PRIMS Full-text transcription (HTML)

A DEFENSIVE DECLARATION OF Lieut. Col. John Lilburn, Againſt the unjuſt ſentence of his baniſhment, by the late Parlia­ment of England; directed in an Epiſtle from his houſe in Bridges in Flanders, May 14. 1653. (Dutch or new ſtill, or the 4 of may 1653. Eng­liſh or old ſtile) To his Excellency the Lord General Cromwell, and the reſt of the Officers of his Army, commonly ſitting in White-hall in Councel, managing the preſent affairs of England, &c. Unto which is an­nexed, an additional appendix directed from the ſaid Leut. Col. John Lilburn, to his Excellency, and his Officers, occaſioned by his preſent im­priſonment in Newgate; and ſome groundleſs ſcandals, for being an agent of the preſent King, caſt upon him by ſome great perſons at White­hall, upon the delivery of his third Addreſs (to the counſel of State, by his wife and ſeveral other of his friends) dated from his captivity in Newgate the 20 of June 1653.

MY Lord and honored Gentlemen.

Having ſeen nothing abroad in print to declare that title that you would have people give you that addreſs themſelves to you, I muſt therefore crave your pardon, if through ignorance I do not exactly give you (being my ſelf in a foraigne nation, at ſo far a diſtance from you) that title that is uſually given unto you; for upon my word and reputation, my preſent deſigne is to write with all reſpect unto you; wherefore, I crave leave truly to inform you, that by the ſudden and unexpected arrival of my endeared (though greatly afflicted) wife, with me yeſternight. I am by her certainly informed of the total diſſolution of the Parliament, with2 the neceſſity of your aſſuming to your ſelves the power of the Nati­on, with large and ſerious promiſes from you, of doing it real good and healing it's rents, breaches, hazards, and dangerous diviſions, by ſetting it at real liberty and freedome, founded upon the true prin­ciples of reaſon, common equity, righteouſneſs and juſtice: 'at the ſight of which in truth and verity, my heart ſhould more truly rejoyce, then at the enjoying of all earthly riches and honour, that poſſible it can be imagined the whole world can afford to me parti­cularly; And alſo, ſhe very much incourages me to believe, that if I can obtaine your paſs, faith, or ingagement for my ſafe and free returning into England, and remaining there (which ſhe with con­fidence aſſures me, by vertue of this letter thus penned, and her negotiations thereupon, ſpeedily to procure from you) I may with confidence reſt upon it. In which conſideration, moſt noble and worthy gentlemen, vouchſafe me, without diſtaſt I beſeech you, li­berty, truly to acquaint you, That by the late Parliaments Votes of the 15. of January laſt was twelve Months I was fined ſeven thouſand pound to Sir Arthur Haſelridge, &c. to be baniſhed out of England, and its territories for ever, and never to return in­to any of them againe, upon pain of death; but if I do, I am to dye as a fellon without mercy, and upon pain of death to be gone within thirty dayes after the ſaid 15 of Januarie; And by their Act of the 30 of the ſame moneth, all perſons are declared ac­ceſſary of Fellony, after the fact, that ſhall relieve, harbour or conceal me in England, or any of its territories, after the expirati­on of 20 dayes after the ſaid 15 of January, the ſaid day that the judgement of my baniſhment was paſt againſt me, & the harbors all ſtopt, that none ſhould paſs without a paſs. And yet, though I went to the Speaker Maſter Lenthal, at his own houſe, and with all the earneſtneſs and importunity that my tongue poſſibly could ex­preſs to him, begged a paſs of him, as for my life, but it was a­gain and again abſolutely by him denied me; So that I ran appa­rent hazards of being hanged in England before I could get away, forwant of a paſs to go into my baniſhment.

For at Dover, the Maior of that Corporation, abſolutely and re­ſolutely denied to let me go without a paſs, although I had been at the charges to carry thither from London with me ſeveral witneſſes, judicially to depoſe upon their oaths, that I was the individual3 Lieut. Col. John Lilburn mentioned and named in my baniſhing votes, which were publikely printed by ſpecial order of the Parlia­ment, one of which copies I then delivered to him (till his wife (a meer ſtranger to me) and one that to my knowledge I had never ſeen before) upon my mournful expoſtulation with him, burſt out into crying, and begged and deſired of her husband to let me paſs; and rather, by ſo doing, to run the hazard of his own ruine, then of my apparent death by his means. And all this is done unto me, I do here ſolemnly avow it (and dare ingage with the utmoſt hazard of life, judicially legally, fully, and evidently to make it good) without any the leaſt ſhadow af law, reaſon, juſtice, con­ſcience, or provocation; without ſo much, as ever laying any pre­tence of a crime unto my charge, or ever letting me know my ac­cuſer, or any accuſation, or ever by ſending forth any manner of proceſs of law, calling me to any anſwer whatſoever; or ever permitting me (though in the face of the Parliament ſitting I moſt earneſtly preſt it and deſired it, upon the twentieth of Jan. being the very day that by their fifth vote paſt againſt me, I was called to their bar to hear their ſentence read to me) to ſpeak ſo much as one word in my own defence, or expreſſing any manner of cauſe in my fore­ſaid baniſhing votes, either general or particular, wherefore they ſo baniſhed and fined me ſeven thouſand pound. The foreſaid Act of the thirtieth of January (paſt alſo againſt me) was made af­ter it was publickly known I was upon my journy to Dover, to go into my baniſhment; and yet that Act expreſſeth no particular crime, in the leaſt in law, againſt me, but onely generals, which by the law of England and the Armyes Declaration ſignifie nothing. 2 Part Cooks Inſt. fol. 52, 53, 315, 318, 591, 615, 616. and 1. part of the Parliaments book of Declarations, p. 38, 77 201, 845, and the votes upon the impeached 11 Members: ſee the Petition of Right, and the late act that aboliſhed the Star-chamber, and thoſe excellent printed arguments upon the Writ of Habeas Corpus, in the Court of Kings Bench, in the Caſe of Sir John Eliot and o­ther Parliament-men committed to priſon in the third of King Charles. The unparallel'd ſtrangeneſs, and high injuſtice of which ſentence (by no laws of nature, rules of reaſon, nor foundations of Engliſh government can no way (I am confident) be juſtified (nor any man that had really a finger or vote in cauſing or4procuring of it) by any man indued either with one grain of honor, true underſtanding, conſcience, or common honeſty; the juſtificati­on of my own innocency, and every way cauſeleſs ſuffering in every particular, againſt that moſt unrighteous ſentence, I dare venture my life to the uttermoſt hazard, to juſtifie, and vindicate fully againſt the learnedeſt, ableſt, or rationaleſt writer, or lawyer in England, that ſhall in the leaſt open his mouth in the defence of that Sen­tence; which yet, with all reſpect I leave to you further to judge of.

And yet by vertue of this very Sentence, Sir Arthur Haſelridge many weeks ſince hath actually ſeized, and is actually poſſeſſed by his tenents or other agents of all my land, and corn ſown upon the ground, & turned all my ſervants out of houſe and home. By means of which ſentence, I being but a new beginner (by reaſon of my many, and long continued chargeable troubles and impriſonments) to take root in any outward ſettlement in the world, for the future ſubſiſt­ance of me, my wife, and helpleſs little babes: I have been already ſo deſtroyed in my eſtate, as that really and truly, I am already ſeveral thouſands of pounds damnified thereby, beſides all the conſtant hazards of my life; And already I profeſs, bona fide, as in the preſence of God expoſed to ſo great ſtraights (which till now, for my own reputation ſake, I never durſt divulge) as that I have already been forced in a land of ſtrangers, for many moneths together, to borrow here every peny that bought me•…ead, while my wife in England, for the ſubſiſtance of her & our children being forced to ſell a great part of her houſhold-ſtuffe, and to pawn other of it, yet unredeemed; and alſo to borrow ſeveral ſums of money of her friends, being in point of payment of moneys unto her ſo dealt with, by almoſt all perſons in a manner, that ſhe may juſtly ſay, they have dealt unhoneſtly and unworthily with her, they taking advan­tage of my abſence, and great afflictions; yea to procure money to buy her, and her poor young babes bread ſhe hath already been neceſſi­tated to part with my intereſt in one houſe in London, for one hundred thirty five pounds, that ſtands me in much above three hundred pounds, and yet by my Landlord of that houſe, being one of that moſt corrupt tribe of Lawyers, is baſely, unconſcionably, and unworthily dealt with, by reaſon of which, a great part of the ſaid5one hundred thirty five pound is kept from her. And yet, all this put together, is the leaſt of my preſent ſad affliction and baniſh­ment.

For at Dover was clapt upon me a ſpye, a Rogue, called Cap­taine Wendy Oxford, who had ſtood upon the Pillory for wilful perjury, in two ſeveral places; and yet at the ſame time was hired and penſioned by Maſter Thomas Scott Sir Arthur Haſel­ridges boſome and moſt indeared friend; who hath held a con­ſtant (though many wayes, ſeemingly diſguiſed) correſpondency, with the perjured Rogue Oxford ever ſince; as to Maſter Scotts face, I am able ſtill, in a great meaſure, to prove, and allowed him vaſt ſums of money therefore; of the payment of ſome of which, much more then circumſtantial, I am able to bring proof: And which Oxford hath had a diſpenſation from the ſaid Maſter Scott (or at leaſt hath made it his practice) to fall down upon his knees, with his dublet and hat on the floor, to drink healths to the dam­nation and confuſion of the Parliament and Army (as I have been informed by one of his own Comrades) even during the receipt of his well paid, large Penſion from Maſter Scott; in which time alſo he hath avowedly writ, and cauſed to be printed ſeveral books, with his name to them, proclaiming in foraigne Nations, the Army and Parliament traytors againſt the King; and vigorouſ­ly excited and ſtirred up all the Princes of Europe, to joyn together in one body, and by force of arms to cut them in peeces, as a pack of the grandeſt traitors and tyrants that ever breathed in the world; and who to his knowledge had their agents in all the Kingdomes of Europe, to ſtir up their ſubjects againſt their Sove­raigns, and to reduce their Kingdomes into Commonwealths or An­archies: but the maine and evident ſcope of all his ſaid books, and conſtant plotted diſſembling deviſes and actions being principally to exaſperate the body of the mad or Ranting Cavaliers in theſe parts, to cut my throat, as the preſent greateſt enemy the preſent King, or his Father ever had in the world.

And yet, at the ſame time, or under the ſame employment of M. Scot, &c. hath writ over to the ſaid Mr. Scot I was become a Cavalier, or at leaſt a mighty great man with the chief leaders of the Kings party here, whoſe Agent or Agents of Sir Arthur Haſlerig and Mr. Scot, even at Parliaments, Committees, (or6Committee) have made their open and proclaimed uſe of it; to the great and extraordinary detriment of me, and my friends and Clyents, that had buſineſs of many thouſand pounds conſequence, then depending, and in actual agitation before the ſaid Committee, or Committees.

By means of which, with much more of as dangerous and ſad nature to me, that I am able, if it were now fit, moſt truly to relate, all my brains, valour, and mettle hath been ſcarce able ſeveral times to preſerve my life, from the murderous hands of the various plots, and wicked contrivances of Mr. Scots known Agents, and their greatly deluded, credulous accomplices, the piſtol of ſome of whom, viz. Hugh Rily, a common reputed Iriſh Rebel, and lately a piece of a Quarter-maſter-General to Sir Charls Lucas in Colcheſter, whoſe tyranny the ſaid Rily exerciſed, as I am credibly informed, upon abundance of people in Colcheſter, and particularly upon his Landlord Mr. Beakon; and which Rily for his moſt villanous roguery, cheating, cozening, treachery, and running from one ſide to another, hath ſeveral times hardly eſcaped hanging in Flanders, &c. beyond Seas, as I have for certain been informed by ſome of his own Country-men, and Aſſociates at Colcheſter, from whoſe mouth, eſpecial in the particular of treachery, I have heard ſo much vildneſs related by them of him, as I never in all my days heard of one man; and yet this very man is one of Mr. Scots great Agents and Negotiators beyond the Seas, to promote the inte­reſt and freedom of Englands Commonwealth; though Job ſaith, of ſuch moſt wicked and profane men, he would not ſet them with the dogs of his flock; and righteous Paul ſaith. The damnation of ſuch men is juſt, that ſay (as Mr. Scot conſtantly practiſes) they muſt do evil that good may come of it; all ſuch vile, diſſembling, wicked actions, having no foundation at all from God, or his Volumn of Truth, but from the devil and his Machiavilian principles, which are notably, excellently, and politickly deſcribed by that ſubtile wiſe man Nicholas Machiavel, his moſt rememorable book called his Prince, in his whole 18 chapter, extreamly well worth reading and taking ſpecial notice of: and yet as my wife informs me, the ſaid wicked Hugh Rily hath lately to the Councel of State, (by Mr. Scots inſtigation as I imagine) preſented a ſtrange, lying, and falſe Petition againſt me, a copy of which I know not how to come by, to return7an anſwer to; and therefore do humbly intreat your honours joyntly or ſeveral, to help me to a true copy of the ſaid Petition, that ſo in the face of the Sun I may be freely admitted to make my juſt defence againſt it, truth hating holes and corners; with moſt bitter and fearful oaths immediately to kill me, hath ſeveral times been almoſt even at my very breaſt and that without any real provocation.

Yea, and Mrs Oxford (a common notorious reputed whore) and who commonly paſſeth once every month, for above theſe twelve months together, betwixt her husband (the ſaid Captain Wendy Oxford) from Amſterdam and Delfe, to and from Mr. Thomas Scot at White-hall, hath from time to time avowed to ſeveral perſons (from whom I have my relations) that I am confident will juſtifie it, that if all the intereſt ſhe had in the world, would get me piſtolled or ſtab'd, ſhe would have it done, having (as from ſeveral I have been informed) boaſted, that ſhe hath already, on purpoſe brought with her into Flanders, ſeveral ſtout men to do it, and to diſpatch me; yea even at Dunkirk about fourteen days ago (being newly come from White-hall, from Mr. Scot) ſhe vowed, proteſted and ſwore, and moſt bitterly damn'd her ſelf to the pit of hell, to the very face of an acquaintance and friend of mine, that if by any of all the hands, of all the friends ſhe had in the world, ſhe could get me piſtolled or ſtab'd, it ſhould ſpeedily be done; or if by any other ways and means that ſhe could invent, ſhe could get me murdered, it ſhould undoubtedly and ſpeedily be done. All which murdering conſpiracies, I have too much ground and cauſe really to believe, doth moſt wickedly take its ori­ginal, true, and malicious cowardly riſe from Mr. Scot, and Sir Arthur Haſlerig, the former and often practices of both of them a­gainſt me, even in this very kinde, hath been as wicked, bloody, treacherous, and barbarous, even while I was in England, as in a great meaſure I am able truly to evince, and punctually demon­ſtrate.

All which ſeriouſly conſidered, I humbly, and earneſtly entreat you, to caſt a juſt, favourable, ſpeedy, and compaſſionate eye, upon my cauſleſs, unjuſt, and ſad ſuffering condition (being conſtantly in a ſtrange land,) by reaſon of the wicked, and cowardly plots and devices aforeſaid, of Mr. Scot, (Sir Arthur Haſlerig his grand and moſt indeared friend) accompanied with conſtant•…d daily8 hazards of death, and to afford me ſuch ſpeedy, and effectual re­medy, and deliverance from it, as your preſent exerciſed power, will beſt enable you with; and particularly, that you will immedi­ately give ſuch a Paſs, and ſuch ſecurity for my ſpeedy, free, and ſafe returning into the Land of my Nativity, and there to live in ſecu­rity, from the hazard of all or any part of my aforeſaid ſentence, or any actions done depending thereupon, as may be ground of ſecu­rity and confidence, unto my faithful and beloved friends, Major General John Lambert, Colonel Bennet, late a Member of Par­liament, Colonel Thomas Pride, Mr. Henry Duel my Father in law, Mr. Feake, and Mr. Powel, Miniſters or publike preachers, Mr. William Walwin, Mr. Thomas Prince, Mr. William Kiffin, Mr. Boulton, Mr. George VVard, Citizens of London, and Clement Oxenbridge Eſquire, or the major part of them, with your Paſſe, to ſend me under their hands, their encouragement, that I may freely with ſecurity of my life, from any danger, by reaſon of any action whatſoever, depending upon the ſaid ſentence, return into England; for which favour I ſhall judge my ſelf obliged to remain,

My Lord, and Noble Gentlemen,
Your obliged friend, in all juſt and righteous ways, heartily to ſerve you, JOHN LILBƲRN.

An Additionall Appendix by the penner of the foregoing Addreſs.

MY Lord and honored Gentlemen, it hath been my hard fortune often to be miſunderſtood by divers of you, and which I am confident of it, many times hath principally flowed from the cunning and ininuating artifice of corrupt perſons with­out you, whoſe own particular guilt and fear, required them for their own ſafety to calumniate and aſperſe me, and to do the ut­moſt that in them lay, to ſet you, or ſome of the chiefeſt of you, and me together by the ears, and ſuch was ſome of their miſchie­vous practiſes even with his Excellency himſelf, at his late being at Scotland, which made and compell'd me after the battel of Wor­ceſter, to wait upon his honor at his own houſe in the Cock-pit, who very well knows he was pleaſed to honor me ſo far, and to take me with himſelf into a Gallery, where without a third per­ſon preſent, his Excellency very well knows, we had hand to hand above an hours friendly and rationall diſcourſe, at the beginning of which diſcourſe, I do verily believe his Excellency cannot chuſe but very well remember I expreſſed my ſelf unto him in this man­ner: My Lord, with all reſpect and ſincerity of heart I am come to wait upon you, and humbly to beg that honor from you, that you would vouchſafe to give me leave a little friendly to ſpeak with you, which being with all willingneſſe granted by his Excel­lency, I proceeded to this effect; my Lord, through miſapprehen­ſions, and a kind of partaking in other mens quarrells, you and I have for ſome time by paſt, been ingaged in ſeverall diſguſts a­gainſt each other, although my Lord I think a greater and realler familiarity could not poſſibly be betwixt two friends, then was betwixt your honor and my ſelfe, in the years 1643. 1644. 1645. and part of 1646.

And at your late going to Scotland, and my ſelf accompanying you 25. miles on your journey, (by reaſon of a very great Obliga­tion you had put upon me in the Parliament Houſe and Councell of State the day before) there ſeemed to be a very ſolemn and10friendly reconciliation betwixt us, which on my part hath beene faithfully, honeſtly, and juſtly ever ſince, both privately and pub­likely, inviolably kept and preſerved, to your honors very great advantage and ſafety; and yet notwithſtanding from Scotland, &c. by ſeverall of my friends I have been often informed, that Mr. Scot, and others at White-Hall hath writ ſeverall Letters to you, and therein informed you, that I was a mannaging, and had joyned in deſtructive deſigns againſt you and the Army with the Kings Party, in which regard I have judged my ſelfe obliged in conſcience and duty to my own ſafety, to wait upon your Excel­lency, and face to face to aver unto you, upon my reputation and credit, that I am abſolutely free in any kind, either directly or in­directly, of doing the leaſt action that may give you diſtaſt, or be prejudiciall in any kind to your intereſt; and therefore doe moſt humbly and earneſtly entreat you, to do your ſelfe that Right, and me that Juſtice, as to call Mr. Scot, or any other that hath endea­voured to accuſe me to you (and thereby to incenſyour indigna­tion againſt me) face to face, that ſo I may ſpeak for my ſelf; and my Lord, if either Mr. Scot, or any other can accuſe me juſtly in the leaſt, as being guilty of any one action of diſſervice unto you, ſince the day of our ſaid ſolemn reconciliation, let me for ever be eſteemed by you the verieſt falſe trecherous Rogue and Villain in the world, at the ſaying of which, his Lordſhip was pleaſed to ſay, he had not the leaſt ground of diſguſt or diſtaſt againſt me, but that I ſtood right in his affection, and he ſhould be ready to do me any office of love.

On which I told him I was the more induced to do this, be­cauſe Mr. Scot being Secretary of State, (which being one of the greateſt places of truſt in the Nation) I could not but judge there­by, he was very deep in his Excellencies favour, and therefore might have more then an ordinary influence upon him, and there­by the more able to do me a miſchief, and I was ſure he had will enough unto it, foraſmuch as I was able to prove it to his face, while I was a priſoner in the Tower in 1649. he had made it his work to hire an Agent, my great pretended friend, with great ſums of money, to come and perſwade me in my then great diſ­contents, by reaſon of my ſad ſufferings, to write Letters to the King of Scots at Jerſey, and ſend them by his ſaid Agent, that ſo I might be drawn into a treaſonable ſnare, thereby to loſe my11life; and having had much private diſcourſe with his ſaid Agent, and eaſily perceiving his drift, I was through the goodneſſe of God too hard for him; whereupon he and Mr. Scot failing of their wicked and bloudy ends in getting any Letters from me, he the ſaid Agent alone, or joyned with Mr. Scot, as I have too appa­rent grounds to judge, hereupon counterfeited my hand, and feigned and produced ſeverall falſe Letters of mine, intercepted, as was pretended, that I had writ to the King of Scots: For my old friend Mr. Cornelius Holland avowed with a great deal of ſe­riouſneſſe to my wife then familiar with him, that he knew my hand as well as his own, & if ever he ſaw my hand in his life, thoſe Letters of mine that they had to produce againſt me, which he ſaid I had lately writ to the King of Scots to Jerſey, was every word my own individuall hand, and he was very ſorry that I, who for my honeſty he had ſo highly eſteemed, ſhould be ſo A­poſtatized from all my principalls, as to turne my back of God, and of his people, and the cauſe of the Commonwealth, and to joyne with their grand enemy the King, to deſtroy them all.

And the Lord Bradſhaw averred the ſubſtance of this tovery good friend of mine, a Knight; upon the knowledge of which, I did confidently, truly, and ſolemnly avow, I never writ a line in my life to the King, nor was no more directly nor indirectly in combination with him, then Mr. Holland, or the Lord Bradſhaw themſelves; whereupon after I was calumniated by M. Scots means all over City & Country, to be an abſolute Agent of the King, and threatned a little before my triall at Guild-Hall, to be tried for my life thereupon, yet upon my reſolute and true averments, this cheat vaniſhed as ſmoke, ſo that Sir by this you may ſee Mr. Scot wants no will to do me miſchief, therefore for time to come I beſeech your Excellency not to believe any of his tales againſt me in his future endeavouring to make again debate and ſtrife be­twixt your honor and my ſelf, but upon all his information againſt me, before they receive belief with you, call me face to face to ſpeak for my ſelfe, which his Excellency ſolemnly promiſed he would do.

Whereupon in the ſecond place I expreſſed my ſelfe in this manner to his honor; my Lord, I crave your favour to ſpeak a few words further unto you, which being granted, I went on to this effect, My Lord, there hath been in my late impriſonment12much differences betwixt Sir Arthur Haſlerig and my ſelf, occa­ſioned by his taking from me, by his will and pleaſure, without ſhadow of Law, or authority of any in power, about 2500. l. of my own proper money, and beſides, proſecuting to take away my life with that eagerneſſe and vileneſſe that he did, and that by ig­noble and unworthy means; and now my Lord there is a great conteſt betwixt him and my Family, whomruly I cannot but ſay he moſt unjuſtly endeavours to extirpate out of their countrey, and from my Unkle and others of his friends, he hath already by his will and pleaſure, without Law or reaſon, taken a Colliery worth, as Sir Arthur himſelf ſaith 5000. l. per annum, and I know my Lord, Sir Arthur is a man very dear unto you in your affecti­ons, and in regard the buſineſſe is like to come to a very high conteſt, and I as a Counſellor againſt Sir Arthur am like to the ut­moſt to be ingaged in it; therefore leaſt your honor ſhould judge I conteſt with Sir Arthur upon any old ſcore of reflection upon him as your Lordſhips friend, or any the leaſt deſign to occaſion any diſturbance, I am come to wait upon your honor, on ſet pur­poſe, to take out of your mind all or the leaſt apprehenſion or conceipt of any diſguſt remaining in my heart againſt your ho­nor, and to let you clearly know, my thoughts are fully fixed with as much reſpect upon your Excellency as its poſſible for a mans to be; and therefore I am come to offer this unto your ho­nor, that ſeeing Sir Arthur Haſlerig is your great friend, and ſee­ing we judge our cauſe in conteſt with him ſo juſt and righteous as we do, I humbly and ſeriouſly profer this unto your honor, that if Sir Arthur pleaſeth abſolutely to refer the finall judgment of the cauſe unto your Excellencies ſole judgment, and bind him­ſelf in a bond of twenty thouſand pounds, finally to ſtand to your determinate and ſole judgment, I will ingage my friends ſhall enter into as great bonds, upon your Lordſhips full hearing of the cauſe on both ſides, to ſtand to, and finally to acquieſce, without further diſpute, in his honors judgment, for which his Lordſhip very much commended my ingenuity, and my honora­ble reſpect to himſelf and his integrity, ſo abſolutely to put our ſelves in a cauſe of ſo great conſequence into his hands, but with­all told me, he underſtood the cauſe was long, and he had many weighty affaires upon his hands, which would by no meanes af­ford him ſo much time as to hear ſo long a cauſe as he believed13that was, unto which I replied to this effect; then my Lord, be­cauſe I will abſolutely leave you without the leaſt ſtarting hole, or any the leaſt ground to harbour any diſguſt in your breaſt a­gainſt me, for my zealous appearing in this Colliery buſineſſe a­gainſt Sir Arthur Haſlerig, over whom I know you have a kind of friendly command; and therefore ſeeing you will not undertake to be Judge in the caſe your ſelf, in the ſecond place, although Sir Arthur be a great man, and a Parliament-man beſides, and alſo a great Military Officer under you, and none of thoſe for whom I am ingaged againſt him in any of thoſe capacities or qualificati­ons, yet to ſhew and fully hold out to your honor our own ho­neſt, juſt, and peaceable intentions. I ſay in the ſecond place, on the behalfe of my ſaid friends, in reference to the ſaid Colliery, I offer this, that if your Lordſhip pleaſe to ingage Sir Arthur Haſlerig to make a finall and fair end of it without too much heat and conteſt, that if he pleaſe to chuſe two Parliament men, or two Officers of the Army, out of thoſe of either ſort which he leaves we will chuſe two more, and bind our ſelves finally in the ſaid bonds of twenty thouſand pounds, to ſtand, and abide their finall Judgment in the caſe, and therein abſolutely to acquieſce, pro­vided that in regard they being an even number, there might be two and two in opinion oppoſite to each other, that therefore in ſuch things as they ſhall not fully agree in, his Lordſhip ſhould be finall Umpire, which profer his honor highly commended for ſo much ingenuity, that he was highly taken with it, and promiſed effectually to ſpeak to Sir Arthur about it, which yet produced no other healing effect in the leaſt, but my baniſhment.

Which being upon ſuch hard and cruell terms, as is before tru­ly expreſſed, and my life beyond the Seas in a conſtant and per­petuall hazzard and danger, and that principally by Mr. Scots means, Sir Arthur Haſlerigs indeared and boſome friend, who by his large pentioned Agents, and particularly by that notorious convicted perjured rogue, Capt. Wendy Oxford, whom I have too much cauſe confidently to believe, he got ſet in the Pillory, and baniſhed, out of deſign to go over with me, and put him in the more diſguiſe, the more ſecurely to get me murdered in our tra­vells together, who I am able to prove hath ever ſince been in a conſtant pentioned correſpondency with the ſaid M. Scot, and the ſaid Oxfords wife, or whore, as ſhe is commonly reputed, hath14conſtantly and commonly once a moneth, paſt and repaſt, be­twixt the ſaid Oxford and Mr. Scot, on purpoſe to plot and con­trive, as I have too apparent cauſe to judge, my murder, ruine, and deſtruction, the ſaid perjured rogue Oxford, having conſtant­ly and apparently ever ſince my baniſhment made it his work in Holland, firſt by diſcourſes and printed papers with his name to them, to make the people of Holland believe my baniſhment was but a counterfeit, a jugling and diſſembling fictious thing, out of deſign, that ſo I might be the more ſerviceable to the General, or my brother Traytors at Weſtminſter, as in his printed books he calls me and them, that ſo the people in Holland might beat my brains out as a rogue, and one of the Generalls or Parliaments chief Spies.

2. By his diſcourſes and printed papers, he hath conſtantly made it his work to incenſe the whole Body of the Kings Party beyond the Seas againſt me, conſtantly averring, that I have been the only principall man that imbroyled the three Nations in war, that murdered the King, and altered the Government into a Commonwealth, and have deſtroyed the King, his Queen, and Poſterity, with the Nobility and Gentry, by means of which my life hath been in a conſtant and perpetuall danger to be taken from me, eſpecially by the raſher and madder ſort of the Kings Party.

To counterbalance theſe two deſtructive evills and miſchiefes againſt me, and my life, I have had no other way under God to preſerve my life, but theſe two wayes:

Firſt by diſcourſes and print beyond the Seas, to make it evi­dent and apparent to the people there, that my baniſhment was a reall thing, and no fiction in the leaſt, and that I was ſo far from being a Spy for the Generall, that I had grounded cauſe to look upon him as the capitalleſt Adverſary I had in the whole world, becauſe as my information told me before I left England, that by one of his own Favorites, who was then conſtantly at his elbow, that notwithſtanding all the fore-recited fair out-ſide carriage, my baniſhment was divers daies before it was declared by Parlia­ment agreed on by the Generall himſelfe, and a cabal of Parlia­ment-men in the Generalls own private Chamber.

And ſecondly, an information before my wife by ſome that ſate in the Houſe, and heard, and diligently obſerved the whole15 carriage of my baniſhment, told me, that the Generall upon that Tueſday that I was called to the Bar, to hear their ſentence read to me (being the very day that my honeſt and faithfull Citizen friends delivered their Petition to the Parliament againſt the in­juſtice of their own baniſhing Votes) appeared openly in the Houſe as the grand and principall man that cauſed me to be ba­niſhed, in all which regards and conſiderations, I was then of o­pinion, and yet am not fully altered, that I had juſt cauſe to write, and ſpeak as evill of the Generall, as my tongue or pen could in­vent; and I confeſſe I did it, and do appeal to all unbyaſſed men amongſt your ſelves, what leſſe the godlieſt, meekeſt, and moderateſt amongſt you would have done, all circumſtances conſidered, had you been in my moſt deſperate and ſad conditi­on, daily and hourly incompaſſed round with the plotted and contrived deſigns of murder and death, by the pentioned Agents of the Secretary of State; Mr. Scot, who was great in favour even with the Generalls Excellency himſelf.

The ſecond main thing that I had under God, in reaſon, ho­neſtly, or policy to preſerve my life, was in all the juſt and honeſt ways I could to fall into a friendly familiarity with the ration­alleſt and principalleſt of the Kings Party that lived in the parts where I lived, and accordingly I did, and was very familiar with the Lord Percy, the Lord Hopton, the Lord Culppper, the Biſhop of London Derry (a wiſe and ſhrewd blunt man) and the Duke of Buckinghm, with all of whom, or the higheſt ranting Cavalier I met with, upon all occaſions of diſcourſe whatſoever, I alwayes maintained my own principalls, that at the firſt I ingaged with in the Parliaments quarrel againſt the late King, viz. unlimited Re­gall Prerogative, and Parliaments unknown unfathomable pri­viledges; and with whom, or any other of the Kings Party, either directly or indirectly, I never in the leaſt (I ſpeak it as in the pre­ſence of the Lord God Almighty, that knows the ſecreteſt thoughts of the hears of the ſons of men) in all my daies, from the beginning of the war to this hour, entered into the leaſt con­tract, agreement, oath, or confederacy, to be his Agent, or to ad­vance his ends or intereſts, and am as totally ignorant as a young child of the particulars of any preſent deſigns of his, negotiated in England, Scotland, or Ireland, and never in all my daies held a­ny Counſells with them, or any of them, for the mannaging of16 the Kings deſigns againſt the intereſt and welfare of the Land of my Nativity; and in all my actions and carriages beyond the Seas, in my cruell baniſhment, I have been to the utmoſt of my power, underſtanding, ability, as conſtant, as ſtudious and induſtrious a reall well-wiſher to the proſperity of the people of England in generall, as ever I was in my life, and I appeal to a late publiſhed Letter of mine to Col Henry Martin, as a part of my juſtification in this averment.

And as for George Lord Duke of Buckingham, with whom I was the moſt converſant, I was again and again importuned by the ſaid Captain Wendy Oxford thereunto, our firſt meeting, or ſeeing one anothers faces, being at the ſaid Captain Wendy Ox­fords Chamber in Amsterdam, where we all three dined together, and the Duke and my ſelf had a very large and private diſcourſe about his own particular individuall buſineſſe, he craving my beſt adviſe, how he might the moſt rationall, expeditious, and ho­norable way he could, make his peace in England, and returne thither to breath in the Ayre of the Land of his Nativity, which ne avowed he loved above all places in the world, and was ready and willing to do any thing that the preſent power in England could require of a man, that had either a grain of honor or hone­ſty in him, and to give them any ſecurity to the utmoſt of his power for his future quiet, and peaceable living under their Go­vernment; for the accompliſhment of which end I gave him ma­ny reaſons to believe that his onely way was to make a ſure and firm friend to his Excellency the Lord General Cromwel, in order unto which I adviſed him to deale with Captain Wendy Oxford, who was a Mercenary fellow, and whom I gave him abundance of reaſons to believe, was very great with Mr. Thomas Scot Secre­tary of State, who I confidently then averred to him was extra­ordinary great with his Excellency the Lord Generall Cromwel, and accordingly the ſaid Duke of Buckingham followed my ad­viſe, and large inſtructions in that particular, and entered into a contract with the ſaid Oxford to obtain his paſſe, who to my cer­tain knowledge negotiated it, both by Letter to his ſaid wife (or commonly reputed Whore) with Mr. Scot, for divers weeks and moneths together, and the ſaid Mr. Scot ſent over to the ſaid Ox­ford a Paſſe, at the ſaid Oxfords earneſt deſire, to come from Hol­land to England to ſpeak with him the ſaid Mr. Scot, about the17 ſaid buſineſs; which Paſs, as I was told by a Merchant, that in Oxfords hand ſee it, the ſaid Oxford was poſſeſſor of: but it being accidentally ſeen in Oxfords hands, by ſome Cavaliers who were drinking hard, and ranting it with the ſaid Oxford, he judged it his ſafety and policy immedi­ately to tear and burn it; and immediately to fall a curſing and ſwearing at the Parliament and Army, and to call them Rogues, Traytors, and Vil­lains, and to with all the plagues of Heaven and earth to fall upon them, for their deſtruction and damnation. And which ſaid Oxford received ſeveral ſums of money of the ſaid Duke of Buckingham to negotiate his bu­ſineſs with the ſaid Mr. Sco, to procure his Paſs to come into England: and as I have been credibly informed from Col. Leighton, then belonging to the Duke of Buckingham, and then fully privy to all the ſaid negotia­tions: the ſaid Oxford with Mr. Scot brought his deſired Paſs to that per­fection, that if he the ſaid Duke would truly declare all the diſcourſe he had with me at Amſterdam, he ſhould have his Paſs; but the Duke having at our very firſt meeting ingaged his word and honour to me, that his and my diſcourſe together ſhould not be divulged without my con­ſent, and according to my inſtructions refuſed to tell Mr. Scot the ſame, and ſo failed of his then obtaining his Paſs; and thereupon ſent his friend Col. Leighton with a Letter, and full inſtructions immediately to his Excel­lency the Lord General Cromwel to procure his extraordinary much de­ſired Paſs; and the ſaid Col. Leighton had with his Excellency and the then counſel of State many debates about it, as the ſaid Col. fully and particularly at his coming into Flanders told me at Oſtend, and Bridges, the place of my then habitation; and this buſineſs, and the debating from time to time of the honeſt and juſt ways and means how to pro­cure the ſaid deſired Paſs, for the ſaid Duke, was the true and reall ground of the Duke of Buckinghams and my many converſes together ever ſince our firſt knowledge each of other: unto whom I muſt moſt truly and faithfully ſay this, That I do as immediately and inſtrumently owe my life and being to him, as ever David ought his to Jonathan: his pow­erful influence among the deſperate Cavaliers, being ſuch, as that inſtru­mentally under God he principally preſerved my life, from thoſe many complotted deſignes, that the ſaid Oxford had cunningly laid by their hands to get me murdered; and of whom and in his real commendations, whether it be gain or loſs unto me, I am in gratitude compelled to ſay this:

That during the time of my baniſhment, I was more really obliged and beholden to him the ſaid Duke of Buckingham, for thoſe extraordi­nary benefits and favours I have received from him, then I am to my Fa­ther, my Brother, and all the Kindred and friends I have in the three Nations, in England, Scotland, and Ireland; and in whom I have by long experience found ſo much reaſon, ſobriety, civility, honour, and conſci­ence (that) as to his owne particular, if ever it ſhould lye in my power to do him any perſonal ſervice, without detriment to my native country (which I am confident he would never deſire of me) I judge my ſelf bound and obliged in conſcience and gratitude to travel in his errand a18 thouſand, and a thouſand miles upon my feet; and if he wanted ſecurity, and mine might any waies be advantagious unto him, in caſe he ſhould ever live to injoy that, which he to me ſcores of times paſſionately hath de­clared to be eſteemed by him ſo great a happineſs, once again to be admit­ted to breath in Engliſh aire, I durſt be bound body for body, for his pun­ctual, and faithful performance of any ſolemn ingagement he ſhould make for his future and peaceable, quiet and obedient living under the preſent power of England.

Moſt noble Lord, and honored Gentlemen, I am the more bold to be thus large in theſe particulars with you, becauſe, being compelled by my own neceſſities (Sir Arthur Haſelridge having actually ſeized all my land) and the apparent hazard of death, (Oxford having in his third or laſt printed book declared, he hath two more to come ſpeedily out againſt me, in which he ſufficiently threatens, to make it too hot for me to hide my head in any hole in Europe.) And my wives moſt urgent importunity, grounded, as ſhe ſaid to me, upon ſome incouragement ſhe apprehended from his excellency the Lord Generall Cromwell; I ſay, being neceſſita­ted and incouraged by the foreſaid declared premiſes, to return into Eng­land, and to caſt my life at your feet and favour, by reaſon of the uncon­ſcionable letter of an unjuſt, injurious, and many waies void Act of Par­liament in it ſelfe.

And in the ſincerity of my ſoul, ſince my compelled returne, have made to his Excellency and the honorable Councell of State, upon 14, 16, and 20 of June preſent three humble, rationall, ſubmiſſive, and moderate pe­titions; unto all or any of which I can yet obtaine no other anſwer, but my commitment to Newgate, in order to a triall for my life, upon the ſaid illegall and unjuſt Act of Parliament; and ſerverall averments from Major Generall Desborough, and Major Generall Harriſon, unto di­vers of my Friends, as ſeverall of them inform me, that the Councel of State hath letters and papers under my own hand, of my ingagement to the preſent King of Scots, to come over to be his Agent, and to imbroile the Nation again in blood; and that all the Duke of Buckingham's familiarity and mine hath been only in order thereunto, with divers other things of the like miſchievous nature: and that which is worſe, ſome of my ſaid Friends, that were down at White-hall with my laſt Petition, aver to me, that Major Generall Harriſon with much incenſed bitterneſs ſhould aver to them, that there was no credit to be given to any of my averments to the contrary, of what he ſaid againſt me, becauſe he had found me ſo falſe, that he could not truſt any thing I ſaid: and others of my Friends aver to me, that they have been certainly informed, that Major Generall Harriſon in open Parliament, ſince the debate of my baniſhment was a­foot, avowed in the open Houſe, that I was a moſt falſe perjured fellow: in all which conſideration, and foraſmuch as the wiſeſt of men in Scripture aver to this purpoſe that a good name is much more precious then much ſweet oil, and more to be valued then much fine gold; and to me is much more dearer then my life; in all which conſideration, I ſay, I am compel­led in all humility to take my life at this preſent time viſibly into my hand,19 and humbly to declare unto you, that being lately preſt upon thoſe very things by one ſuppoſed very powerfull with his excellency about my in­gaging with the King of Scots, and having ſolemnly declared to him, I never was guilty of any the leaſt ingagement with him, or any of his party, to promote his Regall intereſt, againſt the wel are of the preſent declared Common-wealth of England: and being deſired and preſt by him, I ſo­lemnly ſwore it upon the Bible, and am ready with the laſt drop of my heart-blood to make it good againſt any man in the whole world: being confident that no man having but one grain of common honeſty, hath any ground in the leaſt, to ſwear ſuch a thing againſt me, as confedera­cy with the preſent King, or any for him, to be his preſent agent in England; nor dare do it, unleſs it be ſome of Mr. Scots moſt deboiſt Ca­valiers, or other wicked Agents and Penſioners, that he conſtantly im­ployes to ſet and lay traps and gins to betray and deſtroy men (as in ſome caſes I can punctually prove, he hath already done, even to the taking away the very lives of ſome) the generality of which, for a Whore or a Glaſs of Wine makes no conſcience at all, with moſt bitter oathes to dam themſelves to the pit of hell: he having already to one of them profered to ſettle upon him and his heirs for ever 200 l. land of inheri­tance by the year, to ſwear againſt me at Guild-hall to take away my life there, as the party himſelf hath confeſſed to me; and hath alſo in effect done the ſame to a Col. that within this very few dayes tells me that at law upon his oath he will be ready to juſtifie it.

And as for my information, of Major General Harriſons averment a­gainſt me in the open Houſe, of being perjured; my condition at per­ſent, with all the ſobriety I can, compels me to ſay no more to him but this, That I very well know Sir Arthur Haſelridge at the Parliaments Committee, where Primates buſineſs was examined, indeavored by falſe Oaths, and no otherwiſe, to prove ſuch a thing againſt me and old and honeſt Maſter George Gray; but could not, nor did in the leaſt legally or effectually do it, although we fully proved there, his principalleſt witneſs or witneſſes, to be fully perjured or forſworn: one or more of them having ſworn in effect, That old-Maſter George Gray, and my Uncle George Lilburne, had robbed by Committee force, Maſter Wray Sir Arthurs Champion, of his deeds and evidences, divers yeers ago; and yet Maſter Breaton confeſſed at the then Bar (and that upon his Oath, as I remem­ber) that not many weeks before that, he had the ſaid Maſter Wrays Deeds and evidences in his poſſeſſion, and peruſed them. And as to my being perjured, I do hereby provoke Major General Hariſon with all the earneſtneſs in the world, to prefer a Bill of indictment in any Court of Law in England, to convict me of that notorious crime, and I will readily and willingly anſwer him; or elſe, if he pleaſe to aver before two or three of my friends, the ſame thing, that ſo at the Bar of Juſtice they may be my witneſſes, I ſhall not be long (if I live) to ſeek my legal re­medy againſt him for ſcandalizing me, knowing in my own conſcience, my ſelf ſo innocent of any the leaſt thing like perjury, that I dare with con­fidence and deliberation, ſpit in the face of the ſtouteſt ſingle man in20 England, that dare to my face ſolemnly aver ſuch a thing; but being my moſt earneſt deſire is with good words, & hearty & unfegned ingagements, of living peaceably, and quietly: without the leaſt diſturbance to the preſent government, rather then by high language in the leaſt, if it be poſ­fable, to provoke, (though I hartily thanke and bleſs God for it, it is no more dreadful to me at preſent to dy, then to go ſleep.)

I therefore intreat your Lordſhip and honours, as you are men of ho­nour, and conſcence, ſuffer not my good name, behind my back, to be rent and torn in peeces with notorious lyes and falſhoods: but what you in any kind lay to my charge, about the King of Scots, ſpeedily ſend me a true copy of it, and without the leaſt demurer to the juriſdiction of the place from whence it comes, I will ſpeedily and freely return you a par­ticular anſwer to every head of it. Or elſe,

2. Be pleaſed to prevaile with Major General Desborough, his Excellen­cies brother in law (and one I believe, for his wiſdome and parts, he very much confides in, and one I have in times paſt, been moſt intimately fa­miliar with, and never had any particular grand diſguſt with in my life, that I can remember) to vouchſafe to come and ſpend a few hours time with me, and I am confident, I ſhall face to face give him full, rational, and juſt ſatisfaction in every particular, that he is able to object againſt me; that ſo if it be poſſible, a quiet and peaceable compoſure may be made of your preſent diſtaſte againſt me; there being nothing, I ſeriouſly pro­feſs it from my very heart, that his Excellency in Reaſon and Juſtice can deſire at my hands, but he ſhall abſolutely command it. So humbly cra­ving your pardon for my tediouſneſs herein, and my tranſgreſſion, if you judge it any, for my printing hereof, being ſo much for the perſervation of my own life, reputation and ſafety compelled thereto; being al­ready beyond the Seas in ſeveral Nations and Languages, conſtrained, for the preſervation of my life in my baniſhment to print the firſt part of it, being my firſt addreſs to you. So I humbly take leave to ſubſcribe my ſelf,

(My Lord, and Noble Gentlmen)
Yours to ſerve you, if you pleaſe, John Lilburne.

About this transcription

TextA defensive declaration of Lieut. Col. John Lilburn, against the unjust sentence of his banishment, by the late Parliament of England; directed in an epistle from his house in Bridges in Flanders, May 14. 1653. (Dutch or new still, or the 4 of may 1653. English or old stile) to his Excellency the Lord General Cromwell, and the rest of the officers of his Army, commonly sitting in White-hall in councel, managing the present affairs of England, &c. Unto which is annexed, an additional appendix directed from the said Leut. Col. John Lilburn, to his Excellency and his officers, occasioned by his present imprisonment in Newgate; and some groundless scandals, for being an agent of the present King, cast upon him by some great persons at White-hall, upon the delivery of his third address (to the councel of State, by his wife and several other of his friends) dated from his captivity in Newgate the 20 of June 1653.
AuthorLilburne, John, 1614?-1657..
Extent Approx. 54 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images.
SeriesEarly English books online.
Additional notes

(EEBO-TCP ; phase 2, no. A88171)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 166575)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 108:E702[2])

About the source text

Bibliographic informationA defensive declaration of Lieut. Col. John Lilburn, against the unjust sentence of his banishment, by the late Parliament of England; directed in an epistle from his house in Bridges in Flanders, May 14. 1653. (Dutch or new still, or the 4 of may 1653. English or old stile) to his Excellency the Lord General Cromwell, and the rest of the officers of his Army, commonly sitting in White-hall in councel, managing the present affairs of England, &c. Unto which is annexed, an additional appendix directed from the said Leut. Col. John Lilburn, to his Excellency and his officers, occasioned by his present imprisonment in Newgate; and some groundless scandals, for being an agent of the present King, cast upon him by some great persons at White-hall, upon the delivery of his third address (to the councel of State, by his wife and several other of his friends) dated from his captivity in Newgate the 20 of June 1653. Lilburne, John, 1614?-1657.. 20 p. s.n.,[London :1653]. (Dated at end: 22. of June 1653.) (Caption title.) (Place of publication from Wing.) (Annotation on Thomason copy: "June 22. 1653".) (Reproduction of the original in the British Library.)
  • Lilburne, John, 1614?-1657.
  • Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1649-1660.

Editorial statement

About the encoding

Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford.

Editorial principles

EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database ( The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO.

EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (

The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source.

Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data.

Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so.

Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor.

The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines.

Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements).

Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site.

Publication information

  • Text Creation Partnership,
ImprintAnn Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2011-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 2).
  • DLPS A88171
  • STC Wing L2098
  • STC Thomason E702_2
  • STC ESTC R202747
  • EEBO-CITATION 99862933
  • PROQUEST 99862933
  • VID 166575

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. Searching, reading, printing, or downloading EEBO-TCP texts is reserved for the authorized users of these project partner institutions. Permission must be granted for subsequent distribution, in print or electronically, of this EEBO-TCP Phase II text, in whole or in part.