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A DECLARATION TO THE Commons of England: CONTAINING Thirteen ſeverall Reaſons why the Commonalty of this Kingdom ought to take part with the Parliament againſt thoſe that indeavour the ſubverſion thereof.

PUBLISHED For the Conviction of ſuch as are apt to be miſ-led by a Malignant Party againſt the Parliament.

[C R: English royal blazon, used a printer's device

Printed for H. Hutton. March 30 1643.

A Declaration to the Subjects of ENGLAND and WALES.

FOraſmuch as it appeares, that in all places, in pulpits, diſcourſes, and otherwiſe, the friends to the Popiſh party have and do daily indeavour to ſtir up a moſt ingratefull and unworthy diſreſpect unto the Parliament, there are therefore theſe conſiderations preſenting themſelves to every mans view, and for the moſt part evident in the Parliaments own Remonſtrances and Declarations.

1 That men would conſider, when it pleaſed God after many Peti­tions of the people, to grant this Parliament, what were the complaints of the whole Kingdome in matters both of Church and State, and the miſerable oppreſſions of mens conſciences and properties.

2 Conſider what the Parliament hath done with great difficulties to accommodate the deſires of the people in this behalf, in ſuppreſſing the power of tyrants over mens conſciences, in taking away all ſcandalous and ſuperſtitious innovations, in granting liberty to all Pariſhes to chuſe Lecturers, in opening the mouths of godly Miniſters, in taking away the Prelates Courts, how ſome delinquents have been puniſhed, and o­thers detected, evill Miniſters of Juſtice are partly removed, Ship-mo­ney, Coat and Conduct-moneys, Patents almoſt for every thing (to the daily draining and oppreſſing of the ſubject) are all taken away; and conſider alſo whether any one thing hath been done by them, which doth not (in tuitu proprio) look at the future peace and benefit of this Kingdome.

3. Conſider, whether if this preſent Parliament ſhould unhappily be diſcountenanced, diſcouraged, or diſſolved (which God forbid) we ſhould ever hrve the like, or any: or if by vertue of the act for the tri­enniall Parliament there ſhould be another, whether any man bearing good will to the Common-wealth, being choſen, would be encouraged thereunto, and ſo either we ſhould have none at all, or if any, ſuch an one which inſtead of a remedy ſhould be an in-let of all miſery into the Land.

4 Conſider how Kingdoms abroad in the world are governed with­out Parliaments, where Voluntas Regis is lex populi, the pleaſure of the King is the rule of the Kingdome, and the precipitancie of this Kingdom alſo before this Parliament, into all oppreſsion and miſerie through the deceitfull ſuggeſtions and inſinuations of wicked Counſell about his Majeſtie; and whether we are not looked upon, as the envie of other kingdomes by vertue of this onely inheritance of ours.

5 Conſider into what miſery, bloud and diſtraction, we had plunged our ſelves two yeers ſince, (the two nations of England and Scotland imbruing themſelves, and weltring in one anothers bloud) had not the wiſdome of the Parliament then preſent (conſiſting for the moſt part of the ſame Members as this doth) denyed the levying of moneys for the maintaining of that war: which ſhould ever make us thankfull, and mindfull of a Parliaments benefit.

6 Conſider that whereas the Proteſtant Profeſſion and the Subjects liberty is pretended in all things, what good intent either can or could there be to the one, or to the other, either in thoſe former differences between us and our brethren, the Scots, or the preſent diviſions in this kingdome, when Papiſts and popiſh perſons were then the chief Com­manders (for the moſt part) in the Engliſh Armies, and now Papiſts, po­piſh perſons and Atheiſts, whoſe continuall aſſertions are wounds and bloud, and God damne me, or heavens damne me, if we be not reven­ged upon theſe Roundheads (a nick-name queſtionleſſe originally ſprung up from ſome block-head, having neither wit nor reaſon in it) theſe are the main abettors, provokers, projectors and actors in theſe diviſions, whether theſe aim at the Proteſtant Religion, whatever they call the Proteſtant profeſſion, except it be popery in all things, ſuprema­cy only excepted, & the ſubiects liberty, let the meaneſt capacity iudge.

7 Conſider what tampe ing there hath been theſe two or three years to raiſe up civill wars amongſt us in the three Kingdoms: Firſt between us and the Scots, next in Ireland, and whether the ſame ſpirit that work­eth ſo hot in Ireland, had no factors in Scotland, and amongſt us in Eng­land, let all them that have the right faculty of diſcerning iudge, and whether they that indeavour to raiſe up civill wars in a kingdome, can aim at the good of that kingdome, let every man that hath not loſt theſe of reaſon determine.

8 Conſider what unheard of miſery, barbarous cruelty, ſavage in­humanity is exerciſed upon the poor Proteſtants in Ireland, by that bloudy popiſh party, let thoſe iudge and conſider, who either have or will read the Iriſh Remonſtrance, and obſerve how theſe diſtractions at home (occaſioned by the unhappy diviſion and diſtance of His Maieſty from his Parliament) incourage the rebels, and hinder the Proteſtant Cauſe there, whereas a happy concurrence between the King and Par­liament might in an ordinary way, through Gods bleſſing, have ſubdu­ed thoſe wicked rebels long ſince.

9 Conſider what reproach, ſcandall and ſcorn we ſhall bring upon our whole nation and poſterity for ever, if we ſhould chuſe a Parliament and becauſe they wil not ſuffer us to be made ſlaves, even for their faith­fulneſſe and love unto us, (when happily their own particular ſafety, and perſonall preferment might be better advantaged if they ſhould deſert us) for this we ſhould riſe againſt them, and contend for an Iron yoake, of perpetual bondage and miſery, and whether God may not in diſplea­ſure give us up hereunto, who ſhall ſo lightly eſteeme, and ſo fooliſhly improve that oportunity, which he hath put into our hands, and if our poſterity will not curſe the time that it entred into our hearts ſo to do.

10. Conſider how it can ſtand with our proteſtation, to take up Arms againſt the whole Body of the Kingdome, repreſented in the Parliament, and the Lawes of the Land, which we are all bound by oath to ſtand to to the utmoſt of our lives, liberties, and eſtates, and wherein the honour and preſervation both of King & Kingdome doth conſiſt, and which of thoſe do breake their oath, either thoſe that pretending the Kings pre­rogative take up Armes againſt the whole Kingdome repreſented in the Parliament: or thoſe that ſhall endeavour to ſuppreſſe ſuch a malignant party. The King himſelfe having alwaies proteſted, that for his part, (taking God to witneſſe) he deſireth nothing more then the peace and proſperity of Religion and Kingdome.

11. Conſider whereas Lawes and Statutes are pretended, as if the Parliament ſhould do many things illegally, even againſt the King, with this ſuggeſtion, that then its high time for the Subjects to look to their properties and liberties, whether are to be believed what is law: ei­ther that party that ſhall affirme this or that to be law, and will not ap­peare to maintain their aſſertious (the King profeſſing himſelfe to be no Lawyer, many of his affirmations being the miſinformations of others) or the makers of new, and interpreters of the old Laws, who have all the Judges and chiefeſt Lawyers in the Land to adviſe withall, taking this with us, that Salus populi eſt ſuprema lex? and whether both the Law of the Land and the good of the ſubject was not pretended in all the Patents granted, as appeares in the ſeverall Proclamations for the ſame purpoſe, yea, and in the high Commiſſion and Star-chamber Courts, and if it were ſo, let the whole kingdome judge.

12 Conſider whether all the wholſome Laws, benefits and liberties of the ſubject this day have not been the birth & fruits of Parliaments, and whether the Parliament hath not always been the Sanctuary and refuge for all that have been unjuſtly oppreſſed and abuſed, and what remedy could be had by any other appeales whatſoever, when through the corruption of evill Miniſters of Juſtice, the ſtrength of a mans purſe, rather then the righteouſneſſe of his cauſe, hath always been the bonum omen, the certain promiſing token of good ſucceſſe: conſider therefore whether (by deſerting the Parliament) we do not go about to ſtop, yea to dry up all the ſprings of our legall Priviledges, having had ſuch long and happy experiences of the benefits thereof, and whether it ever entred into the hearts of any of our Predeceſſours, excepting the Papiſts, to do the leaſt injury to Parliaments.

Whereas it is objected againſt the Parliament, that (under pretence of the danger of forraign and domeſtick enemies) they take up arms a­gainſt the King, endeavour to deſtroy the lawes of the land, and religion amongſt us: conſider whether that theſe, and greater then theſe aſper­ſions were not caſt upon the Scots, & no man durſt affirm the contrary: and yet when things came legally to be debated, all proved other­wiſe, and his Majeſty himſelfe did acknowledge the contrary,; And conſider wltether it is not now to be doubted, that the ſame fire brands of combuſtion amongſt us now, be not thoſe that were formerly be­tween us and our neighbour Nation, and whether they be not the ſame Deſignes of confuſion of both Nations ſtill, altering the Method; be­ginning in England now, with hopes to end in Scotland, whereas they formerly begun there, with purpoſes to end here.

Laſtly, conſider whether there be not a threefold ground of the pro­ceedings againſt the Parliament, according to the threefold condition of the chiefe actors in theſe diviſion, viz.

1. The Papiſts perceive, that the Parliament making progreſſe accor­ding to their beginnings, will take away their hopes of enjoying their Antichriſtian Religion amongſt us, therefore it ſtands upon them now to adventure upon any deſigne, for now or never muſt the Pope up, or down in this Kingdome, and indeed if men could conceive it, the quar­rel is, whether Michael or the Dragon, Chriſt or the Pope ſhould get ſafeſt footing in this Kingdome; Let any ſeeing man looke backe, and compare the time paſt, with time preſent, and let him give his judgement in this point, whether Popery hath not been the mark they aymed at.

2. For the depending Gentlemen, theſe alſo know, that if the Parlia­ment proceed, they ſhall not onely be expoſed to the Juſtice of their former demerits, but alſo looſe the hopes of any future favour or pra­ctiſe, being conſcious to themſelves of ever becoming honeſt men, who from the beginning of their preferment have caſhier'd out of their hearts the feare of God, a good Conſcience, and the day of Judgement, there­fore they muſt either run beyond the Seas, or bend their endeavours to roote up this Parliament.

3. The Cavaliers, whoſe Lands and eſtates are above in the Aire, who make great Brags of their deſperate attempts, when their greateſt dan­ger of drowning hath been in an Ale-Tub, yet they know that it is beſt fiſhing in troubled waters, and that England is full of rich Booties, and therefore they cannot forbeare their prey till oportunity ſerves their turne, who are are all for the preſent, as for the other world, they have paſſed the dreadfull ſentence of (God damne me) theſe three ſorts are the leaders and provokers of a party againſt the Parliament.

As for thoſe noblemen whoſe abſence from the Parliament is an in­couragement to this Malignant party, if they come under the ranks of Popiſh and Dependant, their practiſes is a pregnant teſtimony of what hath been ſaid of thoſe two ſorts, namely that their Deſigne is to root up the Parliament, leaſt the Parliament ſhould root out them, but if they be not under theſe ranks, either their ingenuity is to labour to make a a pacification, and to make up the breach between his Maieſty and the Parliament, or elſe their Nobility is mero titulo, little Noble Blood runnes in their veines, and Heathens may throw ſtones at them, whoſe progenitors have been rendred famous, by their Heroicke Acts for their Countries care.

From all theſe Conſiderations, this may be well inferred, being neceſ­ſary for our preſent obſervation.

That if ever we would improve our ſelves, for God, the King, the Kingdome, lives, lawes and liberties, our ſelves and poore Poſteritie, if we would not ſee our yet flouriſhing Cities made ruinous heapes, our peace and plenty turned into bloud and Famine, our deareſt Wives ra­viſhed before our faces, our tender Childrens braines daſh't againſt the ſtones, our mutuall trading turned into violence and robbery, our ſweet enjoyments of all relations, unto murders, rapes, cruelties upon themll, If wee have any love to the Goſpell of Life, that the Arke of God may not depart, and miſery come upon us, Let every man in his ſtation ſtudy peace; and endeavour all meanes of pacification, abhorring the very thoughts of ever taking up Arms againſt either King or Parliament, but to the utmoſt of our powers, ſetting our ſelves againſt the Incendiaries between them both, that the Peace of God, and the God of Peace may ſtill rule in the mid'ſt of us, that we render not our ſelves the mocking ſtock of Nations, by doing that our ſelves, which the politicke mallice neither of our Forraign nor Domeſticke Enemies in all theſe foureſcore yeares could effect, whereby wee ſhall revive the power of our former oppreſſors, and our ruin ſhall be unto after ages, the everlaſting ſhame­full monuments of our blindneſſe and folly, that wee ſhould riſe up like unnaturall Children, and cut the throate of our owne Mother Nation, That wee ſhould love bondage rather then liberty, all Nations Coun­tries and People will ſport at our miſery, if we ſhall thus betray ouſelves, then ſhall our reeling and tottering Kingdome fall, and none ſhall lend a hand to ſupport it, It now pants for breath, travailing with the peace, plenty, ſecurity, Religion, Lawes, Liberties and comforts there­of, and therefore let every man that deſireth a bleſſing on the King a••Kingdome, pray for the peace of Jeruſalem.


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TextA declaration to the Commons of England: containing thirteen severall reasons why the commonalty of this kingdom ought to take part with the Parliament against those that indeavour the subversion thereof. Published for the conviction of such as are apt to be mis-led by a malignant party against the Parliament.
Extent Approx. 16 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images.
SeriesEarly English books online text creation partnership.
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(EEBO-TCP ; phase 2, no. A82262)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 111216)

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Bibliographic informationA declaration to the Commons of England: containing thirteen severall reasons why the commonalty of this kingdom ought to take part with the Parliament against those that indeavour the subversion thereof. Published for the conviction of such as are apt to be mis-led by a malignant party against the Parliament. [8] p. Printed for H. Hutton,[London] :1643.. (Place of publication from Wing.) (Annotation on Thomason copy: "March 30".) (Reproduction of the original in the British Library.)
  • England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800.
  • Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800.

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ImprintAnn Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2014-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 2).
  • DLPS A82262
  • STC Wing D797
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  • STC ESTC R11845
  • EEBO-CITATION 99859150
  • PROQUEST 99859150
  • VID 111216

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