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L. Colonel JOHN LILBURNE revived.

Shewing the cauſe of his late long ſilence, and ceſſation from Hoſtility againſt alchemy St. Oliver, and his rotten Secretary; as alſo of the report of his Death. With an anſwer in part, to the peſtilent calumniation of Cap: Wendy Oxford (Cromvvels Spie up­on the Dutch, and upon the English Royalliſts, ſojourning in the United Provinces) cloſely couched in a late deluſive Pam­phelet of the ſaid Oxfords, called [The unexpected life, & wiſhed for death, of the thing called parliament in England]

All vvhich, vvith many Hiſtoricall paſſages, giveing light into the un­vvorthy practiſes of the English Grandees, is contained in three letters (The firſt to a friend in the United Provinces. The ſecond to a friend in Scotland. And the third, To the Honourable, Colonel Henry Martin, in England)

VVritten by L. Colonel JOHN LILBURNE.

The Lord that delivered me out of the paw of the roareing Lion at Oxford, and out of the pawes of the ravenous Beares at Guild-Hall in London, and from all the earneſt expectation of their Maſters, the incenſed Beare-wards at Weſtminſter; hee will deliver me out of the hands of the uncircumciſed Manqueller.

And the Lord ſaid unto Satan, Behold he is in thine hand, only ſave his life.

Job. 2.6.
Goe yee and tel that FOXE, that a Pleader for his countries liberties, and the performance of ſolemne Engagements and Promiſes, cannot be murthered out of England.
The Gentiles which have not the Law, doe by Nature the things contained in the Law (Romans 2.14) whiles alchemy Chriſtians haveing both Law and Goſpel doe nothing but make Remonſtrances, Declarations, vowes and Covenants; and write Hypocritical Letters, to choake the Actings of otheres more honeſtly minded.

Printed in the Yeare 1653. In March


For my Loving friend and Countryman Mr. D.D. in the United Provinces.

Kinde Sir,

THere is a ſaying in Scripture, that in adverſitie there is a friend to be found, that is neerer then a brother. and truely although there is betwixt you & me both in things morall and divine, a great deale of difference betwixt our judgements, yet ſeriouſly without flattery or falſhood, I muſt aver, that with that little accidentall converſing, that now and then I have had with you, dure­ing my abode in the Vnited Provinces, I haue truely found you one of thoſe real friends, that hath been neerer to me then a brother, yea, and in my preſent adverſitie I may really aver, I have found more obligations of true friendſhip from you alone, then I haue done from my brother, and all the brothers in law I have in the world, put all together in one: and being now really in the condition of a true man, ſet up­on by a company of robbing theeves, that robb him of all he hath (for ſeriously ſince I left England, I neither have now, nor ever had before, the abſolute command of one Sixpence of all my eſtate, the greateſt part of which ſome moneths agoe Haſelridge as I am informed, hath got an extent upon) and when they have done that, lie wait­ing with a companie of murderers to take away his life alſo, which by the following diſcourſe, you will finde to be my caſe. and being truly, really and bona fide, in that con­dition; I hope it will not appeare to you to be irrationall, unworthy, or an underva­lueing of my ſelf [and thereby an expoſeing my ſelf to ſhame and contempt] for me, as much as in me lies, to cry out for help, to all ingenuous men in the world, againſt their unjuſt, cruel, & unrighteous dealing with me, eſpecially ſeeing if I any longer ſit ſtil, an unavoidable, & an apparent ruine is before me. therfore whither my preſent cry­ing out, will accompliſh the end I wiſh and deſire it may doe, or the quite contrarie, there is in my preſent caſe noe choiſe at all; for neceſſitie hath no law, and if I ſit ſtill, (in my own thoughts) I periſh, and if I write and print, I can doe no more. therefore through the ſtrength of the Lord God Almighty, I am reſolved to do that, which in my own judgement I apprehend to be my dutie, and then truſt God [that never hi­therto failed me] with the iſſue.

When I left Holland, to come to meet my wife in Flanders, I did not then reſolve to have been ſo long ſilent as I have been, neither hath my long ſilence aroſe in the leaſt, from the feare of my adverſaries greatneſſe, or any miſchief they could doe to me or mine, (for I have long ſince ſcorned their courteſies, and contemned their malice) neither hath it ſolely and altogether to this day, proceeded from my tender affection to my wife, her and my poore babes afflicted condition, but hath ſome­what I muſt truely acknowledge, been mixed many times, with theſe and the like conſiderations.

Firſt, becauſe it hath ever been eſteemed by me, ignoble, and unworthy a man of gallantry, and pure mettle indeed, [eſpecially ſuch a one as purſues a righteous and juſt cauſe, as I am ſure I now doe] to ſtrike his adverſarie when he is down, or to be revenged of him, when by caſualtie and not by his oppoſites immediate actings and indeavors, his hands are full with other adverſaries. and that this hath been my2 practiſe to my preſent adverſaries and others, I averr it for truth, and give theſe in­ſtances for the illuſtrateing and proving it.

Cromwell and I were profeſſed adverſaries to each other, in the year 1647. but his adverſaries by ſeverall riſings in England, came upon him, and fild his hands full of work; and my proſperity comes upon me, by my deliverance out of the Tower, from almoſt a three yeares ſad impriſonment, originally by the then houſe of Peeres. And haveing upon the 19. of Ianuary 1647. Engliſh ſtile, impeached Cromwel and his ſon in law Ireton (which impeachment is ſince Printed) then in their full glory and Maje­ſtie, of high treaſon, at the open barr of the then houſe of Commons, for an houre or two together, themſelves being then preſent in the houſe, for any thing I then knew, or doe to this day to the contrary, and offered, upon the hazard of my life, legally to make it good, if they would put it judiciouſly to triall, which for feare of his guilt they durſt not do, but unworthily and baſely committed me back again to the Tower, by their order, as a Traitor for my paines. yet for all this, when his own Major Robert Huntington, the 2. of Auguſt 1648. preſented to the Parliament a kinde of a ſhrewd impeachment againſt him, and which is mentioned as a conſiderable buſines, by the Author of the Hiſtory of Independence (with which book to my knowledge you are well acquainted) in his firſt part, Pag. 98. And although I was profered no ſmall mat­ters, by no ſmall perſon or perſons, to have joyned with the ſaid Huntington againſt Cromwell; and ſolicited thereunto by ſome that had a great intereſt in my affections, and to whom I owe a great deal of obligations to, for ſingular courteſies done me; yet I abhorred it to Huntingtons face, at the Parlament door, at the very nick of time he delivered it (and principally becauſe Cromwels hands were full with others, with whom in the originall, I was not in the leaſt joyned with againſt him.) And the next day after I writt Cromwell [then in ſtraits enough] a letter, and ſent it by an expreſs, the copie of which letter [as it is recorded in the 32 Page of that notable book called The Legall & fundamental liberties of the People of England revived, aſſerted, and vindicated. for pretended makeing of which, I was alſo arraigned for a Traitor at Guildhall, the foreſaid October 1649.] thus followeth;

Sir, What my Camerade hath written by our truſtie bearer, might be ſufficient for us both. but to demonſtrate to you, that I am no ſtaggerer from my firſt principles that I ingaged my ſelf upon, nor from you, if you are what you ought to be, and what you are ſtrongly reported to be, although if I proſecuted, or deſired revenge for an hard and almoſt ſtarving impriſonment, I could have had of late, the chief of twenty opportunities to have paid you to the purpoſe. But I ſcorne it, eſpecially when you are low. And this aſſure your ſelf, that if ever my hand be upon you, it ſhall be when you are in your full glory, if then you ſhall decline from the Righteous wayes of Truth and Juſtice, which if you will ſpeedily and impartially proſecute, I am

Yours to the laſt drop of my heart blood, [for all your late ſevere hand to me] JOHN LILBVRN.

ANd beſides this particular, I could inſtance ſeverall others of the like nature, with this very CROMWELL at other times, and with ſeverall other perſons, of ſeverall other intreſts, both Caviliers, Presbyterians, and In­dependantes. but they would, all put together, be too longe for the inten­ded brevitie of this Epiſtle, onely one more I will take the boldneſſe to in­ſert, and that is this.

There is one Captain Edmond Chillington, (a Captain of Horſe now in Commiſ­ſary Generall Whaleys Regiment,) one of the falſ-hearted Independents, who to purchaſe his own Libertie, in the Biſhops time, in 1637. in the Starr-Chamber as their Agent, ſwore two falſe and wicked affidavitts there againſt mee, by vertue of which principally, I ſuffered al thoſe unexpreſſable miſeries I underwent in the Biſhops time [which are partly expreſſed in my late Apologie to the People of the Nether­lands] which Chillington when I was a priſoner under the King, in the yeares 1642. and 1643. at Oxford Caſtle, was alſo brought in thither as another Priſoner. where he was brought to thoſe ſtraits, that he was ready to ſtarve, and where wanting money to buy him bread, he could not of any there borrow Six-pence to buy him food to keep him alive from Starving, but what he had of my ſelf. who freely out of meere humane compaſſion, upon his own bare intreatie, lent him both Silver and Gold, in the day of his very great Calamitie, to ſupply his neceſſities, and keep him alive. and afterwards upon his earneſt intreatie, when at libertie, I improved my intereſt in An: 1643. in the Earle of Mancheſters Army, to make him an officer of horſe, in that very Regiment, (which as I beleeve) he hath remained ever ſince in: and therby is growne now a rich and great man. But the ungratefull knave, like a falſe hearted In­dependent indeed, in my late impriſonment in the tower of London, and my conteſts with Cromwel then; was one of my principalleſt, reproachfulleſt, maliciouſeſt and moſt miſchievous Enemys.

I confeſſe this conſtant practice of mine, is not according to the Policie the great men of the world walk by. yet I muſt averr, I finde a great deal of peace and tranquilitie of minde, in the practiſing of it. And muſt averr, and that in truth, I am never ſo much an Heroick and dareing man, nor ſo much carried out with Divine ſupportation, ſtrength, aſſiſtance, counſell and preſence of the Lord God Almighty; as when by my wicked, baſe, cowerdly, and cruell adver­ſaries, I am moſt dealt with in the quite contrarie, and thereby and by their Barbariſme, robb'd and ſtript (as it were) many times of all humane power, meanes, earthly ſupport, and adviſe. even then: and at ſuch time as this, and never before, am I in my delight-ſome Eliment, beinge then accompanied with Divine ſtrength and power, through the Lord Almighty, to grapple, and and incounter with a Legion of wicked men and deuills. and then with eaſe, (at leaſt in my own minde) to over-come all the difficulties, that it is poſſi­ble for the wickedneſſe and greatneſſe of my adverſaryes to inviron me with­all. which was clearly and evidently manifeſted to an obſervant ſpectator, at my carriage at my bloodie and intended murdering triall in October 1646, and which in a great part may eaſily be diſcerned by a judicious and ſerious reader of the firſt and ſecond parts of the ſaid printed triall, which containes betwixt 20 and 30 ſheets4 of paper, of which triall I can truely ſay thus much, to the praiſe of the Almightie, that I had not a friend in the world, neither male nor female, but to their cleare ap­prehenſions their ſpirits all failed them, and gave me over for a dead man, and indea­voured with me as Peter did with Chriſt, when he ſaid, Maſter ſave thy ſelfe; at all of which and whom [through the aſſiſting ſtrength of the Lord God] I laught, be­ing abſolutelie confident, that there was that unreſiſtable ſtrength, and fortitude, in naked truth and reaſon alone, that if I ſinglelie and throughlie caſt my ſelf upon it, it would with a witneſſe carrie me through, with a merrie countenance, and a cheer­full heart: which I was as viſiblie and ſenſiblie poſſeſſor of, without one minutes wa­vering, from the very firſt beginning to the latter end of all, till the jurie cleared me. and then I confeſſe my countenance fell and changed, as being rapt up with Spirituall ſinging praiſes unto God, even at the very Barr, for that infinite faithfulneſſe, wiſe­dome and truth that he had clearlie, evidently and ſenſiblie manifeſted unto me his unworthy ſervant, even in that verie triall and great deliverance. about my methode of mannageing of which, I neither did nor durſt tell any man or woman in the world what was my intentions, til I came to the Barr; leaſt my adverſaries ſhould get a hint of it, who I beleeve never expected but I would have dealt with them upon a ranting high-flown ſcore, in totally denying their juriſdiction, and the authoritie of thoſe that conſtituted them. but through the ſtrength of the Almightie, I went beyond their expectations, and gave them ſuch a cuff under their other eare, as I beleeve they wil never throughlie ſhake of the ſmart and paine of it, whileſt Cromwels beaſtlie & moſt groſſelie abominable Tirannie laſteth. And yet, through the goodneſſe of God, I kept my principles to the breadth of an haire, in the whole mannagement of my de­fence [that Maſter-piece of all the earthly workes (in my thoughts) that God ever wrought by me, or for me.] But to return from this digreſſion: I ſay, my foremen­tioned carriage or practiſe, is not onely full of peace and tranquillitie of minde to me, but alſo in my own apprehenſion, and upon my moſt ſerious ſcrutinie and examina­tion, I never yet found my ſelf a loſer by it, no more then the old and famous Com­mon-wealths of the Acheëns, or Romans did judge themſelves to be looſers by the like, of which Acheëns Polybius the Grecian in his wiſe and wel-pend Hiſtorie, fol. 414. gives this worthie teſtimonie, viz.

That they were eſtranged from deceit towards their friends to advance their power, by which they would not vanquiſh their enemies, holding it neither noble norfirme if they did not vanquiſh by proweſſe, and in open fight. Wherefore they ordained a­mongſt themſelves, that no man ſhould make uſe of hidden armes, thinking that an open Combatt hand to hand, was the true determining of warr. Finally they decla­red themſelves to their enemies, and ſignified the warr, when they were once reſol­ved to undergoe the danger of the battle. The like they did, of the places where they would decide it. And in the fame page he goes on and ſaith, there is yet in his time, [which was in the life of Hannibal the great, that cut his way, in the depth of Winter, through the mountanous Alps of Italy, to get his armies as nigh Rome, as their ſwords would inable them] remaining in the Romans ſome reliques of their antient humour. in ſuch affaires, they ſignifie their warr before, and they ſeldome uſe any ambuſhes, fighting readilie hand to hand. Let theſe words [ſaith he] be ſpoken againſt the af­fection5 which is much more readie then is needfull, in malicious practiſes, policies, and ambuſhes amongſt Princes, as well in affairs of warr as policies. And Plutarch in his Hiſtorie, fol. 139. relateing how that the old renowned Romans by their Generall, Conſull Camillus, made warr and beſieged the ſtrong citties Falerians, which being a very ſtrong place in all parts, made the people within very ſecure. which their Ge­neral Schoolmaſter to their Children perceiving, he [for his own treacherous ambi­tious ends] led the Children day by day, out of the walls to play, and at laſt preſen­ted himſelf and them before the Roman Generall, in hopes of great matters from him for ſo doeing. but the vertuous & gallant old heathen Roman [although he brought him the chief mens Children of the cittie] ſaid to thoſe that were about him: Warr of it ſelf ſurely is an evill thing, becauſe in it many injuries and miſchiefs are done, ne­vertheleſſe amongſt good men there is a law and diſcipline, which doth forbid them to ſeeke victorie by wicked traiterous meanes, and that a noble and worthie General ſhould make warr, and procure victorie, by truſting to his own valiantneſſe, and not by anothers vileneſſe and villanie. Therefore he commanded his Sergeants to teare the cloathes off the back, of this vile Schoolmaſter, and to binde his hands behinde him, and that they ſhould give the children rods and whips in their hands, to whip the Traitor back again into the cittie naked, that had betraied them, and grieved their pa­rents. which when the Falerians heard, that the Schoolmaſter had thus betraied them, all the cittie, ſaith Plutarch, fell a weeping, and men and women ran together in one anothers necks, to the town walles, and gates of the cittie, like people out of their witts, they were ſo exceedingly troubled at the loſſe of their children, but when they ſee their children bringing back the traiterous Schoolmaſter, as is aforeſaid, and calling the Roman Generall Camillus their father, their God, and their Saviour; not onely the fathers and mothers of the children, but generally all the other Cittizens, did conceive in themſelves a wonderfull admiration, and great love of the wiſdom, juſtice and goodneſſe of Camillus. ſo that notwithſtanding the great ſtrength of their cittie, they preſentlie called a Counſell, and there concluded to ſend Embaſſadors forthwith unto him, to put their lives and goods to his mercie and favour; who ſent their Ambaſſadours unto Rome, where having audience before the Senate, the Am­ſtaſſadors ſaid; becauſe the Romans preferred juſtice before victorie, they taught them to be better contented to ſubmit themſelves unto them, then to be their owne men at libertie, confeſſing their vertue did more overcome them, then any force or power could doe: where upon the Senate left all to their Generall Camillus, to doe in it what he pleaſed. and he uſed them ſo as became a man of a truly noble minde, that rather deſired to overcome their mindes with love, then their bodies with feare & terror, and thereby chooſed to have their ſubjection out of the laſting principles of love, rather then to have it by the cobweb ties of feare.

And as full of nobleneſſe and juſtice, was that act of Fabricius, another of the Ro­man Generals towards Pyrrus King of Epirus, a dangerous and formidable adverſarie to the Roman Common-wealth, and who forced their Generals and Armies in divers pitcht Battles, againſt whom his own Phyſitian [for the hopes of filthie lucre] conſpi­red to take away his life; for the accompliſhing of which, he writes a letter with his own hand into the Roman Camp, in which he profered to poyſon the King his maſter,6 in caſe the Roman Generall would promiſe him a large reward for his paines, and for ending their deſperate warrs, without further danger. But Fabritius deteſting the wickednes of the Phyſitian, and having made Quintus Aemylius his collegue, and fellow Conſul, alſo to abhorre the ſame; wrote a letter unto King Pyrrus and bad him take heed, for there were that ment to poiſon him. the contents of the letter we­re theſe.

Caius Fabricius & Quintus Aemylius Conſulls of Rome,
unto King Pyrrus greeting.

You have (ô King) made unfortunate choiſe both of your friends and of your enemys, as ſhall appeare unto you by reading of this letter, which one of yours hath writt unto us. for you make warrs with juſt and honeſt men, and doe your ſelfe truſt altogether the wicked and unfaithfull. hereof therefore we have thought good to advertize you, not in reſpect to plea­ſure you, but for feare the misfortune of your death, might make us unjuſtly to be accuſed: imagining that by Treachery or treaſon we have ſought to end this warr, as though by valiantnes we could not otherways atchieve it. which letter procured the execution of this phyſitian for his treachery, and a high admiration in King Pyrrus of the Romans worth and noble gallantry. Plutarch Fol: 409.

O Renowned and worthy heathens, far ſurpaſſing in honeſtie, and farr ſurmounting in Iuſtice and rightiouſnes, our great pretended Chriſtians the governors in England; that Judge noe meanes nor wayes though never ſo abominable in themſelves, too vile for them to undertake for the accompliſhing of their owne ends: whether it be treacherie, mur­der, prejurie, breach of faith, or what ever it be. and who have cheated all manner of Intereſts that ever yet in their lives they delt with, and hold it as an undoubted ar­ticle of their faith, for the ſupport of their State and policie; that it is not fitt nor con­venient for them to keep faith with any Intereſt or generation of men in the world, longer then it ſerves their owne ends: being abſolutely in their owne thoughts (as their conſtant practiſes ſufficiently demonſtrate and declare, as cleare as the Sunne at noone day) tyed by noe ingagement, declarations, proteſtations, oaths, Covenants, or Contracts whatſoever [that even amongſt Pagans and Infidels themſelves are moſt Sacred] longer then they pleaſe. and if any of their mercenary penmen dare be ſo impudent as to deny this, that I now ſay of them, and indeanor in there behalfe to proove the contrary; I dare hereby ingage my life and reputation, by abundance of evident, declared and knowne inſtances to prove theſe my preſſent aſertions, as cleare as the Sunne in its moſt glorious ſhineing. therefore let all wiſe men be wary and take heed how they truſt them.

But a little further to goe on, me thinks it ſeems ugly and ſo inconſiſtent with the principles of a man that would really be reputed a Chriſtian, and that injoys Communion with the Lord of Life and glory, and beleeves his Almightie power and faithfullnes; to be a purſuer of any deſigne whatſoever, but what he well exa­mines, and before hand compares with the Rule of truth and righteouſnes the revealed will of god contained in the Scripture, and which evidently upon the exa­mination7 appears to his conſcience and Judgement to be juſt and honeſt in it ſelfe, and in the mannageing of which he Steeres his courſe by thoſe two ſure and never faileing cards or Compaſſes of righteouſnes, viꝪt: [doe as you would be donn unto] and [yee ſhall not doe evill that good may come of it] that ſhould I either under­take ſuch wicked deſignes as my Cromwellish Bloodie adverſaries conſtantly for theſe 5 or 6 Yeares together have donn againſt me; or purſne the accompliſhment there of with ſuch falſe, treacherous, helliſh, diabolicall, Bloodly, cowardly meanes and ways, as they have commonly done upon me, not with ſtanding any glorious out­ſide pretences of religious faſtings, prayings and preachings [which yet in themſel­ves rightely preformed are excellent good things] that poſſible I could have acted or performed: really I ſhould have Judged my ſelfe, ſo farr from deſerveing to be reputed to be a true Chriſtian indeed; that truly I ſhould rather have thought that abundantly more juſtly I had truly deſerved, to have that ſaying of Chriſt in Iohn 8: 44: ſpoken unto me, that Chriſt himſelfe ſpoke unto the hypocriticall jewes, that boaſted much to be Children of Abraham, but did not doe his works, but the quite contrarie: and therfore ſaith Chriſt to them, you are of your Fa­ther the Deviland the luſts of your Father you will doe. he was a Murderer from the beginning, and abode not in the truth, becauſe there is noe truth in him. when he ſpeaketh a lye, he ſpeaketh of his owne, for he is a lyer and the Father of it.

The ſecond conſideration that I have had in my thoughts, ariſeth from that in­deared affection, that I juſtly beare to the Land of my nativitie above all nations in the world, and that extraordinary obligeing cauſe and ground I have to beare the ſame to multitudes of the honeſt in habitants thereof, for their former tender af­fection in the day of my great adverſitie largely manifeſted unto me. now if un­der the pretence of my indeavering to preſerve my ſelf againſt Cromwells faithles, and apparent indeavoring, utterly to deſtroy me and mine, and extirpating me from the Earth; I ſhould in the preſent day of Englands adverſitie by their warrs with Holland, hand over head [raſhly and inconſiderately by way of haſty re­venge] ingage againſt it, and indeavor to have done to the whole as ſeve­rall banniſhed men [upon farr greater cauſes and grounds then mine] that I have redd of, that were banniſhed from Rome and Athens did; who by joyning their preſonall and particular intereſts; parts and abilities to the ſtrength of Rome and Athens their profeſſed enemyes, and thereby ſeverall times brought their native Cit­ties & countryes almoſt to utter deſolation: I ſay ſhould I have done or indeavonred to have done this, in the day of Englands preſent adverſitie [though I have I am confident of it as much cauſe given me, in any open avowed way in the world, to indeavor to right my ſelfe, againſt that grand Tyrant Cromwell and his lawles bloodthirſtie Crue, as can be given unto a man] yet I ſay, if my indevo­ring my owne right, ſhould intentionally or rationally, and conſequentially tend to the miſcheiſe and deſtruction of the whole, I ſhould have had little peace or comfort of minde in it; or ſmall honour or repute, in the eſtimation of righteous and juſt men who might juſtly have told me, God himſelfe [though abſolute Soveraigne over all mankinde] in wicked Sodoms caſe, abhorred to8 deſtroy the righteous with the wicked, Gen. 18. And all thoſe that truly profeſſe the feare of his name, ought to be like unto him, at leaſt in the habite or diſpoſition of there mindes. And beſides,

They might alſo have juſtly told me of Gods ſevere threatned revenge upon Edom, for dealing with the houſe of his brother Jacob in the like caſe, although the ſmitings of God himſelf, for their ſinnes was upon them, yet in this very caſe, God in Obadiah Verſe thus ſaith, And thy mighty men, o Teman ſhall be diſ­maied, to the end, that every one of the mount of Eſau, may be cutt off by ſlaughter; for thy violence againſt thy brother Jacob, ſhame ſhall cover thee, and thou ſhalt be cutt off for ever. in the day that thou ſtoodeſt on the other ſide, in the day that the ſtrangers carried away his forces, and forraigners entered into his gates, and caſt lotts upon Jeruſalem, even thou waſt as one of them: But thou ſhouldeſt not have looked upon the day of thy brother, in the day that he became a ſtranger, neither ſhouldeſt thou have rejoyced over the children of Judah, in the day of their deſtru­ction: neither ſhouldeſt thou have ſpoken proudly in the day of their diſtreſſe. Thou ſhouldeſt not have entered into the gate of my people, in the day of their calami­tie, Yea thou ſhouldeſt not have looked upon their affliction, in the day of their calami­tie, nor have laid hands on their ſubſtance, in the day of their calamitie, neither ſhouldeſt thou have ſtood in the croſs way, to have cutt of thoſe of his that did Eſ­cape, neither ſhouldeſt thou have delivered up thoſe of his, that did remain in the day of diſtreſſe, for the day of the Lord is neare upon all the heathen, as thou haſt done, it ſhall be done unto thee, thy reward ſhall return upon thine own head.

And alſo having redd the Scripture, as I have done diligently, they might have told me, if the blood of one righteous Abel cauſeſly ſhed, called, or cried ſo loud in the ears of God for wrath and vengeance againſt Cain; how much more louder would the cry of many righteous Abels be againſt me, whoſe blood muſt of neceſſitie in the eye of reaſon have been ſhed, ſhould I have taken or now ſhould take ſuch a courſe, as to indeavor revenge of the whole, for a miſchief done me by thoſe that oppreſſe the nation in generall in a great meaſure as bad as they doe me and I know it was Ju­dah and Jeruſalems condition, in the day of her great adverſitie [as Jeremy in his La­mentations witneſſeth] amongſt all her lovers to have none to comſort her, and to have all her friends to deale treacherouſly with her, and to become her enemies, for which ſhe wept ſore in the night, that the very teares remained on her cheeks, and their lamentations were beyond expreſſion, which made her in the bitterneſſe of her Soul, to cry out to the Lord her God, and ſay, Render unto them a recompence, O Lord, according to the work of their hands; give them ſorrow of heart, thy curſe un­to them, perſecute and deſtroy them in anger, from under the Heavens of the Lord. And theſe their prayers and outcries were not in vain unto God, (as a little before may partly be ſeen in Edoms caſe) for the Apoſtle James ſaith, chap. 5.16. that the efe­ctuall fervent prayer of the righteous availeth much.

All theſe confiderations laid together, though my provocations are many (and aggravated very much, not onely by the ſlightings and forgetfullneſſe, but alſo by the baſe and unworthy dealings with me, by ſome of thoſe, for the preſervation of whom and their eſtates, I have apparently ran the hazard of a totall ruine, to me and mine)9 and my ſtraits (as to the outward man) great, yet through the goodneſſe and loving kindeneſſe of my good God, by his ſpeciall aſſiſting me with the foreſaid, and other the like conſiderations, and by the immediate neceſſities of ſelf-preſervation, that my adverſaries baſely and unworthily have brought upon me, the way of my preſent goeings is not onely cleare, to be juſt and righteous in my own underſtanding, judge­ment and conſcience, (that lively voice of God ſpeaking in my own ſoul) but I am confident I have ſo deliberately, rationally and juſtly gone on hitherto) in the pro­greſſe of my buſineſſe, that I am confident, through the aſſiſtance of God, I am ſuf­ficiently furniſhed, with a juſt and grounded plea to anſwer fully, what ever can be ob­jected againſt my preſent proceedings, by the moſt maliciouſeſt and cunningeſt of my adverſaries, or the ſcrupulouſeſt of my friends in England.

And although in my own imagination and invention, I have of along time laid down a method to my ſelf (which I would not willingly goe from) by me to be uſed in my appearing in print again to the world, rationally and methodically to prepare and make way for my formall appeale to the body of the people of England (which my wicked and unrighteous judges, have ſeverall yeares agone [viz. Vpon the 4. of Janury 1648,] in words voted to be their maſters, or the Supreme fountaine or orginall of all juſt power in England; as you may largely and par­ticularly read in the ſecond part of the Hiſtory of independency Pag: 55: 56: 57: as alſoo the grounds and reaſons that moved them ſoe to vote) which I reſolved on in my owne thoughs come life come death before I left England, which was upon Saterday firſt of Feb: Engliſh ſtile. in which appeale ſeeing my cruell judges (meerly for the accompliſhment of their owne ends, the more coullorably to take away the Kings life, that ſo when they had ſlain him they might take poſſeſſion of his power & eſtate, and at their pleaſure divide it amongſt themſelves & their ſlaves, and by the ſtrength and power of it domineer arbitrarily and Tyrannically over the lives, liberties and eſtates of the antiently free people of England, and maintain themſelves unac­countable by the ſtrength thereof, either to God or man, law or reaſon) have in words voted the people of England, under God, to be the Originall of all juſt power there, but never intended it, that ever in actions or reallitie they ſhould in the leaſt injoy it; I will by Gods aſſiſtance doe the beſt I can in my appeale, to diſcover the cheates of Alchemy Saint Oliver, and his graceleſſe Tribe in that vote: and alſo I will inſtruct the people of England, in the beſt way, method, or form that I can, to ſet themſelves in, to obtain the reall exerciſe of their declared rightfull ſupreme power; and alſo pro­duce them ſeverall preſidents from the practiſe of the people in the Ancient & moſt famous Common-wealth of Rome, and the Ancient Grecian Common-wealths of Athens, Corinth, Thebes, &c. how they practifed their ſupreme power upon many occaſions, even upon the greateſt Generalls, Patricians, Noblemen, Senatours, or Parliament-men they had, and there is abundantly more reaſon, and ground for the people of England now to conteſt even to the death, for the election from amongſt themſelves of Tribunes, or keepers, or deſenders of the peoples liberties, indued with ample power, to preſerve them againſt the annhilating mcroachments, that their preſent Tyrannicall Riders have already made upon them; then ever in the dayes of old, there was for the old Plebeans, or Common people of Rome, to conteſt with10 their Patricians or Senators for ſuch protectors of their Liberties, becauſe even when tbe conteſts begun, or were at the higheſt in Rome, when the people in their numerous and cemented body, betook themſelves to Marſ-Field againſt their Lords; they were abundantly (though Pagans and Infidels) more juſt, compaſſionate, leſſe Lordly, and leſſe domineering, and more free-hearted to the people of Rome, then ours are to the poor people of England.

And alſo I will ſhew them grounds & reaſons to demonſtrate clearly to them, that ther is in a manner as great a neceſſitie for them, to conteſt for the eſtabliſhing by a law (as to conteſt for the preſervation of their lives) thoſe two eſſentiall Maxims, with­out which England in a Common wealth can never be free; viz Firſt, that the chief commander of their Militia, or the Generall of their Forces, by Sea or Land, be of­ten removed; at leaſt once every two years, upon paine of immediate death upon the leaſt refuſall to ſurrender his command. And

Secondly, that they make ſtrickt and ſure proviſion, for the keeping out at one and the ſelf-ſame time, divers of one family or kindred, in their chiefeſt offices. And if by the help and benefit of this intended Appeale, the people of England come to aſſume unto themſelves, the true exerciſe of their publique declared Supreme power, that their preſent Tyrants in words have already inſtated them in, and deal with my grand adverſaries thereby according to their juſt deſerts: let my bloody and malicious ad­verſaries thank themſelves, in not letting me alone to ſit under my own Vine in peace and quietneſſe, when I as much indeavoured it, in my own underſtanding and judge­ment, as much as ever I did ſince I was a man, indeavour to preſerve my life when it was in danger.

A late Book of one Captain Wendy Oxfords (a Spie in pay to Cromwell, or Scott of the Counſell of State at white Hall) and the hazards accruing to my life, and well-being thereby, hath at the preſent put me out of my intended method. and becauſe there is an abſolute neceſſitie, that one thing which already I have writ (ſaving a ſhort introduction to it) be publiſhed in print before my anſwer at large, to that falſe and lying Book of Oxfords comes out; and yet the perfecting of that Introduction, will take up more time, then in prudence and wiſdome is fit for me to delay (being already lately allarumd from ſeverall places, and from ſeverall of my loving friends, by more then bare hints, that a private Piſtoll, a dagger, or a potion of Poyſon, is my ſpeedy defined ruine) by reaſon of the charge upon me in the 20. 21. 22. Pages of that Book; ſome of which the foreſaid Author, (Wendy Oxford) was in hopes, by his wicked, cowardly, and bloody inſtruments, had ſo operated upon me, that he hath alreadie all over Holland reported me to be dead [as a late letter from a ſpeciall friend of mine there doth ſignifie unto me] and therefore in the interim, I have judged it convenient to ſend herewith unto you a copie [ſaving a few words of alteration] of a late Epiſtle of mine, ſent to Scotland; in which this book, and the deſignes of Oxford, is ſo farr mentioned, as the publiſhing of it may at preſent be a rationall ſecuritie to my perſon, till a further anſwer come from me, which I hope a little time will effectually pro­duce. & alſo ſeeing my foreſaid piece, which is purpoſely pend for the uſe of England, the greateſt part of it being long ſince in Mr. Peters hands [on purpos to communicate to Cromwell, to teach him if he were capable of receiving good counſell or inſtruction11 to be wiſe be times] will be delayed a little by my going on with this, and ſeing [as from England I am informed] divers of the rationall ſort of people there are a little awaked once more vigorouſly to looke after the injoyment of their often and long promiſed liberties, and ſeing alſo by the like information I am informed the offi­cers of the Army are alſo againe at worke, to find out a ſpeedy convenient way for the procurering of a new repreſentative, & for that end (as they pertend) have choſe lately a committie of officers, to conſider of the buſines; which according to their names ſent unto me, I Judge out of a long knowledge or experience of them to conſiſt partly of evident knaves or creatures; Secondly of neuters, and laſtly mixed with ſome of their honeſteſt Officers they have. but in the whole, I looke upon the eſtabliſhing that committie, to be in its intention a perfect cheat, [as all the actions and pretences of the Officers of the Army to the peoples liberties are] ſet up on on purpos to gull the people, and to keep of (if it be poſſible) from acting, a more ſerious, honeſter, and through paced generation of men.

The Grandees ſtraits at the preſent being very great, as to any knowing man in the affaires of England may evidently appeare, by there calling for to debate in the houſe the long-winded act for a new repreſentative (their common and well known cheat to gull the people, and to draw (in there immaginations) the peoples affections to them, when they are in great ſtraits) and that they are in great ſtraits, and great feares, evi­dently appeares to me more fully out of theſe conſiderations.

Firſt I know when I was in England, it was the maſter piece of Cromwells, and his Knipperdollings, Achitophels, or wiſe Oracles, or Counſellers deſignes, to perpe­trate their arbitrary and Tyrannicall power over the people of England; ſo to make a peace and league with the Hollanders [if poſſible] that if hereafter he and his perjured faith-breaking party, ſhould any wayes by the people of England ſtruggling for their liberties, come into any ſtraits; that then for his help and ayd, he might have ſome ſure friend in Holland to give him aſſiſtance againſt them. but being not in his defired way able to accompliſh this; his intreſt led him to ingage in a plundering war wirh Hol­land, to begger (if it were poſſible) and ſpoyl their Merchants, and thereby deſtroy their trade, that ſo the averſe people in Holland to an agreement with him, might thereby be themſelves neceſſitated to deſire peace with him, in a manner upon his own termes. and having in his own thoughts by his ſaid plundering warr, and by his under­hand tamperings, brought his deſigne [at leaſt in his own imaginations] to a great per­fection, before van Tromp his late foyling of Cromwells Generall Blake. which action hath given Cromwell and his Knipperdolings or Counſellers, a cleare demon­ſtration, that the Dutch will not be brought to his bow, in his way, and alſo he clearely now ſees that if the warr with them hold long in a lingring way, it will unavoidably proove ſoe chargable to him, that in a ſhort tyme it will ſorce him to increaſe the taxes in England to that extraordinary hight, that in the eye of reaſon muſt mad & vex the people, & and by conſequence occaſion the apparent ruine and deſtruction of him and his wicked and cruell tribe. in which regard and to avoyd that eminent danger by lingring out the warr, they are reſolved at once to put all to a puſh, and either (as in our Engliſh proverbe we ſay in England) winne the horſe or looſe the ſaddle. in order to which their intereſt leads them not only, to make all the preparation that12 the ſtrength of England is able to furniſh them with, to offend the Dutchat Sea, but alſo to make it ſo ſtrong, as that (in their imaginations at leaſt) they ſhall be inabled therby to be abſolute Lords at Sea, this next ſummer, againſt all comers & goers; & by conſequence, therby be able to land in their own ſeaſon, when & where they pleas, a formidable land-army of Horſe and Foot, to be commanded by one or both, of thoſe notable ſhrew'd men, viz. Leutenant Generall Monck, or Major generall Deane. only here is their alone feare that now troubles them, viz. That in the abſence of their land-armie, the true lovers of the liberties and freedomes of England, ſhould have an oportunitie thereby, to imbodie together, and ſo force the eſtabliſhing of their long­promiſed, and long-contended-for rights and freedoms: and then good night Oliver and all his hypocriticall cheates.

To countermine and delude whom once again (if it be poſſible) I am confident Cromwel and his Caball aſſociates, hath under hand ſet the ſaid Committie of the Armie a foot. To over-ballance whoſe ſpecious pretences even to the publick view of the people of England, with reall actions of tranſcendent good, done by gallant old Heathens and Pagans (who in actions were better Chriſtians then our great ones) for their own Countrey and their oppreſſed Neighbours, I have ſent you a copy of an hi­ſtoricall and pleaſant Epiſtle, which in November laſt I ſent to that rationall Engliſh head-peice Colonel Henry Martin.

I muſt conſes its probable, the dutch may be offended at the firſt part of it, for the pre­venting of which [if poſſible] I ſhal aver this [& that in truth] that although I am very much an Engliſh man, yet I am (bona fide) noe enimy to Holland and its welfare, but deſire with all my hart, an honeſt and a juſt pace betwixt them and England, to the rationall ſecuring diſtinctly the rights and privileges of each nation, without incroach­ment of either ſide: in ſuch a away as to bring to condign puniſhment the great knaves of both ſides (if Holland have any) by ſtripping them of their Arbitrary & Tyrannicall power, with which ours in England (I am ſure of it) have not onely indeavoured, but really have acted the inſlaving of their bretheren. And this I do further proteſt, that if my weake abilities, and ſhattered intereſt, could contribute any thing to the accom­pliſhing ſuch a peace and agreement; I would heartily venture my life, for the pro­cureing of it, and all that I can call deare unto me in this world, with as much reſolu­tion and hazard, as any Dutch man, or Engliſh man breathing upon the earth whatſo­ever he be. I deſire to ſee no better a day in this world, but ſuch a one, wherein I may be counted worthy to be made uſe of to this end. Beſides, let them give Oliver their chiefeſt enemie a box of the eare, on the one ſide, in their own way, and give me but leave in my own way to give him a box on the other care: and if I doe not doe it hear­tily, and to the purpoſe, I will freely give them leave to account me a knave for my paines, and if I doe it heartily and effectually, although it be not in every puntillio in their mode, yet I am ſure they can be no looſers by it. So with my hearty and true love preſented to you, I commit you to the protection of the moſt High, and reſt,

Your aſſured faithfull and loving friend, JOHN LILBVRN.

The copy of the forementioned Letter to Scotland thus followeth.

Deare friend.

I Had thought the ſtrength of your aire in Scotland, would have breathed ere now as far as Bridges in Flanders, but it may be the viewing of the finenes of your gallant new Forts, and other fine Monuments of that rare Nation, with the im­braces of your lately married delight, hath ſo taken up your time, that you have had no leaſure to think of an exiled and baniſhed man in Flanders. I confeſſe I partly know it by experience, that divers moneths after marriage are moſt commonly a time of dotage, and many times proves ſo, even in the moſt ſolideſt perſons, and therefore for once I will excuſe your negligence and remiſneſſe. I confes had it not been ſo great a journey from Ayre to London, and ſo unſeaſonable a time in the depth of winter, and ſo irrational to deſire too ſuddenly to take you away from the enjoyment of your new delight and joy, I ſhould have preſumed often ere now to have preſt you with all that little Rhetorique that my dull pen can expres, to haſten your return to London, to have lent my honeſt Beſſe your wonted aſſiſtance, and to have helped her efectually to have ſolicited my buſineſſe with my Tyrannicall adverſaries there, who through her own ungrounded deſire, to have me again in England upon ſuch ſneaking terms as my Soul abhorres, and in my poor opinion no way becomes a man of a gallant Ennobled and Heroick minde, who never was engaged in any thing in his life to the purpoſe, but he deliberately and wiſely looked into every crevis of the buſineſſe, before he too much ingaged in it, that it was both juſt and honeſt in the ſight of God and man, and then was never fearfull to play a game at all, even life to the utmoſt, nay for a man that by vertue of that power and aſſiſting ſtrength that is a­bundantly given him from the Lord God Almighty, that therby he is by faith ſuffici­ently able to make him incounter with a Denn of the moſt fierceſt Lyons in the world or a Legion of the moſt dreadfulleſt men and devils in Earth and hell: Nay upon ſuch tearms (as upon my conſcience in the preſence of God I ſpeak it) as in my own opi­nion, can no way be for the ſafety of my life, which can now never be ſecure ſo long as Cromwels abſolute Tirannie laſteth, upon any promiſes that he can make either be­fore God or man. For in ſhort, by too large experience I judge him to be as falſe as the Devill himſelf, and who I wil never truſt again while I breath, let him ſweare and proteſt never ſo much. I ſay my poor wife out of her over-earneſt-deſire in Engeland to enjoy my company, hath made therby her ſelf a burthen to her ſelf, and forced me to the greateſt uſe of my braines and patience, that ever I was put unto in my life, to deal with her with that tendernes (with a Salvo to my owne peace) that doth become a man of conſcience, gratitude and humanitie, to an object ſo deare in my affections, ſeverall yeares before from me ſhe knew any thing of it, and who now for about 12. years, hath many times with a good proportion of ſtrength & reſolution, gon through ſo many miſeries with me, with ſo much affection as ſhe hath done; and when ſhe was laſt with childe, with it, her ſicknes and grief, her condition was ſo ſad, that truely I ſcarſe knew how gently enough to handle her, and ſeriouſly betwixt the ſtruglings of care and tenderneſſe, my indeared affection to her made me to have of her, and the ſtrong beatings and compulſions of that voice of God that conſtantly ſpeakes in my2 inlivened and awakened conſcience, my Soul was many times almoſt rent in pieces, and in which condition for a length of time I would not be againe for all the Gold in the world.

And in the ſecond place, when ſhe was lately with me, ſhe was ſo oppreſſed with ſicknes, and the death of my litle Babe, that my moſt intire affection to her com­pelled me to deale with her as if ſhe had been a Suckinge Babe, till ſhe got ſtrength; and then béyond any bounds of reaſon, preſt me ſo far to indeavour again in her way to get into England, that I was forced to tell het to this purpoſe. Vict. that my pre­ſent baniſhment was as delightſome to me as my wedding day, and nothing in the world could more rejoyce my heart then when I was gott out of England in Safety from Cromwell sir reconcilable malice and blood thirſtines, and Seeing ſhe forced me ſo farr, I muſt do more then Ever I had thought to have don in my life, and truly tell her, that now England was toe litle, to hold Cromwell in the poſſeſſion of his beaſtely and groſſe Tyrannie, and me in the earneſt purſuite of my juſt freedome, and therefore I ptayed her, as ſhe loved my life, and her own welfare, not to expoſe me to ſuch hazerdous and dangerous new temptations, which whilſt I was in England I was ſcarce able to reſiſt, being ſatisfied in my own conſcience that Cromwel was grown as perfect a bloody devouring Wolf, as any was in the world, and juſtifiably both be­fore God and man might be dealt with as ſuch a one, having incloſed himſelf with ſuch a ſtrong unovercomable power of the Sword, as no law can poſſiblie lay hold of him, for all his viſible murders, rapines and treaſons; proteſting further unto her, that if it had not been for the ſtrong affection I bare unto her and my poore babes, (whom willingly I would not leave beggers when I did) and for that I had ſome grounded aſſurance in my own ſpirit, that I ſhould live to ſee his downfall, and the full reſtauration of our Engliſh Liberties and freedomes, and my ſelf be an actor or inſtrument to procure it without ſo apparent hazard to my life as ſuch an Act would be: I had with my own right hand at the houſe doore avowedly ended the quarrel be­twixt him and me, and the reſt of the free-born people of England, with a Paper of reaſons in my left hand, ready to be ſent unto the Speaker, and with ſeverall others in my pocket to juſtifie to the whole world, the lawfulneſſe and juſtneſſe of ſuch an action, both by the laws of God, nature, and Nations, and therefore her company by reaſon of her unreaſonable, and not to be ſatisfied importunity, was a burthen un­to me, and I longed [I muſt confeſſe] to be quit of it, and in haſt upon thoſe tearmes, ſhall not defire to enjoy it again; yet profeſſing moſt truely unto you thus much, that her company and ſocietie [if I could injoy it with ſecurity as not being oppreſt with thoſe moſt unpleaſant importunities, of ſubmitting or acting in things which my own reaſon and judgement is point black againſt] is more delightfull to me, and more to be deſired by me, then all the delights in this world beſides. And therefore that we might part with as little diſguſt of Spirit as poſſible could be, and that I might ſtoop to her as low as poſſible I could, and give her all the ſatisfaction that my intire and un­ſhaken affection to her, and the utmoſt of my braines could poſſible imagine [ſtil with a Salvo to my own peace and tranquillitie of minde which I proteſt ſeriouſly in the preſence of God, I value at that high rate, and by above twice ſeven yeares expe­rience,3 finde it ſo full of ſweetneſſe, and ſoul-ſatisfying content, that I had rather a thouſand times over part with my life, then part with it, for to die to me is gaine, which ever ſince 1637. was never one moment more dreadfull to me, then to eate and drink when I am hungry) I engaged to her to petition the Parliament in my own way of Law, and reaſon, for the takeing off my whole Sentence, that ſo, if it were poſſible, my little eſtate might once again be free, which I ſhould willingly and abſolutely ſurrender into her hands, to ſettle, with the adviſe of her owne friends, and doe what they would with, ſo that I might be left to my ſelf, to mannage my own preſent buſineſſe, as a maſter workman, or a poore inſtrument, in the hands of the Almighty, to the purpoſe, to chaſtize that hypocriticall and Alchemy Saint Oliver Cromwell, betwixt whom and my ſelf without a new Repreſentative (ſo undeniably the people of Englands due, as in my late printed epiſtle to him, I have undeniably proved) it is impoſſible to have any medium come life come death.

But thirdly, after ſhe had paſt her promiſe to ſend me ſpeedily over my bookes, to inable me the more maſculinely to compleat ſuch a petition, and after ſhee and I had ſeriouſly and ſolemnely agreed upon the Mode or Methode to manage it in, and I had told her the heades upon what I would compoſe it of; yet through chil­diſhneſſe, weakeneſſe, or womanniſhneſſe, ſhe in England falles off from all, and takes new counſell, from ſome friends (wiſe enough in themſelves, yet I am confi­dent unto whom ſhe never declared what I had ſaid unto her, as is above expreſt) and enters into new paper skirmiſhes with me, ſomething filled with womanniſh paſſion and anger, which yet by reaſon of the ſickneſſe of my children (which I knew might not a little trouble her afflicted minde) I bore with her in, with all the patience that poſſible I could, and tooke ſo much paines in readeing, ſtudying and writeing large Epiſtles to her, to ſatisfie her with reaſon, that I have ſometimes therewith almoſt made my ſelf Blinde, and which I ſeriouſ­ly proteſt, to be hired with gold to doe the like againe, in ſo ſhort a time, I would not be tyed to doe it for a thouſand poundes; the fruits of which in part the world with ſome new additions, had ſeen ere now, had ſhe not with ſad­neſſe ſent me word of the continuance of my Daughters dangerous ſickneſſe, which made me out of meere compaſſion (and becauſe I would not juſtly be judged, apparently guiltie of totally over-whelming her) forbeare theſe ma­ny weekes the printing thereof, although long ſince, I had ſent ſeverall ſheets into the Vnited Provinces on purpoſe to be printed. but finding no ſatisfaction from her, (eſpecially about ſending me my bookes) but dodgeing with me for theſe three or foure moneths together about them, and thereby neceſſitateing me to reſolve that if ſpeedily I doe not receive them from her, to procure money, and hire a meſſen­ger, to goe to England and buy them all over anew, and bring them to me. ſo that in the concluſion of all, through her own folly, ſhe hath forced me to bid her ſet her heart at reſt, for I am now totally and poſitively reſolved, if I can avoid it, never to ſee England, ſo long a CROMWELS moſt hatefull and de­teſtable beaſtely Tyrannie laſteth, unleſſe it be in a way to purſue him, as the grandeſt Tyrant and Traytor, that ever England bredd, or the people therof4 ever redd or heard of. And therefore once again in good earneſt ſound Trumpets and Drumms, and have at thee Oliver once again with all my might, for the liberties of the free-born blades of England, by the agreement of the people! but withall I with this ſent her word, that ſeeing Haſelridge and Cromwel, &c. pretends much compaſſion pittie, and affection to her, that if by her own pitition, ſhe wil endeavour to ſtrive for her ſelf and her childeren (and let me alone to ſhift in the world for my ſelf) and get of the ſentence upon my eſtate, I have engaged to her and will ſtand to it to ſigne and ſeale any thing by way of further ſettling of it upon her and her children, that ſhe and my adverſaryes themſelves rationally will have me, provided in the manageing of my buſines ſhe doe it ſoe, as that it is like the action of the wife of J. Lilburn, and that to the General, nor Haſelridge, nor none beſides, ſhe by promiſe &c. ingage not for me in any thing, that is diſhonourable to me. for I aſſure her before hand, I wil keep and perform nothing in that kinde ſhe promiſeth to them in my behalf, notwithſtanding which, if ſhe ſhould doe that which is unworthy my wife, I am confident it would take ſuch a deep impreſſion upon my Spirit, that notwithſtanding my now entire affection to her, I ſhould never owne her again as the wife of my boſome while I breathed, al­though I ſhould force my ſelf thereby to live in a voluntarie Widdowhood all my dayes, which truly in my preſent apprehenſions of it, would be a condition almoſt as upleaſant to me, as to live under Cromwels bloody tiranny. And in her laſt Letter to me ſhe tels me ſhe is now vigorouſly going about her ſaid petition. the conſequence of which nor nothing elſe can make me delay any longer from ſpeedily and effectual­ly endeavouring to appeare in print again: becauſe one of Tho: Scotts Spyes whom he ſent over on purpoſe to contrive my murder, [as I have too evident and apparent cauſe to judge] hath lately publiſhed a Book at the Hague called [the unexpected life and wiſhed for death of the thing called Parlament in England,] wherein he incites all the Princes and Potentates of Europe to riſe up in armes as one man againſt them, and to extirpate them from the earth as a pack of the bloodieſt, wickedeſt, and faith­leſſeſt Tyrants that ever breathed, and to Re-inthrone his gracious Soveraigne Charles the Second in his three Kingdomes. The book is dated from his Lodging at Delf, the firſt of September 1652. but I could never get ſight of it, untill a little before Chriſt­mas hollydaies, and reading it over and over very ſeriouſly, I clearly perceived that in the 20. 21. 22. pages of it; the wicked and lying Villaine, hath layn a notable and cloſe deſigne to have me murthered. I having already (for his former villanous pra­ctiſes in that kinde acted upon me in Amſterdam) by Scotts inſtigation as Cromwels chief Agent) put him in Print in my late printed Epiſtle to Cromwel in May laſt, intitu­led [As you were] Page 1. 2. by the name of Capt. Wendy Oxford, where I poſitively accuſe him as being a Spye in pay for Cromwel and Scot among the Hollanders and Caviliers. but the impudent knave takes no notice of the accuſation, to make any de­fence againſt it, it being too true, and too evident to be denied, and too eaſie for me as he very wel knows punctually to prove, and which in a Letter to an eminent perſon in the Hague, I have already proffered to prove face to face before the States General themſelves, but he being at Amſterdam diſcovered by me to be in truth what he was5 and thereby in danger not onely to looſe his large Salarie, (as being no farther uſe­full to Scott) but it might probably be his life alſo, to gull and cheat the Credulous Cavaliers and Dutch men, and the better to take them off from the conceit of his be­ing a Spie. I beleeve with the advice or conſent of Tho: Scott himſelf, he hath publi­ſhed his ſaid Book, for his Wife, alias his Whore [as ſhe is avowedly by divers repor­ted to be] hath ſeverall times ſince I came into theſe parts, gone and come, to and from England, from Mr. Scott. and I could name her the City and the Perſon, where ſhe either begged or borrowed money the firſt time ſhe went, to beare her charges thither. and I could alſo tell her of a Meſſage that that very Perſon from whom ſhe had the ſaid monie, immediately after brought me to Bridges from her pretended Husband. And the knave to be revenged to the purpoſe of me, knowing the Kings partie to be ſo madd againſt al thoſe that were actors in the taking away of the late Kings life, that about 18 of them in the Hage in May 1649. beſet the houſe of Doctor Doriſlaus, the Parlaments Agent there, and ſlew him therefore, although at moſt he was but one of the petty under actors, proſecutors, or Lawyers to pleade againſt the late King at his tryall, and if one of the inferior proſecutors of him, in the Cavaliers thoughts deſerve forcibly in his own lodgeing to be ſtabd and murdred, then what in their opinion, muſt one of the chief complotters and layers of the deſigne deſerve? But in the foreſaid pages he accuſeth the people nicknamed Levellers, to be the prin­cipall contrivers of the Kings death, and me by name to be one of the principalleſt a­mong them. and therefore if I have any affection left to my own life and being, (not­withſtanding all my Wives irrationall perſwaſions to be quiet and ſilent] or any reaſon left in me to judge of things, it behooves me well to look about me, and not too long delay to publiſh my Vindication in this particular; Eſpecially conſidering beſides, the attempts that have been upon me, by this very Rogues underhand meanes at Am­ſterdam, as I have too cleare cauſe to judge, which are partly mentioned in my al­ready printed books.

At my coming from Holland to Bridges to meet my Wife, I was certainly infor­med that as I paſt through that City at my firſt coming out of England [where I lodg­ed but two nights] ther was a conſpiracie to have ſtabd or piſtold me there, the actors in it, as my information told me, were to have been a Major or ſuch an officer of the late Kings, and two of the Duke of Lorraigns ſoldiers, that were hired for that pur­poſe, [as I have too much ground to feare by the foreſaid Oxford] and the firſt of the three came into my Lodging [though unknown to me] to view my perſon and coun­tenance, that ſo when the intended blow ſhould be given me, they might not be miſ­taken in my perſon, and thereby deſtroy another for me. and upon a jealouſie of a perſon in the world, asking the reaſon of his earneſtneſſe to know me, the intention was diſcovered and prevented, and the ſaid Cavilier for his intended raſhnes could render no other reaſon for it, but that I had been a deviliſh or zealous Parlamentier, & an active man againſt the King in the late warr. which actions and ſayings makes it e­vident to me, that my Friends that petitioned for me to the Parliament, upon the 20 of January 1651. Engliſh ſtile, before I came out of England [which Petition is re­corded in my Apologie to the people of the Netherlands Pag. 53. 54. 55. 56 ] were no falſe Prophets, in that aſſertion of theirs, there laid down, viz. that my baniſhment6 in relation to my perſon conſidering my affection to Parliaments, and my zeale to, and for publique freedome, renders all forraigne nations ſo unſafe to me, as that in effect [as they ſay] I am banniſhed into a wilderneſſe, expoſed naked to the furie of Beares and Lions. Whoſe affection to me [I meane the ſaid peritioners] even in that one particuler alone, I can never in my own thoughts, value at too high a rate, but eſpecialy the contrivers of it, whom I very wel know.

But the ſaid book of Oxford, I could never gett aſight of, till about tenn days before Chriſtmas laſt that a freind brought it me from Amſterdam, ſince which time I have been allarumd from ſeverall places and perſons, that I know wiſh me well, either ſpeedily to anſwer that book or look to my ſelf. and I muſt confeſſe, as ſoon as I red it, I apprehended my owne danger ſufficiently, and apprehended that Cromwel and Scot [by whoſe conſent or at leaſt the one of them, I am as confidently perſwaded, as that I am a man, it is publiſhed & doubt not but by the aſſiſtance of God in the anſwering thereof, to render cleare and evident reaſons, for the evinceing the truth of my perſwaſions or belief] had three things in their eye, one of the which they judged would neceſſarily follow upon the publiſhing of that book.

Firſt, that either I would not anſwer it, and then undeniably they would have had a great part of their end, and be in hopes my ſilence would tacitly grant the truth of it, and thereby would ſpeedily coſt me a Stabb or the like, by ſome of the Kings madd blades. or, Secondly, if I did anſwer it, and doe it flatteringly, then I ſhould therby loſe my intereſt in England, amongſt my friends there, which is the thing they ſo much deſire, that ſo thereby I might be rendered, but a ſingle man, uncapable by vertue thereof, any more to wound or ſhake their Tyrannie; or Thirdly, if I anſwer it home & throughly, to the full juſtification of my former actions in the warrs, then they hope I ſhall ſo provoke and inrage the Kings party here thereby, as that from their hands, for my ſo doing, I ſhall be in as much danger from them, as if I were totally ſilent. for its apparent to me, theſe or ſome of theſe conſiderations muſt be his, and his ſet­ters on ends, in taxing me with that notorious falſhood, I being very well known & clearly long ſince publiſhed in England, that I ſaid more to the Grandees teethes, a­gainſt their intended taking away the Kings life [I am confident of it] then all the Caviliers put together in one, avowedly durſt have done. and after it was done [being all his triall and execution, 200 miles from London, at my coming home] I runn more apparent hazards, in Speaking, and publikquely in the face of the Sunne, acting againſt the eſſence and being of all manner of High Courts of juſtice, then all the Ca­valiers in England put together again in one man, durſt avowedly doe. and in my zea­lous manageing my publique teſtimonie, in bearing wittnes againſt all the Murders, committed by the ſaid high Court of juſtice, I am confident, I clearely gave an ap­parent and evident teſtimonie, that if I had had two ſons of my own, that had ſate as Judges therein, and if I had had the chief judiciall power of the Nation in my hand, as once that famous and renowned conſull Lucius Brutus had in Rome; I ſhould un­doubtedly have acted by his preſident, & have given ſentence of death my ſelf againſt my own two Sonnes, as grand Subverters (by being of, and ſitting in the high Court of Juſtice) of the fundamentall ſecurities, of all Engliſh mens lives, liberties, and pro­perties, viz. juries (tryalls by which are as equally & juſtly due, to the groſſeſt wick­edſt Engliſh man whoever, in all caſes whatſoever, as to the juſteſt and ſemingeſt righ­teous Engliſh man that breathes) and have ſeen their heads chopt off as he did there­fore7 who being Conſul, or chief Magiſtrate of Rome did paſſe ſentence of death a­gainſt his own two Sons, and ſee both their heades chopt off in his preſence, for con ſpiring to overthrow and betray the liberties of that famous common-wealth into the hands of its adverſaries, as you may reade in Plutarks Hiſtory, in the life of worthy Publicola, fol. 101.102.103. And that I was thus zealous againſt all their proceedings whatſoever, by a high Court of juſtice, the underſtanding Author of the three parts of the moſt remarkable, & notable hiſtory of Independency, doth abundantly & ſuf­ficiently witnes for me, in his ſecond part thereof, Pag. and in his firſt part, though he often uſeth my name, yet he neither ſpeakes contemptuouſly nor reproachfully of me, as there you may reade, Pag. & the ſaid Author was Cavalier ſufficient, even in the higheſt, as his book plentifully wit­neſes for him, and was as great an enemy to all the Kings judges and the high Court of Juſtice as could be, as his putting his judges names [in his 2 part, Pag. 103.269. ] in red letters, and his Commentaries upon their names, and acts, doe plentifully witnes; as alſo his bitter and reſolute aſſertions and proteſtations againſt them, and their ſetters up, in his 2. part, Fol. 177.266.267. where he expreſſeth himſelf thus, viz. This king­dome of the Brambles now ſet up, viz. (Oliver Cromwel, and his purged little party in the Houſe) being onely able to ſcratch and teare, not to protect and govern, I further declare and proteſt, that this combined trayterous faction, have forced an Interreg­num, and Juſticium upon us, an utter ſuſpenſion of all lawfull government, Magiſtra­cie, Laws, and Judicatories, ſo that we have not de jure, any lawes in force to be exe­cuted, any Magiſtrates or judges lawfully conſtituted to execute them; any court of juſtice wherein they can be judicially executed, any ſuch inſtrument of the law, as a lawfull great Seal, nor any authority in England that can lawfully condemn & execute a thief, murderer, or any other offender, without being themſelves called murderers by the law; all legall proceedings being now Coram non judice: not can this remaining faction in the houſe of Commons, ſhew any one preſident, law, reaſon or au­thoritie whatſoever, for their aforeſaid doings, but only their own irrationall tyranni­call votes, and the ſwords of their Army. and alſo (ſaith he) our words were free under Monarchie, though now not free under our new free State, ſo were they under the Romans, Tacitus an 1. ſubfinem ſpeaking of treaſons, facta arguebantur dicta impune erant. Theſe horrible tyrannies conſidered [ſaith he] and being deſtitute of all other leſſe deſperate relief, I do here ſolemnly declare and proteſt, before that God that hath made me a man and not a beaſt, a free man, and not a ſlave; that, if any man what­ſoever, that takes upon him the reverend name & title of a judge, or juſtice, ſhal give ſentence of death upon any friend of mine, upon this [before mentioned] or any other illegall act, of this piece of a houſe of Commons; I will, and lawfully may (the inſla­ving ſcare-crow doctrine, of all time-ſerving, State-flatteriing Prieſts and Miniſters not­withſtanding) follow the example of Sampſon, Iudith, Iael and Ehud: and by poyſon, poniard, piſtoll, or any other meanes whatſoever, ſecret or open, proſecute to the death the ſaid Judge or Juſtice, and all their principall abettors; and I doe hereby invite and exhort all generous free-borne Engliſhmen, to the like reſolutions, and to enter into League, defenſive and off nſive; and Sacramentall aſſoci­ations [ſeaven or eight in a company, or as many as can well confide in8 one another) to defend, and revenge mutually one anothers perſons, lives, limbs, and liberties as a foreſaid, againſt this and all other illegall and tyrannous uſurpations. And in his third part of his ſaid hiſtory of independency, he ſufficiently ſhows his en­mitie againſt them by arraigneing the high Court of Iuſtice, or Cromwels new Slaughter houſe in Engeland (as he calls it) with the authoritie that conſtituted it, & ordained it; and by law convicting and condemning them both, of uſurpation, trea­ſon, tyrannie, theft, and murder. in which third part of his ſaid hiſtorie are the nota­bleſt things againſt the illegallitie and being of a high Court of Iuſtitie, that ever I redd in my life. all which three parts bound up together, are openly and avowedly to be ſold at the Hague, and of which the ſaid falſe Knave Oxford, in the 15. page of his ſaid booke declares he is not ignorant of, for there, ſpeaking of the late Earle of Eſſex, he ſetts downe his Character, compleatly tranſcribing it, out of the firſt part of the ſaid hiſtorie of independencie pag. 25.

And the Apoſtle Paul declares Act. 17.28: & Titus 1.12 13. that there is no better teſtimonie in the world, to witnes againſt a man then the teſtimonie of one of his owne party, and that the conſiderations aforeſaid towards my perſon (and not a deſigne to make the Parlement rationally odious (as he would ſeem by his booke to doe to Forraigne Nations) is Oxford deſigne, is to me very evident by the ſim­plicitie and Falſhood of Oxfords ſaid booke, which upon my life I dare aver and eaſilye undertake to proove undeniably that it hath above halfe a dozen if not a­bove halfe a ſcore lyes and falſhoods in only one leaſe. and therefore when any peece of a rationall and pertinent anſwer, is publiſhed againſt it, its effects in that particuler ceaſe. But if by books it had been his deſigne indeed to have don the Parlement a miſcheife with a witnes, he then ſhould either have gotten the ſaid moſt notable three parts, of that moſt miſcheiuous booke to them that ever was pend in the world againſt them; and which was done by a learned man in the knowledge of the lawes of England, and one commonly reputed one of their owne members, and therby imme­diately furniſhed with the true and certaine knowledge of abundance of matter of fact, contained in it, which one without doores could have but by heare ſay, tranſlated and publiſhed in Severall languages, or elſe have got divers thouſands of them diſperſt in England; where 3. yeares agoe to my knowledge, one ſingle booke of one ſingle part of them, hath been ſold for 10. ſh. & 20 apiece. and tenn or twenty thouſand of the laſt part againſt the high court of Iuſtice (which in it ſelfe is but a ſhort booke) well diſperſed in England & its territories by the operation of it, in a very few moneths after, would puſſell Cromwel and his grandees there more, I am confident of it, then van Tromp and all his fleet at Sea, which yet many letters out of Engeland ſay is not a little.

My deare faithfull friend, I have been the more large and plaine in unbowelling my Soul in my preſent condition to you (who in tymes by paſt I have found ſo much truth, faithfullnes, and ſimpathizeing in; and ſo much willignes, readines, & activitie to be a fellow Soliciter, and helper to my wife in her former greateſt ſtraites, eſpe­cially in my Guildhall buſines in 1649.) on purpoſe if it be poſſible and ſavour not of toe much unreaſonablenes, to create in you a ſerious apprehenſion of that ex­traordinary ſteed, you may ſtand me and my poor wife and babes in, in reference9 to our eſtate onely by as ſpeedie repaireing to London to helpe her & me [and where yet I have ſomething of inſtructions about it more to ſay unto you when you come thether, then is fitt to be put in this hazardable to miſcarry paper] as poſſible the par­ting with your own delightfull injoyments will permitt you, and the ſeaſon of the weather will rationally afford you ſafetie to travell in. which will be the greateſt ob­ligation that ever you put upon me in your life, and probably of the greateſt con­ſe quence to me, of any action that ever you did in your dayes, and of which journey I am confident hereafter, you will have no cauſe to repent. So with my heartie and af­fectionate reſpects preſented to your whole ſelfe, with my true love to all the honeſt Sea-green blades, that in your quarters ſhall aske for me; I committ you to the prote­ction of the moſt high and ſhall reſt,

Your faithfull and very loveing Freind and Servant. JOHN LILBVRNE.


I hear by a letter from London, there is likely to happen a ſtrange thing, viz: a re­ſurrection from the dead, or a conjunction of ſeverall honeſt blades of formerly diſ­jointed intereſts, once more vigourouſly to act againe, for their known, full, and de­clared libertyes. and I perceived this is occaſioned by van Trumps late beating of Blake. If ſuch good effects follow ſuch kind of actions; I wiſh he would come and doe as much for you in Scotland, provided it would make you riſe againe from your dead condition, in moſt unworthily and baſely turneing your backs, upon all your printed promiſes, and ſolemne ingagements in reference to the peoples liberties, thereby ren­dring your ſelves, the ſcorne and contempt of all Europe, and alſo therby haveing gi­ven too juſt occaſion to the nations round about you, to Iudge you leſſe faithfull and your oathes and promiſſes leſſe to be regarded, then Turks, Pagans, and infidels with abundance of whom [as Hiſtory doth fully witnes,] their ſolemne & Publique faith, hath often times been more valued then their lives, or all other earthly relations. the ſo open, palpable, and not to be hid, or covered over or pleaded for breach of it in you, undoubtedly wil be the viſible occaſion of the hazard of a totall ruine of the Engliſh na­tion, which muſt needs and unavoidebly fall upon you, if ſpeedily you doe not mani­feſt your repentance, by a ſpeedy ſettleing the nation upon that juſt fundation or prin­ciples of rightiouſnes, you have ſo often before God and the World ſolemnely de­clared for; as the only and alone Iuſtifiable ground and reaſon, to warrant you either before God or man, for breaking all the ſetled and legally eſtabliſhed power and Ma­giſtracy in England, as you have done; and as the only and Iuſtifiable reaſon, to acquit you before God and man, of being reputed abſolute, and willfull murderers, of all thoſe perſons, of what kinde or ſort ſoever, you have ſlayne with your Swords, Sterved or adjudged to death in the 3. nations: and which is the only Iuſtifiable reaſon, that can acquit you in the thoughts of any rationall man in the world from rendring [by your moſt reproachfull and perjured actions] religion and the power of godlines, more reproachfull and contemptible, in the Eyes of the Sonnes of men then ever10 the fooliſh & ridiculous actions, Fathred upon and ſaid to be conmitted, at Munſter, in Germanie, by Iohon of Leyden & Knipperdolling: whom in folly, murder, madnes, & ridiculouſnes: you have, viſibily in the face of all the world outſtripped, and already made good, the truth of the worſt of the Kings ſayings againſt you, or the ſharpeſt & bittereſt of his penns againſt your, and who, in Hiſtory to future ages, muſt leaue be­hinde you, the blackeſt name that ever the ſonns of men did, and for whom noe defence or excuſe or a ſhadow of a bare figg-leafe covering can be made for you, without the ſpeedy doeing the thing aforeſaid, to the full performing all your promiſes made for good unto the Engliſh people. therefore woe, woe, woe, unto you, if ſpeedily, and effectually you doe it not, before once againe you have made England an Aceldama or feild of Blood, as by the breach of your ſolemne faith, publique oathes, and promiſes you have 3 or 4 ſeverall times already done ſince it was in your power [as clearly it was in 1647] rationally to have made it the freeſt and happieſt nation in the world, and thereby Iuſtifie your fore Fathers in all their wickednes, yea and by many degrees farr out ſtrip the worſt of thoſe you have deſtroyed for the Capitalleſt offences. that ſo upon your heads as Chriſt ſaith (Math: 23.29 to 36.) might come all the righ­teous Bloud ſhed upon the Earth, from the Blood of righteous Abel even unto this very day.


To the Honourable and his very good Friend Colonel HENERY MARTIN, a Member of the Parliament, and Counſell of State of the Common-wealth of England. At his houſe in Cheynel-Row, in Weſtminſter; Theſe preſent.

Honoured Sir,

HAving found you by many years experience to be one of thoſe amongſt that great Aſſembly and Counſell in which you ſit, that principally minde the real good of their Countrie and of the generalitie of the inhabitants thereof: I am thereby encouraged now and then in my baniſhed condition, to trou­ble you with ſome of my ſcribleing lines, and ſometimes to give you an hint of ſome­thing concerning publique good, which at this time I ſhall make the ſubject of my penn.

It is not long ſince I wrote a letter to you, by two maſters of Shipps, at their earneſt intreaty, and therein gave you ſome reaſons why it was requiſite that a ſpeedy convoy ſhould be appointed and ſent for the convoying in ſafety, that rich laden fleet of ſmall Engliſh Veſſells at Oſtende, to London. And the Maſters to your commen­dation, at their return hither told me you were active to get, and did procure for them an Order for a ſpeedy Convoy often good Ships, ſorthwith to be ſent for that end. Which Order being as yet unaccompliſhed, give me leave without offence, to put you in mind of it again, and to uſe now but two reaſons unto you: the firſt whereof ſhall be drawn from the utilitie and gaine, and the ſecond from the honour & ſecurity that will ariſe from ſo doeing.


Now for the firſt, I cannot imagine but your great publique expenſes drive you ſometimes to a little ſtraites for money, ſo that all wayes for ſupplying you, cannot but in reaſon be very acceptable to you, eſpecially thoſe that are juſt and honeſt. Now here are divers rich laden Veſſels at Oſtend, whoſe cargo or loadeing is worth ſeveral hundreds of thouſands of pounds; which as divers of the Maſters averre to mee, they are confident will bring the Parliament in more Cuſtome and Exciſe then either your late Eaſt-India Fleet did [for whoſe Convoy you judged it requiſite [as I have been informed] to ſend Sr. George Askew his whole Fleet to Plimmouth] or then your Turkey or Straits Fleet will bring you in, for whom your Shipps or men of warr in thoſe parts have runn ſo many hazards to preſerve and convoy them. For ſome of the Maſters have informed me, that ſome of thoſe little Engliſh veſſels (beſides great ſtore of Threads and Linnings, both rich commodities) have 40 Bailes of Silke, every Baile of which paies cuſtome in England 35. poundes, beſides the Exciſe. Which will amount in the whole in Cuſtome and exciſe, to no inconſiderable ſumme of money.

Secondly, As for the point of honour and ſafety; I judge the reputation pf a Na­tion [eſpecially in forreigne parts] to be no ſmall part of its honour, and by conſe­quence of its ſafety. Now what a diſhonour is it for thoſe that lay claime to the So­vereigntie of the Narrow Seas, not to be able, or not to dare to venture to fetch home ſo rich a Fleet of Shipps, that are but 6 or ſeven houres good ſailing from their owne doores, in five or ſix moneths time; for ſo long ſome of them (to my knowledge) have bin ladden, and waited for a Convoy. For ſhame rather, then they ſhould lie 20 daies longer, ſend the whole Fleet for them, who if they ſhould all come hither for that end, would be in the rode-way to daunt and offend their adverſaries, as much as for any thing I know, they are in any part of the Seas, which they can ſail in.

The ſecond point of honour and ſafety lies in this; that you ſhall by doeing thus, ve­ry much encourage the Sea-men (who muſt now, under God, be your walls and bul­works) and make the trade, for theſe parts, Engliſh. And in the not doeing hereof, you cauſe the traffick of theſe parts, to be in a manner wholly in Flemiſh bottoms, which I am ſure of it, is neither for your profit, nor for your honour.

And again, by the neglect hereof, you cauſe the poore Sea-men to hang downe their heades, which I am ſure of it (at the preſent, at leaſt) is not for your ſafetie. And beſides, by the neglect hereof, you give juſt cauſe to all rationall men in theſe parts, that are lookers upon you, to account you a weake-witted people not able to manna­ge your buſynes as you ſhould, or elſe a careleſſ & regardles People, that will not doe it as you ought & might; which allſo (I am ſure of it) is neither for your honour nor ſafety. Wherefore, as you love the honour & ſafetie of your countrie, let me as your true freind adviſe you, to ſtrive effectually to get a ſpeedy convoy ſent for them, though it be of your whole Fleet, if a leſſer number dare not come to fetch them. I have prevailed with the bearer my very good freind & preſent neighbour to promiſe me, with my wife to deliver this unto your owne hands, & in a few words beſides to ſet it home to you, if it be needfull, & either prevaile with you to write me your an­ſwer, or with them to doe it.

For my part (Sir) my End is no other then Engliſh in it, it being in no manner of12 reſpect a farthing advantage unto mee, either in poſſeſſion or expectation. Onely, it is one of the greateſt ambitions I have in this world, to be really and ſubſtantially a true lover of my Countrie and its real libertie. And the rather becauſe of late in rea­deing ſome ſtore of Hiſtorie, I find that many gallant and worthy heathens, made it their worke, ſtudy and hazard, to make the ſonns of men liveing in this world, happy in their lives; yea and to march with Armies valiantly to venter their lives, to ſet at li­bertie and freedome their neighbours, that they might enjoy their owne lawes and cu­ſtomes (which they themſelves had according to reaſon and the light and law of na­ture (that ſupreme and original guide, that God mans alone abſolute Soveraigne had placed in every mans ſoule) by common conſent choſen and eſtabliſhed, or he­reafter ſhould chooſe and eſtabliſh (the actings according to which principally (if not onely) makes Man to differ from a brute Beaſt) and bee delivered in good ear­neſt, from the bondage and ſlavery of Tyrants and Opreſſours (or rather ſalvage brute Beaſts in Mans ſhape) not in words only, but in deeds allſo. Of which without being judged tedious, ſuffer me (I beſeech you) to give you a few remarkeable in­ſtances.

The firſt is of the Citty of the Acheëns, who by their good and juſt government and common liberty became (as ſaith that old and rational hiſtorian Polybius fol: 28.83. &c) a certaine preſident of a true Common-wealth and reconciled thereby all Morea. And one of their chiefeſt and moſt virtuous Cittyzens called A rate, ma­de it his cheife worke to ſtudy by all meanes, to chaſe away the kings or tyrants (as they are there called) and to preſerve the common libertie of the Countrie of Mo­rea: and prevailed with Lyſidas, Ariſtomachus, Xenon and Cleomenes to lay downe their crownes and renounce their royall principalities and to joine themſelves to the league of the Acheëens; of whoſe virtuouſnes, faithfullnes and noblenes of mind, the ſaid author gives a moſt commendable character in fol: 414. in which Plutarch fully concurrs with him in his famous Hiſtorie of the lives of the noble Graecians and Ro­mans, fol: 371. yea the ſaid Author Polybius declares, that when Antigonus, a Governour and Generall under a king and Tutor to his Sonn, had overcome the La­cedemonians by force of Armes and thereby had made himſelfe Lord of them, if he had pleaſed ſo to be; yet he forbare to uſe any outrage or crueltie towards them, and carryed him ſelfe not onely like a moderator and temperate man; but was allſo gra­cious unto his very Enemies, and returned into his Countrie, leaveing them in their full libertie & doeing them many favours both in Generall and particular. So as they not only termed him at that time their benefactour, but after his death they called him their Saviour folio

Yea Plutarch in his foreſaid hiſtory declares, that Lycurgus when he had the power of the kingdome of Sparta in his owne hands, and might eaſiely have kept it; yet ſo ſincere, juſt, and full of virtue was hee, that he voluntarily laid it downe and betooke himſelfe to a weareing and toileſome life, to ſtudy and find out a governement, that might make that Citty & its territories, a free, happy, and pleaſant Commonwealth; which he accordingly did. And as that judicipos Author ſaith, made it one of the famouſeſt that was in the world: and filld it full of valour, virtue and love for many yeares together. Their very children being trayned up in it from their cradles (that13 ſo it might be as it were incorporated into their very natures) and there being in it no coveteouſnes, nor poverty, nor lack; but a fullnes of abundance with a quiet and ſober life. Haveing allſo two ſingular good properties beſides viz: that it had no Law­yers, nor yet any ſuites in Law. And 2dly, whileſt theſe Lawes of Lycurgus were obſerved, and kept their life and vigour (which for many yeares they did) Sparta ſee­med not to be a policy or a Commow wealth; but rather a certaine holy place and order of religion; and of that reſpect and honour amongſt their neighbours, that with a little ſcrowle of parchment and a poore cap the Spartans commanded and gave La­wes to all the reſt of Greece, even with their owne good likenig and conſent; yea and expulſed and chaſed away the tyrants which uſurped tyrannical power over any of their neighbours Citties; and did decide all controverſies and often times paci­fied their ſeditions, without ſending out one ſoldier, but only a ſimple poore Embaſ­ſadour. So great reverence had their neighbours of the good government and juſtice of the Spartans. Plutarch fol:

It would be too tedious unto you, for me to bee any thing large upon too many inſtances. And therefore I ſhall but only name the hazards that love to juſt libertie and freedome (that rationall image of God amongſt men, who only as abſolute ſo­veraigne Lord of Man commands him by his will) led Cliſthenes to run into, to ſet Athens free from their tyrants and tyrannie, wherewith they were oppreſſed in his time; and that Pericles under tooke to deliver Samos from its tyrants and tyrannie, or ſmall ariſto-craticall, or olig-archical governement of a few nobles, to eſtabliſh a popular Governement, or Soveraigne Authoritie or Majeſtie of the People (as the aforeſaid Author calls it) or that Alcibiades and his aſſociates underwent againe to recover the Libertie of Athens from new upſtart tyrants: or that Pelopidas, Iſme­nias, Androclidas and Pherenicus with their aſſociates hazarded, to deliver the Cit­tie and Commonwealth of Thebes, from the uſurpation and tyrannie of Archias, Leontidas and Philip, with their aſſociates and mercenary ſoldiers. Which ſtory e­ſpecially: is extraordinarily well worth the readeing. All which are by Plutarch touch 't upon, in his foreſaid hiſtory, in fol: And in fol: 300.302.305. he ſhewes that Pelopidas being by his Citty ſent Embaſſadour to Artaxerxes king of Perſia (who very much honoured him for his valiantnes and Wiſedome) procured of him that all the People of Greece, ſhould be free againe. And his Citty and hee being ſollicited by the Theſſalians to helpe to deliver them from the moſt unſupportable and beaſtly uglie tyrannie of their grand Tyrant Ale­xander; they made it their worke to deliver all ſuch as were oppreſſed by tyrants; yea and ſought to roote out tyrannicall governement throughout whole Greece. For the obtaineing of which in a pitcht battaile, with the forementioned tyrant A­lexander, that valiant and worthy Captaine Pelopidas loſt his life; which the The­bans immediately after ſufficiently revenged and compelled the Tyrant to withdraw his garriſons and ſet thoſe Citties free, which he kept in bondage.

Yea, when the ancient and moſt famous commonwealth of Rome came to have power in Macedonia, after the Conſul Paulus Aemylius had overthrowne king Per­ſeus in battle, and Slaine in the feild above twenty-five-thouſand of his men, whe­reby their country was forced to ſubmit unto him: yet notwithſtanding, the hiſto­ry ſaith of him, that he redelivered the Macedonians their Country and townes14 again, with power to live at libertie according to their own lawes, paying yearely to the Romans for tribute an hundred talents, where before they were wont to pay unto their Kings ten times as much.

But moſt worthy to be written in letters of gold, are thoſe two moſt commendable, admirable, virtuous and moſt noble preſidents of Corinth and their Generall Ti­moleon; and of that worthy Generall and Conſul of old Rome, Titus Quintius Flaminius. The ſubſtance of which in breife, is thus.

After Dion had driven out the Tyrant Dionyſius of Syracuſa in Sicily, and reſtored the People thereof to their freedomes: yet through their folly or baſenes, the tyrant got in againe, ten yeares after he was firſt driven out, and made himſelfe King. Vpon which the cheife Citizens repaired to Icetes tyrant of the Leontines, who being borne in their owne citty, they beleived would afford them helpe to deliver them from the inſufferable bondage of the ſaid tyrant Dionyſius. And haveing choſe him their Ge­nerall, the Carthaginians invaded Sicily with a great Army, which put the Siracuſi­ans into a great feare, and neceſſitated them to ſend Embaſſadors into Greece, unto the Corinthians, to pray aide of them againſt the barbarous people. Haveing better hope of them then of any other Grecians; not only becauſe (ſaith the Hiſtorie) they had ſome relation to them, and that they had formerly received favours from them; but principally becauſe they knew that Corinth was a Cittie that in all ages and times, did ever love libertie and hate tyrants; and that had made alwayes their greateſt warrs, not for ambition of Kingdomes, nor out of a covetous deſire to conquer and rule, but onely to defend and maintain the libertie of the Graecians. Vpon the arrival of whoſe Embaſſadors, they were very forward to relieve them. And amongſt others that profered their ſervice, and were named for Generalls; a meane private Commoner names one Timoleon, a man that untill that time was never cal­led upon for ſervice, neither looked for any ſuch preferment. Yet he was na­turally enclined to love his Countrey and Common-wealth, and was alwaies gentle and courteous to all men, ſaveing that he mortally hated tyrants and wicked men.

The people of Corinth willingly accepted of him, and freely choſe him for their Generall. In which mean time, the forenamed Icetes had forſaken thoſe that choſe him for their Generall, and turned traitor, by joyning with the Carthaginians, on purpoſe to divide all sicily betwixt himſelfe and them; and therefore wrote letters to Corinth, to diſſwade them from comeing, or putting themſelves to any charge or trouble; foraſmuch as the Carthaginians did lie in waite with a great fleet of Shipps to meet them, and to deſtroy them. Whoſe embaſſage was ſo far from cooleing them at Corinth, that it fild them full of choler and zeale to goe on with their buſy­nes. and accordingly their Generall ſet ſaile with 17 gallies and being waylaid by the Carthaginians, with a far greater power then hee had; he by a ſleight got from them and arrived ſafe at the Cittie Tauromenion in Sicily, where they were very well re­ceived by him that governed the Cittie; who ruled his Cittyzens with all juſtice and equitie, and did allwaies ſhew himſelfe an open Enemie to tyrants. Hee lent his Cit­tie to the Corinthian Generall to gather forces in, hee haveing of himſelfe not above a thouſand footmen in all, and neither proviſion nor ſo much money as would ſerve to pay them: the People haveing bin ſquee zed ſo much before, by ſome that had15 formerly bin with them, upon pretence that they came to ſet them at libertie & to dri­ve out tyrants, and yet nevertheleſſe (juſt like your Generall Cromwell and his mere mercenary Armie in England whoſe wicked way of getting their liveings by killing of men merely for hire I judge to be abaſer & more ſordid trade then, that of a common Hangman, who earnes his bread by killing of thoſe the law hath legally convicted and condemned; or then the trade of a common whore that proſtitutes her body to all comers and goers) had done ſo much hurt unto them, that the miſery and the ca­lanity which they had ſuffered under the tyrants, ſeemed unto them a bleſſed con­dition in compariſon of that which ſuch Captaines had made them to undergoe. Now in a little Cittie called Adranus, there being diſſention amongſt the people thereof; one Part of them ſent for Icetes the traiterous Generall, who came with about five thouſand men; and the other part ſent for Timoleon who with all he brought from Corinth and thoſe he had gat in the Iſland could make but twelve hundred men, with which he overcame his aduerſarie Icetes and his Axmy. And haveing ſpoiled his Campe, the Cittyzens of Adranus opened their gates and recei­ved the Corinthians in. After which many Citties ſent to joine in league with their Generall Timoleon. And the Tyrant Dionyſius haveing bin beaten before by Icetus and pent up in his ſtrong Caſtle at Syracuſa, & much eſteemeing the valiantnes of Timoleon; ſends privately to him, to yeild himſelfe and his Caſtle into his hands. Who haveing with the like privacy taken Poſſeſſion of it, and ſeverall times put in foure hundred of his owne ſoldiers to garriſon it, which was full of riches and armes of all ſorts, he ſent the Tyrant away to Corinth. This good ſucceſs of Timoleon (ha­ueing done all this in 15 daies) incouraged his maſters the Cittyzens of Corinth to ſend him a ſupply of two thouſand foote and two hundred horſe; who found it allmoſt impoſſible to get to their Generall Timoleon, becauſe the Carthaginians kept the Seas with a great navy of Shipps.

In the meane time the traitor Icetes, kept the ſaid Caſtle blockt up and allſo hi­red two ſoldiers privately to goe and kill Timoleon, (who kept no guard about his perſon, nor miſtruſted any danger) which by a kind of miracle was prevented. At which Icetes being mad, and alſo underſtanding that multitudes were daily drawne to Timoleons deuotion; hee cauſeth Mago the Carthaginian Generall with his whole fleet of an hundred and fiftie ſaile to come into the harbour to his aid. Out of which hee landed threeſcore thouſand men, and lodged them all in the Cittie of Syracuſa. Which greatly diſtreſſed the Corinthians in the Caſtle. But yet their Generall ſup­plied them with ſome proviſions from Catana, in little fiſher-bootes. Which Mago and Icetes finding out, they tooke the beſt ſoldiers of all their Armie, and ſailed away to take Catana, to hinder therby the releife of the Corinthians.

But Leon the Corinthian Captaine that kept the Caſtle, perceiveing it, and that the enemie within the Citty kept but a ſlender guard, he ſallied out upon them, killed a­bundance of them, and tooke a good and ſtrong part of the towne, where he found great ſtore of corne and of gold and ſilver, which he ſecured; and within a ſhort while after, through many Straites and difficulties, the foreſaid Corinthian ſuccour arrived; with which their Generall Timoleon joined, ſo that all his forces put together made up about foure thouſand men. With which he marched forth towards Syracuſa to releive16 his men in the Caſtle there. Whereupon Mago the Carthaginian Generall in a kind of panic feare and ſuppoſition of ſome treaſon, haſtens away with his great Armie and Fleet, in to Africa from whence he firſt came. Yet Icetes having got great ſpoiles to­gether, and ſecured him ſelfe with great ſtore of men in a very ſtrong part of the Cittie, would not yeild till Timoleon deſperately ſtormed him on every ſide and ſo tooke the Cittie. Where he puld downe the tyrants ſtrong fort, and made councell Halls and places of juſtice to be built where it ſtood: and did eſtabliſh a free-ſtate or popular Governement, ſuppreſſing all tyrannical power. And becauſe that Cittie and many others were by the crueltie of the tyrants and by the warrs much deſtitute of inhabi­tants; hee and all his Captaines did write to Corinth to ſend People out of Greece, to inhabit thoſe deſolate Citties. Which letters being arrived with the Syracuſian Em­baſſadors; the Corinthians did not (ſaith the Hiſtory) greedily deſire to be Lords of ſo great and goodly a Cittie; but.

Firſt, they proclaimed by ſound of trumpet in all the aſſemblyes and ſolemne feaſts and common playes of Greece, that the Corinthians haveing deſtroyed the ty­rany that was in the Citty of Syracuſa and driven out the tyrants, did call the Sy­racuſians that were fugitives out of their owne Country, home againe, with all other Sicilians that liked to come and dwell there, to enjoy all fredome and liberty: with promiſe to make equall and juſt diviſion of the lands amongſt them, the one to have as much as the other. Moreover they ſent out poſts and meſſengers into Aſia and all the Iſlands where they did underſtand the baniſhed Syracuſians remained, to perſwa­de and entreat them to come to Corinth, and that the Corinthians would give them Shipps, Captaines and meanes ſafely to conduct them to Syracuſa, at their owne pro­per coſts and charges. (ö moſt worthy and compaſſionate, moſt noble and gallant old Heathens! hereby truly ſhewing themſelves reall actors in the true fruites of the true knowledge and adoration of the ſupreme Diety [who prefers Mercy and righ­teouſnes before all ſervices & ſacrifices whatſoever] and therein far out ſtripping our great, and fair-ſeemeing Alchemy chriſtians, at this day ruleing in England. Theſe heathen Corinthians dealeing hereby a thouſand thouſand times more honorably, nobly, juſtly and righteouſly with the Syracuſian ſtrangers and aliens, then our great Hypocrites in England deale with their owne Countrymen and brethren, (notwithſtanding all their many ſolemne faire and glorious promiſes to the contrary: and notwithſtanding in an extraordinary and free meaſure, they have bin aſſiſted by them, againſt their Enemies with abundance of their bloud and treaſure) In recompence of which moſt noble and commendable acts of the worthy Corinthians, they received (ſaith my Author) every mans moſt noble praiſe and bleſſing.

Nevertheles, ſuch of the Sicilians as repaired to Corinth upon this proclamation (being but a ſmall number to inhabit ſo great a Countrie) beſought the Corinthians to joine to them ſome of their owne people and others of other parts of Greece. Which was performed, and there were Shipped to the number of about tenn thou­ſand, which with others that Timoleon had got together from other parts, came to about threeſcore thouſand perſons. With all whom he dealt ſo virtuouſly, ho­nourably, juſtly and compaſſionately; as he rather ſeemed to be an indeared and tender father unto them, then a valiant and victorious conquering Generall over17 them. And havenig ſetled that great Citty in freedome and in a way to flouriſh, he reſolved to ſet all other Citties in that famous Iſland at perfect liberty allſo, and totally and utterly to roote out all the tyrants of Sicily. And the better to obteine his purpoſe, he went to make warrs with them at their owne doores.

And firſt he began with the forementioned Icetes, who by flight had ſaved his life at the takeing of Syracuſa, and him he compelld to forſake his league with Cartha­ge; to raze all his ſtrong holds and to live a private life. And Leptines the tyrant of Apollonia and divers places there unto adjoineing, out of feare ſubmitted unto him, whom he ſent to Corinth. And when he had done this, he forthwith returned to Syracuſa, about the eſtabliſhment of the Commonwealth; aſſiſting Cephalus and Dionyſius two notable men ſent from Corinth, to reforme the Lawes and to helpe him to eſtabliſh the goodlyeſt ordinances for their Commonwealth that might be invented. After which, the Carthaginians perceiveing, they were totally like to looſe their footeing which they had in Sicily, came downe with an Army of threeſco­re and ten thouſand men, with two hundred gallies and a thouſand other Shipps and Veſſells, which carryed all ſorts of proviſions for warrs. Againſt whom (after ſeverall of his people and ſoldiers had fainted in the way) Timoleon with five thouſand foot­men and one thouſand horſe, reſolutely marches eight dayes journey, with a full intention to give them battle in the open feild. And obſerveing his advantages, when he came nigh his Enemies, he got to the top of an Hill: where a miſt ariſeing, and the Sunn after a while (it being in May) breakeing out, made the valley whe­rein his Enemies were, cleare, whiles the miſt continueing on the top of the Hill hid him; where he could ſee his Enemies and the warrlike manner in which they paſ­ſed over a River. where he ſuffering a great many of them to come over, tooke his advantage (allthough they were fronted with armed carts and wagons before them) and gave a moſt furious and ſoldierlike charge upon them, both with his horſe and foote. Where comenig to the cloſe fight of Target-and-Sword, with them who we­re heavily armed, and being much helpt by providence from Heaven, that ſent a mervailous tempeſt of thunder, lighteing, wind, raine and haile, that bet full in the Carthaginians faces; after he had ſlaine the front of their choiſeſt men, the reſt fled, divers of them being ſlaine and the reſt drowned, by reaſon that the raine newly falne had much encreaſed the river. There were three thouſand naturall Carthagenians and of their nobleſt families, and ſeven thouſand of their mercenary or hired ſoldiers ſlaine in this battle, and five thouſand priſoners taken with their whole Campe and Baggage, being very rich. After which Icetes and Mamercus the tyrant of Catana, perceiveing that tyrants could looke for no peace at Timoleons hands; they made a league with the Carthagenians againe, and wrote unto them that they ſhould ſend another Army and Captaine ſuddenly, if they intended to preſerve any footeing in Sicily. Whereupon they ſent Giſco thither with ſeventy ſaile of Shipps. Who ha­veing done ſeverall miſcheiſes unto Timoleon and his men, Timoleon thereupon Ied his Army before the Citty of Calauria. In whoſe abſence, Icetes with a maine Ar­mie, enters the confines of Syracuſa, and carryes away a mervailous great ſpoile. And returning by Calauria (becauſe he knew that Timoleon had but few men about him) is notwithſtanding fought with by him, and put to flight and purſued to the City18 of Leontinus, where Timoleon takes him and his ſonne alive and putts them to death like Traytors and Tyrants.

And afterward he went to Catana, where he overthrew Mamercus and his Armie in Battaile; made peace with the Carthaginians, confineing them to keep beyond the river Lycas, and engageing them that they ſhould enter into no more leagues with a­ny of the Tyrants. After which the Citty of Catana was yeelded to him. But Mamer­cus fled to Meſſina to Hippon the Tyrant thereof, whither Timoleon purſued him, & beſieged the Citty, both by Sea and Land. But the Meſſinians haveing the Tyrant in their hands, made all their children come from Schole into the Theatre or play-houſe, to ſee the Tyrant puniſhed, who was openly whipt, and after put to death. But Ma­mercus yeelded himſelf to be tried by the Syracuſians, where he was condemned and put to death. Thus did Timoleon root out all tyrants out of Sicily, and made an end of all warres there; and did not onely aſſure the inhabitants of peace and ſaſetie to live there, but willingly did help them beſides, with all other things neceſſarie to his ut­moſt abilitie. For which they loved and honoured him as their father & fonnder. And he accepted of a faire houſe which the Syracuſians gave him in the Countrie, for his good ſervice, and returned no more to his own Countrey, but ſent for his Wife and Children to come to him. And that which compleatly crowned all the reſt of his moſt worthy Acts, and rendered him a moſt juſt and virtuous man indeed, was, that of his own voluntarie accord, he laid down his Office of Generallſhip, praying the Cityzens to accept of that which he had already done for them, being not at all puft upp with pride, by all his conqueſts or glorious and wonderfull ſucceſſes, whereby he might make himſelf envied of the honeſt Cityzens. Yet notwithſtanding two buſie Fellows put in an accuſation againſt him, before the Supreme aſſembly of the People. at which the honeſt Cityzens began to mutinie againſt thoſe accuſers, & would not in any caſe ſuffer the day of adjuournment for the putting in his anſwer to take place. But the good old and honeſt Generall pacified them, telling them that he had taken all that extreme labour and paines which he had done, and had paſſed ſo many dangers, that every cit­tyzen and inhabitant of Syracuſa, might frankly uſe the libertie of their Lawes. And another time, Demaenetus in open aſſenbly of the people reprovenig many things which Timoleon had done when he was Generall: Timoleon anſwered never a word, but ſaid unto the people, that he thanked the Gods, they had granted him the thing he be had ſo requeſted of them in his prayers; which was, that hee might once ſee the Syracuſians have full power and libertie to ſay what they would.

So he lived to his dying day, with the greateſt and univerſalleſt honour and reſpect amongſt thoſe people, that poſſible could be given to a truly virtuous, wiſe, juſt, and upright man; being eſteemed a moſt loving and common father unto them all. As you may reade at large in Plutarchs ſaid hiſtory, Fol. 266.267. unto 285.

O Sir! that in England, amongſt all the preſent great men thereof (that in outward ſhew profeſſe the higheſt enjoyment of union and communion with the Lord Jeſus Chriſt [the trueſt fountain of pure righteouſneſſe that can be enjoyed,] and pretend aſſuredly to look for and expect the future poſſeſſion of a moſt glorious immortalitie (with the Lord of life and glory) in the life that is to come) there could be found out one amongſt them all, that could jnſtly deſerve in the leaſt, for his virtue indeed, va­lour,19 juſtice, humanity, compaſſion and nobleneſſe of minde, to be