honour to accept hereof, and blemiſhes; and objections being removed, you have no leſſe preſidents then the Lord of Ormond, and the Lord of Inchiquin; Their Commiſ­ſioners, and the Lord Lieutenant Generall Cromwell for each, and in behalfe of both parties have concluded for their Comming in to the Lord Lieutenant Generall Cromwell, and to take up armes that will, others to goe beyond ſeas, with their equipage within two monthes. This was confirmd, and ratifyed laſt Friday at Fetherd. And I would not tell you a falſe thing for Rockes of pearle; If you pleaſe to be ſo fortunate to your ſelfe, and family, as to adhere to this offer here incloſed they ſhall be confirmd under the Lord Cromwells hand, and ſeale, upon the capitulation, and agreement betwixt your Lordſhip, and my ſelfe, for the ſurrender of the Citty to the uſe of the ſtate of England; If you pleaſe, I ſhall meet you for a perſonall treaty, where you ſhall appoint for better ſatisfaction, and during our meeting, or going from it, no acts of ho­ſtility to be comitted on either ſide, of which I aſſure to your Lordſhip if your Lordſhip promiſe the like to mee; And for the Citizens they ſhall have the ſame conditions, as Roſſe had, which is now a Flouriſhing place. In tendernes to your Lordship, and the Citty, that both may be preſerved, and in a happy con­dition, I did prevayle to make theſe overtures, and negotiation, deſiring your Lordships anſwer I remain.

My Lord,
Your Lordships humble ſervant. D, AXTEL.

Dean Boyles Letter to Cromwell about the Paſſes he recei­ved from him.

My Lord,

I preſume your Lordship remembers upon what ſcore the Paſſes for the Lord Lieutenant, and Lord Inchiquin were received by mee from your Lordship19 upon a ſuſpicion I had there might fall out ſome unhandſome cariage towards them, upon the departure of theſe English out of the quarters; which oppor­tunity of ſerving them, I was not very unwilling to imbrace, conceiving it an honourable expedient for their ſecurity, in caſe they ſhould be neceſsitated thereunto. But I find His Excellency it not at all ſatisfyed with me therin, I having no Commiſsion to that purpoſe, and upon intimation ſent his Lordship that I had ſuch a thing, he commanded me to returne it with civility to your Lordship; But finding by the Copy of a Letter to the Governor of Waterford (which I here incloſe) that there is ſome uſe indeavoured to be made thereof to his exceeding preiudice, and diſhonour, he hath commanded metoſend it to himſelfe leaſt the returne of it ſhould be perverted to his prejudice, as the ac­ceptance was; I have hereby returned your Lordship the Paſſe for the Lord Inchi­quin, and from both have received very ſlender thankes for bringing them. Your Lordſhip knows I made no engagement for any thing no either of their behalfes, but on the contrary in the diſcuſsion of thoſe propoſaIls, which I preſented to your Lordship from the Officers, did declare, that I had poſitive commands to except the Lord Marquis of Ormond, and Lord of Iuchiquin, from having any benefit of, or relation unto any thing, that was comprized in that treaty, ſo that the ſuggeſtions of M. Axtell to the Governor of Waterford, though they are nothing a greable to the conditions we received from your Lordſhip, yet they give a very great diſſatisfaction to many here of my integrity, as pre­ſuming me to act ſome thing under hand, either by deſign, or beyond Com­miſsion wherein if your Excellency, would be pleaſed to afford me the juſtice of ſome kind of vindication, it would extremly oblige me in a very gratefull reſentiment.

My Lord,
Your Excellencies humble ſervant. M. BOYLE.
20

My Lord Lieutenants Letter to Cromwell when he ſent him Back his Paſſe.

SR.

DEan Boyle having brought me a Paper ſigned, and ſealed by you, ſeeming to be a Paſſe for me to tranſport my ſelfe beyond ſeas; I did much wonder from whence, or for what reaſon it was, that you either gave, or he accepted it; ſince he was directed to declare to you (if it came in queſtion) that I had no intention to treat with you for a Paſſe, or any other thing; And though I am yet to ſeek a reaſon for his part of that tranſaction, yet yours appeares to me in Axtells Letter to Generall Preſton; I have by this Trumpetter returned you your Paper, and for your unſought courteſy do aſſure you, that when you shall deſire a Paſſe from me, and I thinke fit to grant it, I shall not make uſe of it to corrupt any that commands under you, I remain.

Your humble ſervant. ORMONDE.
21

The Speech of his Excellency the Marquis of Ormond unto the Generall Aſſembly of the confederates in Irland upon the ſigning of the peace, in anſwer to the Oration of Sr. Richard Blake Chairman of the Aſſembly. Men­tioned. PAG. 55.

My Lords and Gentlemen.

I Shall not ſpeake to thoſe expreſsions of duty and Loyalty, ſo eloquently di­geſted into a Diſcourſe, by the Gentleman appointed by you to deliver your ſenſe, you will preſently have in your hands greater and more ſolid Ar­guments of His Majeſties gratious acceptance of them, then I can enumerate, or then perhaps, you your ſelves diſcerne, for, beſides the proviſion made againſt your remoteſt feares of the ſeverity of certaine Lawes, and beſides many other freedomes, and bounties conveighed to you, and your poſterity, by theſe Articles, There is a doore, and that a large one, not left, but ſett open to give you entrance, by your future merits, to whatſoever of honour, or other ad­vantage, you can reaſonably wiſh, ſo that you have in preſent fruition what may abundantly ſatisfye, and yet there are no bounds ſet to your hopes but you are rather invited, or, (according to a new Phraſe, but to an old & better pur­poſe) You ſeeme to have a Call from Heaven, to excerciſe your Armes and utter­moſt fortitude, in the nobleſt, and juſteſt Cauſe the world hath knowen; for let all the Circumſtances, incident to a great & good Cauſe of warr, be examined, and they will befound Comprehended in that which you are now called war­rantably to defende; Religion, not in the narrow circumſcribed definition of it, under this, or that late found out diſtinction, but Chriſtian Religion, is our Quarrell, which certainly is as much and as fatally ſtruck at (I may ſay more) by the blaſphemous Lycence of this Age, then ever it was by the rudeſt Incurſions of the moſt barbarous and moſt avowed Enemys to Chriſtianity. The venerable Lawes, and fundamentall Conſtitutions are trodden under impious, and, for22 the moſt, part Mechanique feete. aIudg reader if theſe be the words of one that intends to betray the Kingdome and Kings intereſt to Cromwell. The ſacred perſon of the King (the life of thoſe Lawes) under an ignominious impriſonment, & his life threatned to be taken away by the Sacrilegious hands of the baſeſt of the People that owe Him obediences, And, to endeare the Quarrell to you, the fountaine of all the benefits you have but now acknowledged, and of what you may further hope for by this Peace, and your owne merits, is now in danger to be obſtructed by the execrable mur­ther of the worthjeſt Prince that ever ruld theſe Iſlands. In ſhort, Hell can adde no­thing to the deſperate Miſcheife now openly projected.

And now judge, if a greater, or a more glorious feild was ever ſet open to action; and then prepare yourſelves to enter into it, And receive theſe few Advices from one throughly embarqued with you in the Adventure.

Firſt. Let me recommend unto you, that to this, as to all other holy Actions, you would prepare yourſelves with perfect Charity, a Charity that may obliterate whatſoeverbAre not here the factions. of Rancours a long continued Civill warr may have contracted in you againſt any that ſhall now cooperate with you in ſo bleſſed a worke, & let his engagement with you, (who ever he is) be, as it ought to be, a Bond of Unity, of Love, of Concord, ſtronger then the neareſt tye of nature.

In the next place, marke, and beware of thoſe that ſhall goe about to renew, or createcIealouſies. Iealouſies in you, under what pretenſe, ſoever, & accompt ſuch as infernal Miniſters, imployed to promote the black Deſigne on foote, to ſubvert Monarchy, & to make us all ſlaves to thoſe that are ſo to theire owne avaritious Luſts.

Away, aſſoone & as much as poſsibly may be, with thoſe diſtinctionsdAnd nationall animoſities fore ſeen & forelold that ſince have ruind all. of Na­tions, and of Partys, which are the feilds where in the ſeede of thoſe Rankor weeds are ſowen by the great Enemy of our Peace.

In the laſt place, Lett us all diveſt ourſelves of that prepoſterous, that ridiculous Ambition, and ſelfe Intereſt, which rather leads to our threatned generall Ruine, then to the enjoyment of Advantages unſeaſonably deſired.

And if at any time you ſhall thinke yourſelves pincht to neare the bone by thoſe Taxes, & Leavyes that may be impoſed on you for your defenſe, Conſider then, how vaine, how foolish a thing it will be, to ſtarve a Righteous Cauſe for want of neceſſary ſup­port; to preſerve yourſelves fat & guilded ſacrificies to the rapine of a mercileſſe Enemy.

And if wee come thus well prepared to a Contention, ſo juſt, on our part, God will either bleſſe our Endeavours with ſucceſſe & victory, orfWere there ever nobler or more generous expreſsions of loyalty then theſe. Crowne our ſuffe­rings with honour, & patience; for what honour will it not be, if God have ſo de­termined of us) to periſhwith a long glorious Monarchy? And who can wante pa­tienceeThe people of Irland have found the truth of this by a lamentable experience. 23 to ſuffer with oppreſt Princes? But as our Endeavours, ſo let our prayers be, vigorous, that they may be delivered from a more unnatural Rebellion then is mentioned by any ſtory, now raiſed to the higheſt pitch of ſucceſse againſt them.

I ſhould now ſay ſomething to you for my ſelfe, in returne to the advanta­gious mention made of me,gOr greater modeſty. & my Endeavours to bring this ſettlement to paſſe; but I confeſſe my thoughts were wholy taken up with thoſe much greater Concerne­ments; Let it ſuffice, that as I wiſh to be continued in your good eſteeme & affec­tion, ſo I ſhall freely adventure upon any hazard, and eſteeme no trouble a diffi­culty too great to encounter, if I may manifeſt my zeale to this Cauſe, and diſ­charge ſome part of the obligations that are upon me to ſerve this Kingdome.

FINIS.

ERRATA.

PAg. 6. l. 7. for Intereſts, of the crown read Intereſts of the crown, P. 7. l. 28. for Mon­ſter read Mounſter. P. 9. l. 22. for prece read peace. P. 24. l. 17. after Col. Birne, read The famous Pudſey with the poleaxe, Colonell Walton, Griſſith Cavanagh, &c. P. 29. l. 16. for appeared read as appeared. P. 49. l. 3. for ad read a. P. 50, l. 10. Clonwell read Clonmell. P 51. l. 3. for Neavagh read Neanagh. ibid. for Puachaſes read Pur­chaſes. P. 52. for hande read handes. P. 53. for that is their read that it is their. P. 56. for I have given read I have here given. Erratas in the Letters. P. 4. l. 19. for take thy paines read take this Paines ibid. for an foyle read an unglorious foyle. P. 6. l. 42. for it read is. P. 12. l. 1. for to laide ad to have laide ibid. l. 27. for is fulneſse read is a fulneſſe. P. 3. l. 8. for Cronwell read Cromwell.

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TextA letter from Sir Levvis Dyve: to the Lord Marquis of New-Castle giveing his Lordship an account of the whole conduct of the Kings affaires in Irland [sic], since the time of the Lord Marquis of Ormond, His Excellencies arrival there out of France in Septem. 1648. Until Sr. Lewis his departure out of that Kingdome, in June 1650. Together with the annexed coppies of sundry letters mentioned by Sr. Lewis Dyve as relating to the businesse he treats of from the Hauge 10. 20. July 1650.
AuthorDyve, Lewis, Sir, 1599-1669..
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Edition1650
SeriesEarly English books online text creation partnership.
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Bibliographic informationA letter from Sir Levvis Dyve: to the Lord Marquis of New-Castle giveing his Lordship an account of the whole conduct of the Kings affaires in Irland [sic], since the time of the Lord Marquis of Ormond, His Excellencies arrival there out of France in Septem. 1648. Until Sr. Lewis his departure out of that Kingdome, in June 1650. Together with the annexed coppies of sundry letters mentioned by Sr. Lewis Dyve as relating to the businesse he treats of from the Hauge 10. 20. July 1650. Dyve, Lewis, Sir, 1599-1669.. 56; 23, [1] p. Printed by Samuell Broun, English Bookseller,Hague :1650.. ('The copies of the severall letters' has its own caption title, pagination, and register.) (Annotation on Thomason copy: "Nou: 17".) (Reproduction of the original in the British Library.)
Languageeng
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  • Charles -- II, -- King of England, 1630-1685 -- Early works to 1800.
  • Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800.
  • Great Britain -- History -- Commonwealth and Protectorate, 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800.
  • Ireland -- History -- 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800.

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Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford.

Editorial principles

EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO.

EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org).

The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source.

Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data.

Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so.

Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor.

The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines.

Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements).

Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site.

Publication information

Publisher
  • Text Creation Partnership,
ImprintAnn Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2014-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 2).
Identifiers
  • DLPS A81959
  • STC Wing D2979
  • STC Thomason E616_7
  • STC ESTC R206730
  • EEBO-CITATION 99865839
  • PROQUEST 99865839
  • VID 118090
Availability

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. Searching, reading, printing, or downloading EEBO-TCP texts is reserved for the authorized users of these project partner institutions. Permission must be granted for subsequent distribution, in print or electronically, of this EEBO-TCP Phase II text, in whole or in part.