1THE Oppreſſed Mans Oppreſsions declared: OR, An Epiſtle written by Lieut. Col. JOHN LILBURN, Prerogative-priſoner (by the illegall and arbitrary Authority of the Houſe of Lords) in the Tower of London, to Col. Francis Weſt, Lieutenant thereof: In which the oppreſſing cruelty of all the Gaolers of England is declared, and particularly the Lieutenants of the Tower ▪ As alſo, there is thrown unto Tho. Edwards, the Author of the 3. Vlcerous Gangraenes, a bone or two to pick: In which alſo, divers other things are handled, of ſpeciall concernment to the preſent times.
Prov. 21.7. The robbery of the wicked ſhall deſtroy them; becauſe they refuſe to do judgment.
Prov. 21.15. It is joy to the just to do judgment, and chap. 29.10. The blood-thirſty hate the upright but the juſt ſeek his ſoule.
IT is the ſaying of the Spirit of GOD, in the 12. Prov. 10. That a righteous m•n regardeth the life of his Beaſt, but the tender mercies of the wicked are cruell. How far your actions, and carriages with me, that am more then a Beaſt, have been point-blank contrary to the firſt part of that divine Sentence, but conſonant to the concluſion of it; is very eaſie to demonſtrate with Pen and Ink, to the•…ew of2 the World; and as facill to your face, before any competent Judges to juſtifie and prove: And this is the Theme I have choſen a little to inſiſt upon at this preſent time: but being reſolved, to be as conciſe as I may, I ſhall not now make any ample repetition of your harſh dealing with me at the firſt; in divorcing me by the Law of your own Will from my Wife, and getting the Lords to make an Order to bear you out in it after you had done it; and, that I ſhould ſpeak with none of my friends, but in the preſence and hearing of my Keeper, &c. Which cruell Order, meerly obtained and got by your ſolicitation, the Reader may read in the 35. p. of Vox Plebis. Therfore, in regard that the Author of that book hath pretty wel diſcovered your cruel and illegal dealing with me, at my firſt coming to the Tower, eſpecially in the 45, 46 47, 48, 49, pages thereof: And the Author of the ſaid book, called Regal tyrannie diſcovered, in the 48, 49, pages, And my ſelf hath pretty well laid it open in the 16, 17, 18, 20. pages of my printed Relation before the Committee of the honourable houſe of Commons, Novemb. 6. 1646: called An Anatomy of the Lords tyrannie, to which I refer the Reader, and in regard you are not aſhamed of your cruel and illegal carriages towards me, but perſevere in them (as though you would juſtifie one tyrannie, with backing it with continual acts of tyrannie) I ſhal therfore go on as effectually and punctually as I can, more fully to anatomiſe you, and your unjuſt, illegal, cruel, and unrighteous dealing with me, and for matter of fact, ſhal ſay nothing to your charge, but what I will juſtifie before any legal Authority in England.
But in the firſt place, I deſire to let you underſtand, that I am a free-born Engliſh-man, and have lived a legall man thereof all my dayes, being never yet convicted of any attempt or deſign undertaken, or countenanced by me, that did tend to the ſubverſion of the Fundamentall Lawes and Conſtitutions thereof; but have alwayes ſided with the Parl. it ſelf, who hath pretēded nothing ſo much, as the preſervatiō of the laws, liberties, & Fundamental Freedoms of Englād, and the peace and tranquility of the people; as you may read in their own Declarations, 1 part col. D••. pag. 172, 195, 214, 281, 342, 464, 498, 663, 666, 673, 750. for the preſervation of which, I have conſtantly, couragiouſly, and as freely advetured my life, as any of themſelues, what ever he be: And therfore in every particular, have juſt and grounded cauſe to expect the utmoſt priviledge and benefit that the Law of England will afford any man whatever, that is under the obedience and ſubjection thereof: Nay moreover,3 having to do with thoſe men as my Judges, that made all or the moſt of theſe Declarations, and who have alſo declared, it lyes not in their power to inſlave or invaſalize the people, being truſted for their good, not for their miſchief, to provide for their weal, but not for their woe, 1 part Col. dec. pag. 150. 214. 266. 267. 494. 497. 636. 659. 660. 694. 696. and who in theſe and other of their own Declarations, imprecate and pray that the wrath and vengeance of Heaven and Earth may fall upon them, and theirs, when they ceaſe actually to performe what verbally they there declare, unto which I ſay AMEN: And there they proteſt, vow, and ſwear, they will maintain the fundamentall Lawes, and Liberties of the people, and therefore in that teſpect, you cannot groundedly in the leaſt, think, that I ſhould Iſſacar-like ſtoope willingly unto any other burthens, impoſitions, or Commands layd upon me, by you, or any other whatſoever, that are not warrantable and juſtifiable by the fundamentall Lawes of the Land, and whether your practiſes have been ſo with me, I will compare them to the Law, and leave every rationall man to judge.
Firſt I do not finde any Law that makes Priſons, places of execution, puniſhment, or torment, but onely places of ſafe cuſtody: for, the Law of England (as Sir Edward Cooke in the ſecond part of his inſtitutes fol. 28. excellently declares) is a Law of mercy, (yet as he then ſaid, ſo I much more ſay now) it is now turned into a meer ſhaddow, which is the moſt we now enjoy of it) and therefore as the author of the late booke, called Liberty vindicated againſt Slavery, very wel ſaith p. 7. from Sir Ed. Cook in the 1. part of his inſtit. f. 260. that by Law, priſons are ordained not for deſtruction, but for ſecuring of mans perſons, until they be brought forth unto due & ſpeedy tryal, (for being in priſon, they are under the moſt eſpeciall protection of the Law, and the moſt tender care thereof) and are therefore to be humanly, courteouſly, and in all Civility, ordered and uſed; otherwiſe Goalers are not Keepers, but tormentors and executioners of men untryed, and uncondemned, but this were not (ſalvo cuſtodire) to keepe men in ſafety, weich the Law implyes (and is all it requires) but (deſtruere) to deſtroy before the time, which the Law abhors and deteſts, yea and that priſoners (though never ſo notorious in their crimes) may be the more honeſtly and carefully provided for, and the better and more civilly uſed, and to the end, that Goalers and4 Keepers of priſons, ſhould not have any colour or excuſe, for exacting any thing from priſoners, (under what colour or pretence ſoever, whether the ſame be called fees, or Chamber-rent) who are in cuſtody of the Law: It is provided, and declared by the Law, that all Priſons and Goales what ever, be the Kings, for the publike good, and therefore are to be repaid and furniſhed as priſons at the common Charge, ſee Cooke on the 1. E. 2. Statutum de frangentibus priſonum, in his 2. part inſtitutes fol. 589. and on the 26. Chap. of Magna Charta fol. 74. Ibem, and on the ſtatute of Weſtminſter.
The firſt Chap. 26. fol. 209. 210. Ibem.
Yea and the Law takes care that in caſe the priſoner when he is in priſon, have no meanes of his own to live upon, that then by the publike he is to be maintained, 14. Eliz. 5.21. Iames 28. Vox Plebis, pag. 57. for a freeman of England (as I am) is not brought to priſon to be ſtarved with cold, or hunger, but to the end juſtice upon him may be done: The priſon, at moſt, in Law, is but a ſafe preſerver, but not a diſtroyer of the priſoner, who with all convenient ſpeed according to Law, is to come to his tryall, and either according unto Law to be condemned, or elſe to be delivered in convenient time without delay,4 E. 3. 2. See my anſwer to Mr. Pryn, called Innocency and Truth juſtified, pag. 32. who by Law is never to remaine in priſon above 6. moneths at moſt, for Goale deliveries are by the 4. E. 3. 2. to be kept and made 3. times a yeare, which is once in foure moneths, and oftener if need ſhall be.
And as the authour of Vox Plebis pag. 55. ſaith, out ofStamf. pl. Cor. f. 30. Impriſonment by Law, is (neither ought to be) no more then a bare reſtraint of Liberty, without thoſe illegall diſtinctions, of cloſe and open impriſonment, and therefore Bracton fo. 18. ſaith, that if a Goaler keepe his priſoner more cloſe then of right he ought, whereof the priſoner dieth, this is fellony in the Goaler
And Horne, in the mirrour of Juſtice pag. 288. ſaith that it is an abuſion of the Law that priſoners are put into Irons, or other paine, before they are attainted. And pag. 34. 36. he reckons the ſterving of priſoners by famine, to be among the crimes of homicide in a Goaler.
And we finde in the 3. E. 3. Fitz. H. Tit. pl. Cor. 295.that it5 was fellony at Common Law, in Goalers to compell their priſoners by hard impriſonment to become approvers, whereby to get their goods: which Law is ſince confirmed by the ſtatute of 14. E. 3. Chap. 10. with ſome inlargement; as to under keepers of priſons, and the penalty of the Law, and that Goalers having done this, have been hanged for it, you may read 3. E. 3. 8.Northampton, Fitzh. pl. Cor. 295. and elſe-where, but this for a taſt to them.
In the ſecond place, I will tell you what the Law ſaith about Goalers Fees. The mirrour of Juſtice pag 28•. tells us, that it is an abuſion of the Law, that priſoners or others for them, pay any thing for their entries into the Goale, or for their goings out: this is the Common Law; there is no fee at all due to any Goalers whatſoever by the common Law. See what the Statutes ſay. The ſtatute of Weſtminſter 1. Chap. 26. being the 3. E. 1. 26. ſaith, that no Sheriffe, nor other the Kings Officer, take any reward to do his Office, but ſhall be paid of that which they take of the King, and he that ſo doth ſhall yeeld twice as much, and ſhall be puniſhed at the Kings pleaſure, under which word Officer, is concluded Goaler, Coronor, &c. ſo Sir Edward Cooke 2. part inſtitutes fol. 209. Stamf. pl. Cor. 49. nay, by the ſtatute of 4. E. 3 10. Goalers are to receive theeves, and fellons, taking nothing by way of fees for the receipt of them, ſo odious is this extortion of Goalers, that very theeves and fellons are exempt from payment of fees. It is true, that by an incroaching ſtatute upon our liberties, made in the 23. H. 6. 10. there is a fee given to the Goaler to be paid him by his priſoner, but yet it is very ſmall, the words of the ſtatute are theſe;nor that any of the ſaid Officers and Miniſters by occaſion or under colors of their Office, ſhall take any other thing by them, nor by any other perſon to their uſe, profit, or availe of any perſon by them or any of them to be arreſted, or attached, nor of any other of them for the omitting of any arreſt or attachment to be made by their body, or of any perſon by them or of any of them, by force or colour of their Office, arreſted or attached for fine, fee, ſuit of priſon, mainpriſe, letting to baile, or ſhewing any eaſe for favour to any ſuch perſon ſo arreſted, or to be arreſted for their reward or profit, but ſuch as follow; that is to ſay, for the Sheriffe 20. d the Bayliffe which maketh the arreſt or attachment 4. d and the Gaoler,6 if the priſoner be committed to his ward, four pence; and that the Sheriffe, under-Sheriffe, Sheriffes Clerk, Steward, or Bayliffe of Franchiſe, Seruant, or Bayliffe, or Coroner, ſhal not take any thing by colour of his office by him nor by any other perſon to his uſe of any perſon for the making of any return or pannell, and for the copy of any pannel, but 4.d
And it followes in the ſame Statute,that all Sheriffes, under-Sheriffes, Clerks, Bayliffes, Goalers, Coroners, Stewards, Bayliffes of Franchiſes, or any other Officers or Miniſters, which do contrary to this Ordinance in any point of the ſame, ſhall loſe to the party in this behalf indammaged or grieved, his treble dammages, and ſhall forfeit the ſum of 40.l at every time they or any of them do the contrary thereof in any point of the ſame, whereas the King ſhall have the one half to be employed in the uſe of the houſe, and in no otherwiſe, and the party that ſhall ſue, the other half.
But (as Sir Edward Cook well obſerves, on the 25. chap. of Magna Charta, 2. part Inſtitut. fol. 74.) after the rule of the Common-Law was altered, and that the Sheriffe, Coroner, Goaler, and other the Kings Miniſters, might in ſome caſe take of the ſubject; it is not credible what extortions and oppreſſions have hereupon enſued. So dangerous a thing it is, to ſhake or alter any of the Rules or Fundamental points of the Common-Law, which in truth are the main Pillars and Supporters of the Fabrick of the Common-wealth, as elſe-where I haue noted more at large viz. fol. 51, 210, 249. ibim. ſee the Preface to the 4. part of his Reports and the 4, part of his Inſtitutes ▪ cap. of the High Court of Parliament, f. 41.
Now ſir, having laid this ſure foundation, I will aſſume the boldneſſe, to compare your dealings with mee, to the fore-mentioned rules that the Law preſcribes you: And firſt to matter of uſage, you know very well, you of your own head at firſt kept my wife from me, and made me a cloſe priſoner, as in the fore-mentioned bookes, pag. •…is truly declared.
And then ſecondly, although you could not but know that by the Lords, &c. in the Star-Chamber, I, for about four years together before this Parliament, under-went a great deſtruction by them, both in my body, goods, and trade: and ſince this Parliament, have ſpent many hundred pounds to obtain my juſt reparations (beſides other7 great loſſe I have had) yet have not got a penny, and being a younger brother, and in Land have not 6. d incoming in the year; and being robbed of my trade, calling, and livelyhood, by the Merchant-Monopolizers: ſo that I could not with freedome tranſport one Cloth into the Low-countries, to get any lively-hood thereby: all which, above a year agoe, I was neceſſitated publikely to declare, in anſwer to William Pryns lyes and falſhoods, in my book called Innocency and Truth juſtified, which there you may read, eſpecially in pag. 39, 43, 47, 48, 62, 65, 75. and how being committed to your cuſtody in the Tower, the chargeableſt Priſon this day in all England; and where I am denyed the juſt and legal uſage and allowance that the King himſelf uſed to allow all priſoners committed to this place, although thoſe that had great eſtates of their own, into their own hands and poſſeſſion, whoſe allowance was to find them diet, lodging, and pay their fees, Vox Plebis, p. 50, 56. 57.
Nay, when I came in, and deſired you, that I might have my diet from my wife out of the town, which I did for two reaſons.
Firſt, for ſafety, having heard much of ſir Thomas Overburies being poyſoned when he was a priſoner in the Tower.
Secondly, for the ſaving of money, which ſtood me much upon; but you abſolutely denied me that legal and juſt priviledge, and tyed me either to faſt, or haue my diet from the Cookes in the Tower.
Thirdly, being thus committed to this extraordinary chargeable expenſive place, and being in ſo mean a condition, as I muſt ingeniouſly confeſſe I was, you took in the third place, the ready way to ſterve & deſtroy me; and of your own head, ordered your Warders to take the names and places of habitation, of all thoſe that came to ſee me, or ſpeak with me, a deſtructive bug-bear to any captived priſoner, which the Law of England doth not in the leaſt authorize and inable you to do: but this was not all, but in the fourth place, my friends, though they gave their names, were by your Warders, ſet on by your ſelf (for upon your ſcore, I muſt, and do lay it all) exceedingly in words abuſed, and divers of them turned away, and not ſuffered to come and ſpeak with me: O bloody and cruell man! what is this elſe, but an abſolute Declaration of your reſolved intention, to deſtroy me in my impriſonment under your cuſtody? which the Law abhors: but if for the ſake of the Law, or for my ſake, you will not ſquare your dealings8 with me, according to the known and declared law of the kingdome, then for your own ſake, I deſire you to remember your Predeceſſour, Sir Gervaſe Elmayes, who was indicted by the name of Gaoler of the Tower of London, and hanged upon Tower-hill, for conſenting to the poyſoning of Sir Thomas Overbury, Vox Plebis, pag. 48.
In the fifth place, ſeeing by all the fore-mentioned wayes & meanes you could not ſcare all my friends from me, and ſo by conſequence, deſtroy me.
Then you deviſe another way, and ſet one of your old Maſtive dogs upon me, to baite and to worry me with lyes, reproaches, and calumniations: and for that end, printed and publiſhed a moſt baſe & ſcandalous book againſt me, thereby to make me odious to all men whatſoever, that would believe that book, which was publiſhed againſt me at ſuch a time; when by your ſelf, my hands were faſt tyed behind my back, being kept by your order very ſtrictly from Pen, Ink, and Paper, and ſo in a condition unable publikely to vindicate my ſelf, and much importunity was I forced to uſe to your ſelfe, before I could obtain leave from you to anſwer it, and neceſſitated to tye my ſelfe by promiſe to ſuch and ſuch conditions: and amongſt the reſt, that you ſhould read it all over, before it was publiſhed: And I, for my part, performed my promiſe, and was neceſſitated to give the originall into your hands, in ſuch haſte, that I could not take a Copy of it: out of whoſe hands, I could not get it, til I was in ſome reſpect neceſſitated to an arbitration: and being not able to doe what I would for my own vindication, I was in a manner compelled by you to be content with what I could do, which was to accept a ſubmiſſion from him for my wounded, rent, and torn reputation by him: although, if I could have accompliſhed what I deſire, I ſhould firſt have publiſhed my anſwer to his lyes: and then if he had had a mi••put it to arbitration, but neceſſity hath no other Law but a ſtooping to it: but I was in hope, that I ſhould have found ſo much candor and ingenuity in you, and your Agent, old John White, a•that I ſhould not have had the like abuſe•from you after that arbitration, that I had before it, from you both ▪ but in regard that he at the ga••…, as my friends informe me, doth not ceaſe in his rancour and venim againſt me; I muſt be neceſſitated to publiſh my anſwer to him; eſpecially, ſeeing as I conceive, Thos. Edwards the cankered Gangrena〈◊〉joy•••in confederacy with him: But•o this, pr•••••…, I ſhall〈…〉with the inſerting of his recantation, or acknowledgment, and referre the9 Reader for a full relation of that arbitration, to the 59, 60, 61, 62, 63 ▪ pages of my late book, called Londons Liberty in Chains diſcovered; the aforeſaid acknowledgment thus followeth:
I John White, one of the Warders of the Tower of London, doe acknowledge, that I have unjuſtly wronged Lieut. Col. John Lilburn, in, and by writing, and publiſhing in print, in ſuch ſort as I did; that he was the Writer, Author, or Contriver of a book, called Liberty vindicated againſt Slavery, and of a printed letter thereunto annexed; and of a Book or Treatiſe, called An Alarum to the Houſe of Lords: for all which, and for the unjuſt and ſcandalous matters and language alleadged and uſed by me, in my ſaid booke, reflecting upon the ſaid Lieut. Col. Lilburn, I am heartily ſorry: and in teſtimony thereof, I haue hereunto ſubſcribed my hand the 8. day of October, 1646.
Iohn VVhite.
Subſcribed, pronounced, and accepted,the 9. Day of October, 1646. in the preſence of us,
- John Strangewayes.
- Lewis Dyves.
- John Glanvil.
- William Morton.
- Henry Ʋaughan.
Knights.
- Chriſtopher Comport, Warder in the Tower.
10Sixthly, after all this, by meanes of my wifes Petition, which was delivered to the houſe of Commons 23. Septemb. 1646 and which you may read in the laſt mentioned book. pap. 65, 66, 67, 68 &c. by means of which, there was a Committee of the honourable houſe of Commons appointed, to hear and receive my complaint againſt the Lords, and the 6. of Novemb. 1646. was the laſt time I was before the Committee; where I had an opportunity, in part, to declare unto them, your illegal dealing with me: which Declaration, you may read in the 17, 18, 20. pages of that relation, now in print; and I muſt confeſſe unto you, I did think that you durſt not have run the hazzard of perſevering in your illegal dealings with me: but in regard you doe, it cleerly demonſtrates unto me, that you judge the ſtreames of Juſtice ſo muddy and corrupted (by the intereſt and power of your Lords, and their factions, who would have no other rule, but their own baſe and corrupt wills to walk by, and therefore lay the rule of the Law and Juſtice aſide) that they will never run cleer, nor purely again, to puniſh ſuch tranſgreſſors as you are.
But that you may know (although I have had exceeding hard meaſure, in being ſo long delayed in the making of my report) that I am not out of hopes, nor in deſpaire, I give you this freſh charge, and tell you, that after I had done with the Committee, your next illegall deſigne that you executed upon me, was, that my friends could not paſſe your guard, unleſſe my keeper were there preſent to conduct them unto me; by means of which, ſome of them have been forced to come four ſeverall times, before they could find him at the Gate; & others have been forced to ſtay, and ſit in the guard an hour, and ſometimes two, expecting his coming; without whoſe preſence, they could not have acceſſe to me; and divers of them in the time of their ſtay at the Guard, examined whether they be not Independēts, or no; & whether they never preached in Tubs, or no: And if they anſwer croſly to the queſtions, as well they may, then they are fallen upon, and both they and I in words exceedingly abuſed: and I am told, that an old tall man in black, with a great ſtaffe in his hand, is not wanting to play his part, which I judge to be Mr. White.
Now ſir, is not this the height of illegality, cruelty, tyrannie, and bloud-thirſtineſſe in you, thus to deal with me; indevouring thereby ſtrongly to ſcare away all my friends from me? For, who in ſo many difficulties and abuſes would come to viſit a man, unleſſe he bore a11 very great affection to him: the which, if he do, the continual meeting with theſe baſe and unwarrantable affronts, in concluſion will make him weary.
And truly ſir, let me tell you, this is not to uſe me with civility, and humanity in my impriſonment, as the Law requires I ſhould: but this is to torment, puniſh, and deſtroy me, which, the Law, and all juſt and honeſt men abhor and deteſt.
In the 7. place, being in the condition that I am in, and being guilty of no legall crime in the world; unleſſe it be for being over honeſt and zealous for the preſervation of the juſt and publique Liberties of the Kingdom; I know no reaſon, why I may not enjoy the utmoſt priviledge and liberty in the Tower, that any priſoner in it doth enjoy: yet notwithſtanding, not many weeks agoe, I was but going with a fellow-priſoner in the path that leads to the Record-office; and coming back to my Lodging under the Gate, that is juſt againſt the Traytors Gate, I met your pretended-Gentleman-Goaler, and immediatly Mr. Comport, my Landlord and Keeper, came and delivered a meſſage from you to me, which was to this effect: That Mr. Lieutenant did underſtand, that I was beyond the Ring; but it was his pleaſure, that J ſhould forbear to go any more beyond it: Vnto which, I replyed, Landlord, I had only thought, that to go beyond the Ring, had been for a man when he came to it, to have turned on the right hand, and ſo to have gone, as if he would have gone out at the Gate, which I did not in the leaſt: for I turned on the left hand with one of my fellow-priſoners, and walked in the path that goes to his Chamber, and divers other Chambers of my fellow-priſoners, which path they do and may walk in every day in the week, and every hour in the day. And therefore, tell your Maſter from me, I ſhall not obey his order, for I have as good right to enjoy any priviledge within the Tower, as any priſoner in it: and therefore will walk that way again, ſeeing all my fellow-priſoners enjoy the ſame liberty.
In the 8. place, the other night there being a friend with me about 6 or 7 a clock at night, I walked out of my chamber with him; which is a priviledge that all my fellow-priſoners enjoy: and he having a candle and lanthorn in his hand, paſſing under Cole-Harbour Gate, I was roughly and ſuddenly demanded whither I went? And I replyed, along with my friend, to conduct him as farre as my liberty would extend (which was down to the Ring, which is, as I conceive,12 at leaſt three or fourſore yards, on this ſide of the gate where your guard ſtands) I was replyed unto in theſe words, Sir, you ſhall not goe: At which, looking well about me (it being very dark) to ſee who it was, that was ſo malipert, I perceived it to be your ſelf (who had with you, as I conceived, ſome of your Warders) unto which I replyed: Truly ſir, I do not like the word ſhall; it is but unhanſome language, to tell me, I ſhall not go.
No ſir, I ſay (ſaid you) you ſhall not go; for you ought not to ſtir out of your chamber after candels are lighted.
Truly ſir (ſaid I) I know no ſuch order. Vnto which, you replyed, Well, then ſir, I now give you ſuch an order: and I bid you give it to thoſe that would obey it; for I would not: and I gave you the reaſon of it; which was, that I was a free-born Engliſhman, a Kingdom that pretends (at leaſt) to be governed by Law, and not by Wil, & I am not to be ſubject unto thoſe orders in my impriſonment, that have no other Warrant, but the Goalers Will. Neither will I willingly be ſubject in the Tower unto any other orders, but what are conſonant and agreeable to the fundamental Laws of the Kingdome.
Vnto which you replyed; Sir, you ſhall obey my orders, and I will make you.
Sir, ſaid I, I will not obey your orders; nor you ſhall not make me: And I tell you to your face, I ſcorn both you and your orders, and that I value you not, the paring of my naile,
Vnto which, you replyed, Sir, I will make you; for I will locke you faſt enough in your chamber: And I bid you do your worſt, that either you could, or durſt do, I cared not a ſtraw for you: But I bad you take notice of this, by the way; that if you locked me up by the power of your own unbinding will, and did not make your doores very ſtrong, I would make work for your Carpenters, by breaking them into as many pieces as I could.
You replyed, you would make them up again. And I told you, I would break them again.
You told me, you ordering us to keep our Chambers after candle was lighted, was for your own ſecurity.
I ſhall now take liberty, to return you a more ful anſwer to this, then I did before to you, which is this; That I for my part, for all the gold in London, would not give juſt cauſe to be counted ſo baſe13 and unworthy, to do upon deliberation that action, that I would not juſtifie to the death: But if I ſhould in the leaſt, ſtep aſide, I ſhould contract unto my ſelf that guilt, which I am confident, all the enemies I have in England, are not able in the leaſt to fixe upon me: For, I underſtand by the Law of this Kingdom, that he that is committed to priſon for Felony, or Treaſon; although really and truly he be guilty of neither, yet if he break priſon, and be taken again, he ſhal dye like a Fellon or Traytor that is legally convicted, 1. E. 2. de frangentibus priſonam. See Cookes 2. part. inſtit. fol. 590, 591. For his ſlight, in the eye of the Law, argues guiltineſſe.
And beſides, my friend and I had a horn Lanthorn and Candle, which put all out of ſuſpition of going out in the dark.
But thirdly, what ground have you, vpon any pretence what ever framed by your ſelf, to lock me up in my chamber, as ſoone as candels are lighted, ſeeing I am in a moated and double-walled Priſon, where you have not only a Train-bond, but alſo great ſtore of your Warders to ſecure me?
And therefore, I tell you plainly, I ſhal never condeſcend to bee locked up ſooner then that convenient hour of 8. a clock, the accuſtomed hour of the place, which is much ſooner then they are in other priſons, that I have been in.
Fourthly, if under pretence of your ſecurity, I ſhould give way for you to confine or lock me up in my chamber at candle-light, which then was before five a clocke, may not you as well and as groundedly upon the ſame pretence (if you pleaſe to ſay it is for your ſecurity) keep me locked vp in my chamber till 12. a clocke; yea, the whole day, if you pleaſe: And if I ſhould ſuffer this in the leaſt, what am I leſſe then traitorous to my ſelfe, and to my liberties, to give you a power by your own meer will, to make and impoſe a Law upon me, whenſoever you ſhall pleaſe to ſay that its for your ſecuritie; when the Law provides and enjoynes you no more, but to keep me in ſafe cuſtodie within your priſon, and to uſe me and all that come to me, civillie, and with all humanitie, and leaves me not in the leaſt to your will, but only in ſome extraordinarie caſes, as in doing or offring violence to the Goaler, or Goalers, or to my fellow-priſoners, to the apparent breach of the peace of the priſon: and yet in this, the Law is extraordinarie tender of the priſoners ſafetie: but none of this I have not in the leaſt done, either14 to you, or the pooreſt boy belonging to you, not by Gods aſſiſtance wil not: but yet on the contrarie, before you ſhal make me a ſlave to your will, you ſhal have the heart-bloud out of my body.
Now in the laſt place, I wil compare the fees taken and demanded in the Tower with thoſe the Law gives; and what they are, you may fully read before.
Now, by the Author of Vox Plebis, who to mee ſeemes to bee a knowing man in the practiſes of the Lieutenants of the Tower, who in his 48 49. pages, ſaith, That there is demanded for the admittance of an Earl 100. l for a Baron 80. l for a Knight and Baronet 70. l, for a Baronet 60. l for a Knight 50. l and for an Eſquire 40. pound, and 30. s a week of every priſoner for liberty to buy and dreſſe his owne diet, and 10. s 15. s 20. s per weeke, for their Chamber-rent, and of ſome more.
For Sir Richard Gurney ſometimes Lord Mayor of London, & now priſoner in the Tower, hath paid as I have heard him aver it 3. l a week for his chamber-rent; and in the time of a Predeceſſour of yours, dieted 3 weeks at the Lieutenants table; for which hee had the impudencie to demand of him for it 25. l per week. ô horrible and monſtrous extortion and oppreſſion: and yet this is not all, for the laſt mentioned euthor in his 48. pag. ſaith, There is a new erected Office, and an intruded Officer, called the Gentleman Goaler, one Yates, a buſie fellow, who pretends to a fee of 50. s to be paid him, at the going away of every priſoner, pag. 51. ibim.
But yet this is not all: for in p. 49. of the late printed book called Regal Tyrannie diſcovered, he ſaith, that the Gentleman Porter demands for his fee 5.l and a mans upper garment: 40. s to the Warders, 10. s to the Lieutenants Clarke, 10. s to the Miniſter; and divers of my fellow-priſoners tell me, that their Keepers have and do demand of them, either their diet, or 5. s a week, for locking them up at night in their Chamber, and opening their chamber-dores.
O horrible and monſtrous injuſtice, oppreſſion, and crueltie, to demand and take theſe fees; whereas, by Law, there is not one farthing taken of all theſe fees due to be paid by the priſoner, but one bare great at moſt, and that given away by an oppreſſing and incroaching law upon our antient and juſt liberties, as is before truly obſerved.
And yet priſoners are detained in priſon by your will, after they15 are legally diſcharged, becauſe they will not pay theſe undue and unjuſt fees, which at this very day is Sir Henry Anderſons caſe, and hath formerly been others; as the Author of Vox Plebis truly obſerves: although the arranteſt Rogue & Thief that ever breathed, had, or hath, as true a right to any purſe that ever he did, or ſhal take from an honeſt man upon the high-way by force and violence, as you or any other hath to any of the fore-mentioned fees. O yee proud and impudent man, that dare aſſume unto your ſelfe of your own head, more then a regal power, to levie and raiſe mony by the law of your own will, vpon the free people of England.
Sir, let me tel you, this very thing was one of thoſe things, that was the Earl of Straffords great Crimes, for which hee paid very dear; and it is not impoſſible, but you and others that uſe it, may pay as dear for it in concluſion: therefore, look to it, and thinke of it.
And if you pleaſe to read the Petition of Right, made by the Lords and Commons unto this King, in the 3. of his Raign, you ſhall find in the beginning of it, they ſhew him that by the ſtatute of the 34. E. 1. called Statutum de tallagio non concedendo; that no tallage or aid ſhall be laid or levied by the King or his Heires in this Realm, without the good will and aſſent of the Arch-biſhops. Biſhops, Earles, Barons, Knights Burgeſſes, and other the free-men of the Commonalty of this Realm, and by authority of Parliament holden in the 25. E. 3. it is declared, and enacted; that from thence-forth no perſon ſhould be compelled to make any Loanes to the King againſt his will; becauſe ſuch Loanes were againſt reaſon, and the franchiſe of the Land, and by other Lawes of this Realme, (viz 1. E. 3 6. 11. R. 2. 9. 1. R. 3. 2. ) it is provided; That none ſhall be charged by any charge or impoſition, called a benevolence, nor by ſuch like charge by which the ſtatutes before-mentioned, and other the good lawes and ſtatutes of this Realm, your ſubjects have inherited this freedome; that they ſhould not be compelled to contribute to any taxe, tallage, aid, or other like charge, not ſet by common conſent in Parliament. All which, the King confirmes.
And by the ſtatute made this preſent Parliament, that aboliſhed Ship-money; All and a very the particulars, prayed or deſired in the ſaid Petition of Right, ſhall from henceforth be put in execution accordingly, and ſhall be firmly and ſtrictly holden and obſerved, as in the ſame Petition they are prayed and expreſſed: yea, in this very ſtatute it is16 declared and enacted to be againſt Law, for his Majesty upon any pretence what ever, to levie money of the people of England, without common conſent in Parliament.
And truly ſir, let me tell you without fear or flattery, that if your great Maſters the Lords, & the true prerogative-friends of the houſe of Commons, had any true and reall intentions to preſerve the Fundamental Lawes and Liberties of England, or had any time to ſpare (to puniſh thoſe that juſtly and groundedly infringe them, and doe, as much as in them lies, to deſtroy them) from their weighty employment, of dividing great and vaſt ſummes of the Common-wealths money amongſt themſelves, without either doing juſtice and right in the like nature to any man breathing, unleſſe it be themſelves, or ſome of their ſons, kinſmen, or near friends; whoſe principles, are to ſerve their ends to the breadth of a haire in all they enjoyn them; they would ſcorn to give cauſe to be reputed ſo baſe and unworthy as they are, to deny the King the power (unto whom ever and anon, they give ſuch glorious and tranſcendent titles unto) to levie and raiſe money without common conſent in Parliament; when they allow every paltery Jaylor in England to do it at his pleaſure; yea, and for any thing I can perceive abet and countenance him in it: for they will not, nor have not done, all this long Parlament, any man any effectuall Juſtice againſt them that have complained of them, but every man is cruſhed, and in a manner deſtroyed, that meddles any thing to the purpoſe with them.
I pray ſir, tell me, whether this be to keep the Solemn League and Covenant (which now is made a cloak for all kind of knavery and villanie) which they and you took with your hands lifted up to the moſt high God, and ſwore to maintain the Fundamental Lawes and Liberties of the Kingdome: But this I dare boldly tell you, you never intended it, as by your practiſes, appears.
But ſir, in the ſecond place, I ſhould deſire to know of you, the reaſon why Jaylors are ſo impudent and oppreſſive as they are, and go ſo ſcot-free from puniſhment (though often complained of) as they do.
Truly, for my part, I am not able to render any more probable one then this; That it may be ſome powerfull Parliament-man, or men, are ſharers with them in their profits (for as groſe, if not groſer things, are commonly reported, yea printed of ſome of them: See the 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, &c. pages of the fore-mentioned book, called Regall17 Tyrannie diſcovered) and therefore muſt, and do improve their intereſt and power, to protect them in their knaveries and oppreſſions. For, within theſe few daies, I was talking with an underſtanding knowing Gentleman, that came to viſit me; and he told me, he durſt venture his life to make it evident to any rationall man in the world; that there is one Goaler about this Citie, that makes of his Priſon above 20000, l a year, and commits all manner of villanies, and yet no Juſtice can be had againſt him, though hee hath often and powerfully been complained againſt to the Parliament it ſelf, where he ſaid, he had more favour, countenance, and protection, then the honeſt man that complained of him; yea, more then them all, put all in one.
Now ſir, in the laſt place, I come to acquaint you, what monies I have paid, ſince I came to the Tower for my Chamber-rent only; the 10. of July laſt I came hither, and you ſent me to the Lodging where I am, with extraordinarie ſtrict and ſevere command upon my Keeper, who within certain daies after I came to him, demanded chamber-rent of me at a great deale higher rate then I pay, and I told him neceſſitie had no law; and I therefore deſired him to ask me reaſonably, and he ſhould ſee what I would ſay to him: So at laſt, he asked me 15. s a week, I told him I knew well the lawes of all Priſons in England and 15. s a week was a great deale of money for bare Lodging; but in regard it was with me, as it was, conditionally that hee for his part would uſe me, and thoſe my friends that ſhould come to to ſee me, with civilitie and humanitie, I would give him 15. s a week, and find my own linnen beſides, proteſting unto him, that the firſt time he uſed me, or any that came to ſee me, churliſhly, I would not pay him one peny more of money; and I muſt ingenuouſly confeſſe, I have no cauſe in the leaſt to complain of the man in point of civilitie, nor he of me in performing my promiſe: for I have paid him, though it hath been with ſome ſtraights to me, betwixt 20. and 30. l which I am now able no longer to pay.
And therefore I deſire you, according to your duty which by law you are bound unto, to provide me a priſon gratis: for I profeſſe unto you, no more rent I can, nor will pay, though it coſt me a dungeon (or as bad) for my pains. And truly, Sir, I ſhall deale ingeniouſly with you, and give you the true reaſon wherefore I condeſcended to pay chamber-rent at firſt, and have done it ſo long; It was becauſe I had extraordinary potent adverſaries to deale withall, viz.18 the Houſe of Lords, or Peeres, as they are called, who had pretty-well managed their dealings with me like tyrants, in keeping very ſtrictly my friends from me, and alſo pen, ink, and paper, that ſo I was debarred of all ability in the world, to publiſh to the view of the whole kingdome, my own innocency, and their inhumane and barbarous tyranny, which they knew well enough I would doe, if I had not been debarred of all meanes to doe it, and then fell upon me, and tranſcendently ſentenced me to pay 4000. l &c. and illegally and unjuſtly entred notorious crimes againſt me in their records. And you know I told you at my firſt comming to the Tower, I was refreſhed at the hopes of my being freed from my cloſe impriſonment; but your falling ſo heavily upon me as you did, ſtruck me to the heart and made me beleeve it was poſſible I might have been deſtroyed before I ſhould have an opportunity publickly to cleare my own unſpotted innocency in reference to the Lords, and to anatomize their tyranny; both of which my ſoul thirſted after: and therefore if I had been able, I would have purchaſed an opportunity to have done it, though it had coſt me 20. l a week. And-truly, Sir, I have done my doe, and in deſpite of all the Lords, publiſhed, and truly and faithfully ſtated my cauſe to the view of the whole Kingdome. Firſt, in my Wives Petition, delivered by her to the Houſe of Commons, Septem. 23. 1646. which I pen'd and framed my ſelfe without the help or aſſiſtance of any Lawyer in England. And ſecondly, in my Book called, Londons Liberty in Chains diſcovered. And thirdly, twice before the Committee of the Honorable Houſe of Commons. The laſt diſcourſe of which I publiſhed to the view of all the Cōmons of England, and called it, An Anatomy of the Lords tyranny. And beſides, ſome of my friends, or well-wiſhers have done it excellent well for me, in thoſe two notable Diſcourſes called, Vox Plebis, and, Regall Tyranny diſcovered, which will live when I am dead; and be (I hope) as good as winding-ſheets unto the Lords; and therefore I am now ready for a Dungeon, or Irons, or Death it ſelf, or any torture or torment that their malice can inflict upon me; and ſeeing that I cannot by any means I can uſe, get my report made to the Houſe of Commons, and ſo enjoy juſtice and right at their hands, (which I beg not of them as a Boon, but chalenge of them as my due and right) by reaſon of the Lords, and the reſt of their Prerogative Co-partners influence into the Houſe Commons, to divert them from the great affaires19 of the Kingdome, in doing juſtice and right unto the oppreſſed, and putting them upon making Lawes, Edicts, and Declarations, to perſecute and deſtroy the generation of the righteous, and ſo bring the wrath and vengeance of heaven and earth upon them and theirs: (Read Mr. Thomas Goodwins Sermon preached before them Feb. 25. 1645. called, The great Intereſt of States and Kingdomes) and alſo lay a great blot of reproach upon them by all the rationall men in the world, for endevouring to deſtroy a generation of peaceable and quiet-minded men, that have contributed all they had and have in the world, for their preſervation; and by whoſe undaunted valour and blood-ſhed, as principall inſtruments they enjoy liberty at this day, to ſit in the Houſe of Commons, and to be what they are. (Sure I am, the Spirit of God ſaith, That he that rewardeth evill for good, evill ſhall not depart from his Houſe, Prov. 17.13.) And yet for any thing I can perceive, the beſt reward is intended theſe men from thoſe they have done ſo much for, is ruine and deſtruction, that ſo that Antichriſtian office and function of Prieſthood, newly transformed into a pretended godly and reformed Presbyter, may again be eſtabliſhed, although by the ſecond Article of the Covenant (now more magnified by the ſonnes of darkneſſe add blindneſſe, then the Book of God) they have expreſly ſworn to root up that Function by the roots. The words of the Covenant are, That we ſhall in like manner, without reſpect of perſons, endevour the extirpation of Popery, Prelacy, (that is, Church-government by Archbiſhops, Biſhops, their Chancellors and Commiſſaries, Deans, Deans and Chapters, Arch-Deacons, and all other Eccleſiaſtical officers depending on that Hierarchy) ſuperſtition, hereſie, ſchiſme, prephaneneſs, &c. Mark the ſentence, And all other Eccleſiaſticall Officers depending on that Hierarchy. In the number of which are thoſe pretended reformed presbyter-Miniſters, that either ſit in the Aſſembly, or are in any other place in the Kingdom, that officiate by vertue of their Ordination, which they had from the Biſhops, or any, by vertue of their Authority. And I will maintain it with my life, that he is a forſworn man (whether he be Parliamentman or other) that hath taken the Covenant, and doth contribute any of his aſſiſtance, to maintain, preſerve, and uphold that Ordination of the Preſbyterian Miniſters, that they received from the Biſhops; or puniſh, any man for writing preaching, or ſpeaking againſt it, or any other wayes endevouring the deſtruction or extirpation thereof. For the expreſſe20 words of the Covenant are, that we muſt endevour the extirpation of all Officers (without exception) depending on that Hierarchy; part of which, all the fore-mentioned Miniſters are, being ordained Prieſts and Deacons by the Biſhops, and have no other Ordination to this very day, but what they had fro them. But if they ſhal ſay, they were ordained by them not as Biſhops, but as Preſbyters; I anſwer, This is a ſimple foppiſh diſtinction: For as well may the Biſhops ſay, They were not ordained by the Pope, or his Biſhops, quatenus as Pope or Biſhops ▪ but quatenus as Preſbyter, or Preſbyters, and ſo are in every particular as lawfull Miniſters as any of theſe men that have their ordination from them, and yet have endevoured to draw the whole Kingdom into a Covenant ſinfully to extirpate them that are Chriſts Miniſters upon their own Principles, as really, truly, and formally, as any of themſelves. But in the ſecond place, if they were ordained Presbyters by the Biſhops, not as Biſhops, but as Presbyters, then are theſe preſent reformed Miniſters leſſe then Presbyters. For the Author to the Hebrewes, chap. 7. v. 7. ſaith, Without all contradiction, the leſſe is bleſſed of the better, or greater. And I deſire the learned Presbyters to ſhew me one example in all the New Teſtament, that ever any Officer ordained another Officer in the ſame Office and Function that he himſelfe was in. Thirdly, I deſire to know of theſe reformed Presbyterian Miniſters, that ſeeing as they themſelves confeſſe, the Biſhops Office and Function was and is Antichriſtian, how is it poſſible their Miniſteriall Function, or Ordination, can be Chriſtian, that like a ſtreame flowed from them the fountain? Sure I am, Job demands this queſtion; Who can bring a clean thing out of an unclean? And by the ſame Spirit of God he anſwers; Not one, Job. 14.4. And James interrogates, ſaying, Doth a Fountain ſend forth at the ſame place, ſweet water and bitter? Or can the Fig-tree, my brethren, beare Olive-berries? either a Vine; Figges? Therefore in a poſitive negation he concludes, that no Fountain can both yeeld ſalt water and freſh.
And therefore ſeeing THOMAS THE GANGRENA, the Rabſhakeh Champion of the new ſprung-up Sect in England of Presbyters, who may more truly and properly, be called Schiſmatickes, then any of thoſe he ſo brands; for they have ſeparated from their Ghoſtly Fathers the Biſhops, and yet are glad to hold their ordination, and are therefore ſchiſmaticall.
21And therefore ſeeing in his laſt GANGRENA he hath fallen ſo point-blank upon me, for no other cauſe but for ſtanding for the Fundamentall Lawes of England; which, if he had not an abſolute deſire to be notoriouſly forſworn, he might know his Covenant binds him to doe the ſame. But ſeeing he there playes the ſimple man to fight with his own ſhadow, and doth not in the leaſt meddle, for any thing I can perceive (by ſo much as I have read of his Book, which, ſo near as I could find, was every place where I was mentioned) with the Statutes and other Legall Authorities, as I cite in my wives petition, and elſe-where, to prove, That all the Commoners of England ought in all criminall caſes to be tryed by their Peeres, that is, Equals; and that the Houſe of Lords, in the leaſt, are not the Peeres of Commoners: And therefore ſeeing ſeemingly by that ulcerous book, he hath given me ſomething to anſwer that concerns me, I will really and ſubſtantially give him ſomething to anſwer, that in good earneſt concerneth him, and all the reſt of his bloody-minded pretended reformed fellow-Clergy Presbyters; that lying, deceitfull, forſworn, and bloody Sect, of whom it is true that the Prophet ſaid of the Prophets of old, That they make the people to erre, and bite with their teeth, and cry peace; and he that putteth not into their mouthes, they even prepare warre againſt him, Micah 3.5. And that at preſent I have to put to him to anſwer, ſhall be certain Arguments which I made when I was cloſe priſoner in irons in the Fleet, againſt the then Epiſcopall Miniſters of the Church of England, and will ſerve in every particular, againſt the preſent Presbyteriall Miniſters, and you ſhall find them thus laid down in the 23. page of my Book called, An Anſwer to 9. Arguments written by T. B. and printed at London 1645.
Firſt, Thtt every lawfull Paſtor, Biſhop, Miniſter, or Officer in the viſible Church of Chriſt, ought to have a lawfull call, and be lawfully choſen into his Office, before he can be a true Officer in the Church of Chriſt, Acts 1.23, 24, 25. & 6.3.5, 6. & 14.23. Gal. 1.1. Heb. 5.4.
But the Miniſters and Officers in the Church of England, (as well Presbyterian as Epiſcopall) have not a lawfull call, neither are lawfully choſen to be officers in the Church of Chriſt. See the Book of Ordination of Biſhops, Prieſts, and Deacons, as alſo the Directory, and compare them with the Scripture.
22Therefore all your Miniſters are falſe and Antichriſtian Officers. Rev. 9.3. and 13.2. and 16.13.
Secondly, the doing of thoſe actions that belong to the execution of an Office, doth not prove a man to be a lawfull Officer, but a lawfull power inſtating him into his Office. Acts. 8.4.11.19.20. and 18.24, 25, 26. 1 Cor. 14.29, 30, 31. 1 Pet. 4.10.
But all the Miniſters in the Church of England have nothing to prove the lawfulneſſe of their ſtanding in the Miniſtery, but the actions of a Miniſter, and are not in the leaſt able to prove that they are inſtated into their Miniſtery by vertue of a lawfull power and authority.
Therefore they are no true Miniſters of Chriſt, but falſe and Antichriſtian Miniſters of Antichriſt.
Thirdly, againe in the third place upon your own grounds I frame this Argument.
Thoſe that by their Miniſtery do not accompliſh the ſame ends, that the Miniſtery of the Apoſtles did, are no true Miniſters.
But the Miniſters of the Church of England do not accompliſh the ſame ends by their Miniſtery, that the Miniſtery of the Apoſtles did, 1 Cor. 11.2.
Therefore your Miniſters are no true Miniſters of Ieſus Chriſt.
But Gangrena one word more at preſent to you, ſeeing in the 217.218. pages of your late 3. Gangrena, you fall ſo exceeding heavie upon me, and my honeſt Camerade Mr. Overton, and ſay that theſe 2. audacious men, their dareing bookes ſhall eſcape without exemplary puniſhment, and inſtead thereof be countenanced and ſet free, I do as a Miniſter pronouncae (but I ſay it is as one of Sathans) that the plague of God will fall upon the heads of thoſe that are the cauſe of it.
Come Antagoniſt, let us come to a period; for I hope, for all your mallice you are not yet ſo farre gone beyond your ſelfe as to deſire to have me hanged or killed, and then condemned and adjudged, and therefore I will make you 2. faire propoſitions.
Firſt, (in reference to the Lords whoſe Goliah and Rabſhaca-like Champion you are) that if you pleaſe to joyne with me in a deſire to both Houſes, I will ſo far go below my ſelfe, and my preſent appeale23 now in the Houſe of Commons, (alwayes provided it may be no prejudice to the benefit I juſtly expect from my ſaid appeale) and joyne with you in this deſire, that there may be by both Houſes, a proportionable number thereof, mutually by themſelves choſen out, to ſet openly, and publickly in the painted Chamber, where I will againſt you by the establiſhed Lawes of this Land, maintaine againſt you and all the Lawyers you can bring, this poſition (which is abſolutely the conteſt betwixt the Lords and me) THAT THE LORDS AS A HOVSE OF PEERS, HATH NO JVRISDISCTION AT ALL OVER ANY COMMONER IN ENGLAND, IN ANY CRIMINALL CASE WHATSOEVER, and if you will, I will wholly as in reference to the conteſt betwixt you and me, ſtand to the vote, and abide the judgement and ſentence of that very Committee, whoſe vote upon the fore-mentioned tearmes, if you will tye your ſelfe, I will tye my ſelfe, either actively to execute, or paſſively to ſuffer and undergo it.
In the ſecond place, becauſe ſo farre as I am able to underſtand your meaning, in your fore-mentioned pages, you would have me dealt withall, as the Earle of Strafford, and the Biſhop of Canterbury was, for indeavouring (as you ſay) with ſo much violence, the overthrow of the three Eſtates, and the Lawes of the Kingdome, and in the ſtead of the fundamentall Government and conſtitution of this Kingdome, to ſet up an Vtopian Anarchy of the promiſcuous multitude and the luſts and uncertaine fancies of weake people, for Lawes and Rules.
Now in regard of the diſtractions of the Kingdome which are many, and that they might not be made wider by new bookes from either of us, I ſhall be very willing for peace and quiets ſake, to joyne with you in a Petition to the Houſe of Commons, to appoint a ſelect Committee publickly to examin all things that are a miſſe in your bookes and myne, and to puniſh either, or both, according to Law and Iuſtice without partiality, and I appeale to all rationall men in the world, whether I have not offered fayre or no.
But in regard I know not whether you will imbrace my proffer, I ſhall ſpeake a little more for my ſelfe, and reduce all to theſe three heads.
Firſt, whether the Lords have by the known Law of the Land any juriſdiction of the Commons, or no?
Secondly, whether in the Parliaments own publick declarations in Mr. Prinns ſoveraigne power of Parliaments, and in the Aſſemblies24 exhortation to the ſolemn legall Covenant, and other Presbyterian books, licenced by publike authority, and others ſold without controule, there be no more ſaid to juſtifie and maintain, that which Gangrena calles Vtopian Anarchy, then in any bookes whatſoever publiſhed by theſe he calles Sectaries.
Thirdly, whether or no that out of my own words, in my booke, called INNOCENCIE AND TRVTH JVSTIFIED, there can any thing be drawn to juſtifie the Lords in that which now I condemn them in? as Gangrena affirmes, pag. 157, 158.
For the firſt, ſee what the ninth Chapter of Magna Charta ſaith.
No freeman ſhall he taken or impriſoned, or be diſſeiſed of his free hold, or Liberties, or free Cuſtomes, or be outlawed, or exiled, or any otherwiſe deſtroyed, nor we will not paſſe upon him, nor condemn him, but by lawfull judgment of his PEERS, or by the Law of the Land.
See the 3. of E. 1. ch. 6. And that no City, Borough, or Towne, nor any man be amerced wiithout reaſonable cauſe, and according to the quantity of his treſpaſſe, 9. H. 3. 14. that is to ſay, every free man, ſaving his freehold, a Merchant ſaving his Merchandiſe, a villain ſaving his waynage, and that by his or their Peers.
Now here is the expreſſe Law of the Land againſt the Lords juriſdiction over Commons in criminall caſes.
Now in the ſecond place, let us ſee what one of the ableſt expoſitors of the Law that ever writ in England, ſaith, of this very thing ▪ and that is Sir Edward Cooke, in his expoſition of Magna Charta 2. part inſtitutes, which book is publiſhed by two ſpeciall orders of the preſent Houſe of Commons, as in the laſt page thereof you may read: who, in his expounding the 14 Chapter of Magna Charta, p. 28. ſaith, Peers ſignifies, Equalls, and pag. 29. he ſaith, the generall diviſion of perſons by the Law of England, is either one that is noble, and in reſpect of his nobility, of the Lords Houſe in Parliament; or one of the Commons of the Realms, and in reſpect thereof, of the Houſe of Commons in Parliament, and as there be divers degrees of Nobility, as Dukes, Marqueſſes, Earles, Viſcounts, and Barrons, and yet all of them are comprehended within this word, PARES; ſo of the Commons of the Realme, there be Knights, Eſquires, Gentlemen, Citizens, Yeomen, and Burgeſſes of ſeverall degrees, and yet all of them of the COMMONS of the Realme, and as every of the Nobles25 is one Peere to another, though he be of a ſeverall degree, ſo is it of the Commons; and as it hath been ſaid of men, ſo doth it hold of Noble-women, either by birth, or by marriage, but ſee hereof Chap. 29.
And in Chap. 29 pag. 46. Ibim: he ſaith, no man ſhall be diſſeiſed, that is, put out of•eiſon, or diſpoſſeſſed of his freehold (that is) Lands, or livelihood, or his liberties, or free Cuſtoms, that is, of ſuch franchiſes, and freedoms, and free Cuſtoms, as belong to him by his birth-right, unleſſe it be by lawfull judgment, that is, verdict of his equalls (that is men of his own condition) or by the Law of the Land, (that is, to ſpeake it once for all) by the due courſe, and proceſſe of Law.
No man ſhall be in any ſort deſtroyed, (to deſtroy id eſt; what was firſt built and made, wholly to overthrow and pull downe) unleſſe it be by the verdict of his equalls, or according to the Law of the Land.
And ſo ſaith he is the ſentence (neither will we paſſe upon him) to be underſtood, but by the judgment of his Peers, that is equalls, or according to the Law of the Land, ſee him page 48. upon this ſentence, per judicium Parium ſuorum, and page 50. he ſaith it was inacted that the Lords and Peers of the Realme ſhould not give judgment upon any but their Peers: and cites, Rot. Parl. 4. E. 3. nu. 6. but making inquiry at the Record-Office in the Tower, I had this which followes, from under the hand of Mr. William Colet the Record-Keeper.
Out of the Roll of the Parliament of the fourth yeare of Edward the third
THE FIRST ROLL.
Records and Remembrances of thoſe things which were done in the Parliament ſummoned at Weſtminſter, on Munday next after the Feaſt of Saint Katherine, in the yeare of the reigne of King Edward the third, from the Conqueſt, the fourth, delivered into the Chancery, by Henry de Edenſtone Clerk of the Parliament.
THeſe are the Treaſons, Felonies, Wickedenſſes,The judgement of Roger de Mortimer. done to our Lord the King, and his people, by Roger de Mortimer, and others of his confederacie. Firſt of all, whereas it was ordained at the26 Parliament of our Lord the King, which was held next after his coronation at Weſtminſter, that foure Biſhops, foure Earles, and ſix Barons, ſhould abide neere the King for to counſell him; ſo alwayes that there may be foure of them, viz. one Biſhop, one Earle, and two Barons, at the leaſt. And that no great buſineſſe be done without their aſſent, and that each of them ſhould anſwer for his deeds, during his time. After which Parliament, the ſaid Roger Mortimer, (not having regard to the ſaid aſſent) took upon himſelf Royall power, and the government of the Realm, and encroacht upon the State of the King, and ouſted, and cauſed to be ouſted, and placed Officers in the Kings Houſe and elſe-where throughout the Realm at his pleaſure, of ſuch which were of his mind, and placed John Wyard and others over the King, to eſpy his actions and ſayings; ſo that our Lord the King was in ſuch manner environed of ſuch, as that he would not doe any thing at his pleaſure, but was as a man which is kept in Ward.
Alſo whereas the Father of our LORD the KING, was at Kenilworth, by ordinance and aſſent of the Peeres of the Land, there to ſtay at his pleaſure for to be ſerved as becommeth ſuch a Lord, the ſayd Roger, by Royall power taken unto himſelfe, did not permit him to have any money at his will; and ordered that hee was ſent to Barkly Caſtle, where, by him and his, he was traiterouſly and falſly murthered and ſlain.
But that which is to my purpoſe, is Roll the ſecond, being the judgement of Sir Simon de Bereford, which verbatim followeth thus.
THE SECOND ROLL.
ALſo, in the ſame Parliament, our Lord the King did charge the ſaid Earles and Barons, to give right and lawfull judgement, as appertained to Simon de Bereford, Knight, who was aiding and counſelling the ſaid Roger de Mortimer in all the treaſons, felonies, and wickedneſſes, for the which, the foreſaid Roger ſo was awarded and adjudged to death, as it is a known and notorious thing to the ſaid Peeres, as to that which the King intends.
The which Earles, Barons, and Peeres, came before our Lord the King in the ſame Parliament, and ſaid all with one voyce, that the foreſaid Simon was not their Peere, wherefore they were not bound to judge him as a Peere of the Land.
27But becauſe it is a notorious thing, and known to all, that the aforeſaid Simon was aiding and counſelling the ſaid Roger in all the treaſons, felonies, and wickedneſſes aboveſaid, (the which things are an uſurpation of Royall power, Murther of the Liege Lord, and deſtruction of Blood-Royall) and that he was alſo guilty of divers other felonies and robberies, and a principall maintainer of robbers, and felons: the ſaid Earles, Barons, and Peeres did award and judge, as Judges of Parliament by the aſſent of the KING the ſame Parliament, that the ſaid Simon as a traitor, and enemy of the Realm, be drawn and hanged. And thereupon it was commanded to the Martiall, to doe execution of the ſaid judgement. The which execution was done and performed the Munday next after the Feaſt of St. Thomas the Apoſtle.
In the ſame Roll.
And it is aſſented and agreed by our Lord the King,Agreement not to bee drawn into example. and all the Grandees in a full Parliament, that albeit the ſaid Peeres, as Judges of Parliament, took upon them in the preſence of our Lord the King, to make and give the ſaid judgement by the aſſent of the King, upon ſome of them which were not their Peeres, and that by reaſon of the murder of the Liege Lord, and deſtruction of him which was ſo new of the Blood-Royall, and ſonne of the King; that therefore the ſaid Peeres which now are, or the Peeres which ſhall be for the time to come, be not bound or charged to give judgement upon others then upon their Peeres, nor ſhall doe it: (But let the Peeres of the Land have power) but of that for ever they be diſcharged and acquit, and that the aforeſaid judgement now given, be not drawn into example, or conſequent for the time to come, by which the ſaid Peeres may be charged hereafter, to judge others then their Peeres againſt the Law of the Land, if any ſuch caſe happen, which God defend.
Agreeth with the Record, WILLIAM COLET.
28It is the ſaying of the ſpirit of God Eccle. 4.9.12. two are better than one, and a threefold cord is not eaſily broken, ſo that to prove my poſition true for all the Rabſhaca Language of Gangrena, I have firſt the fundamentall Law point blank on my ſide, and 2. the Judgment of one of the ableſt Lawyers that ever writ in England and his Judgment authoriſed (as good and ſound) by the preſent Houſe of Commons, to be publiſhed to the view of the whole Kingdome, and 3. the Lords own confeſſion, for if you marke well, the 2. laſt lines, of the forecited record, you ſhall finde, they ingeniouſly confeſſe and declare, that it it againſt the Law of the Land, for them to judge a Commoner, and for further confirmation of this, reade Vox Plebis pag. 18. 19. 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42. 44. 45. But if the Vlcerous Gangrena pleaſe to read a late printed booke, called Regall Tyranny diſcovered, he ſhall finde that the author of that Book, in his 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 86. pages, lays down many ſtrong arguments to prove, That the Houſe of Lords have no Legiſlative power at all. And in his 94, 95, 96, 97. pages, he declares & proves, That before Will. the Conqueror ſubdued the rights and priviledges of Parliaments, the King and the Commons held and kept Parliaments without temporall Lords, Biſhops, or Abbots. The two laſt of which, he proves, had as true and as good a right to ſit in Parliament, as any of the preſent Lords now ſitting at Weſtminſter, either now have, or ever had.
For the ſecond thing, which is, Whether or no there be not in the preſent Parliaments Declarations, and in the Aſſemblies exhortation to take the Covenant, and in Mr. Prynnes Soveraigne power of Parliaments, and other Presbyterian books publickly licenced, and others ſold without controll, as much, if not more, ſaid, to ſet up, or maintain that which Gangrena calls Vtopian Anarchy, then in any Book what ever publiſhed by thoſe he calls Sectaries: And I averre it poſitively, There is, and ſhall joyn iſſue with Gangrena to prove it in every particular. Therefore let him publiſh an exact Catalogue of any of our Poſitions, when he pleaſeth, and I doubt not, but to make it evident, that it cannot juſtly by them be counted any vice in us, to tread in their ſteps, eſpecially ſeeing they have accounted them ſo full of piety, truth and honeſty; as they have done.
Now firſt, for the Parliaments Declarations, read but the Kings anſwers to them, and you ſhall eaſily ſee he layes it as deeply to their charge of endevouring to ſet up Anarchy, as Gangrena doth either29 to mine or Mr. Overtons; yea, and inſtances the particulars, and tels them plainly, The Arguments they uſe againſt him, will very well in time ſerve the people to turn againſt themſelves.
And as for Mr. Prynnes Soveraigne power of Parliaments, I never read more of that Doctrine (in any Book in all my life) that Gangrena ſo much condemnes in me, &c. then in that very Book, which is licenced by Mr. White, a member of the Houſe of Commons, and in his dayes as ſtiffe a Presbyterian as Gangrena himſelfe. See his 1. part Sover. pag. 5, 7, 8, 9, 19, 26, 29, 34, 35, 36, 37. But eſpecially 42, 43, 44, 47, 57, 92. And 2. part, pag. 41, 42, 43, 44 45, 46. & 73 74 75, 76 & 3. part. 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17. & 61, 62, 63, 64, 65. & 131, 132, 133.
And 4. part, pag. 10, 11, 15, 16. See his Appendix there, unto pag. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 ▪ and 11: 12. 13, &c.
Beſides theſe, ſee the firſt and ſecond part of the Obſervations; Maximes unfolded; the caſe of Ship-money briefly diſcourſed; A new Plea for the Parlement; A fuller Anſwer to a Treatiſe, written by Dr. Fern, with divers others.
Now for the third thing, which is the tryumph Gangrena makes in his 3 part Gangrena, pag. 158. which is, that in my book, (called Innocency and Truth juſtified, which I publiſhed the laſt year, 1645.) I give that to the Lords, which now I in 1646. in many wicked Pamplets would take away from them: ſuch new light, ſaith he, hath the ſucceſſe of the new modell; and the recruit of the houſe of Commons brought to the Sectaries: Well I will the man ſtand to this? if hee will, then I deſire the impartiall Reader to judge betwixt us, and turn to the 11, 12, 36 37, 74. pages of that book: in which pages, is contained all that any way makes to his purpoſe; or elſe turn to the 157 pag. of his book, and ſee, if in all my words there quoted by him, there is any thing that carryes the ſhadow of giving that to the Lords, that now I would take from them; for there I am a reaſoning with Mr. Pryn, or the houſe of Commons, not upon my principles, but their own.
And therefore, I ſay, a Committee of the houſe of Commons, is not the whole Parliament; no, nor the whole houſe of Commons it ſelf, according to their own principles, which is the only clauſe he can fix upon.
And good Mr. Gangrena, is it not as juſt, and as man-like in me,30 if I be ſet upon, by you, when I have no better weapons to cudgell you with, then your own, to take them from you, & knock your pate, as to make uſe of my own proper weapons, to cut you ſoundly, or any other man that ſhall aſſault me to the hazzard of my Being; & this is juſt my caſe, that you count ſuch a diſgrace unto me.
But ſay you there, I have owned their legiſlative power, and their judicative power over Commons: Therefore, you draw an inference to condemn me from mine own practiſe. Alas man! may not I lawfully ſeek or receive a good turn from the hands of any man; and yet as lawfully do my beſt, to refuſe a miſchief from him?
But ſecondly, I anſwer, what though the 4. of May, 1641. I ſtooped to a tryal at the Lords Barre, upon an impeachment againſt me, by the King, doth that ever the more juſtifie their Authority, or declare me to be mutable and unſtable? No, not in the leaſt; for you cannot but know the ſaying of that moſt excellent Apoſtle Paul, 1 Cor. 13.11. When I was a child, I ſpake as a child, I underſtood as a child, I thought as a child; but when I became a man, I put away childiſh things. So ſay I to you; five or ſix yeares ago, I knew nothing but the Lords Juriſdiction was as much more above the Houſe of Commons (over Commons) as their Robes and Grandeur in which they ſate was above them; eſpecially, ſeeing at all Conferences betwixt both Houſes, I ſee the members of the houſe of Commons ſtand bare before the Lords: for which action I now ſee no ground for, eſpecially having of late read ſo many bookes which diſcourſe upon the Lords juriſdiction, which was upon this ground about a moneth or ſix weeks.
A Gentleman, a Member of the houſe of Commons, and one that I believe, wiſheth me well, bid me look to my ſelf; for to his knowledg, there was a deſign amongſt ſome of the Lords (the grounds of reaſons of which, he then told me) to clap me by the heeles, and to fall ſo heavie upon me, as to cruſh me in pieces, or elſe make me at leaſt an example, to terrifie others, that they ſhould not dare to ſtand for their Rights.
And being thus fore-warned, I was half armed, which made me diſcourſe upon every opportunity with any that I thought knew any thing of the Lords Juriſdiction, and I found by a generall concurrence, that the 29. Chap. of Magna Charta, was expreſly againſt the Lords Juriſdiction over Commoners in all criminall caſes: And upon that ground I proteſted againſt them: and then upon further inquiry31 I found Sir Edward Cookes Judgment expreſly againſt them, and is before recited: which book, Mr. Gangraena, I muſt tell you, is publiſhed ſince my firſt tryall before the Lords, and was not publikely in being when I then ſtooped unto their Juriſdiction; and then coming priſoner to the Tower, one of my fellow-priſoners very honeſtly told me of the fore-mentioned Record of Sir Simon de Bereford, which preſently with all ſpeed under M Colets hand I got out of the Record-Office:
All which juſt and legall authorities and teſtimonie makes me ſo ſtiffe againſt the Lords, as I am; and I hope I ſhall continue to the death againſt them in the thing in queſtion betwixt us, as unmoveable as a brazen Wall, come hanging, come burning, or cutting in pieces, or ſtarving, or the worſt that all their malice, and the ulcerous Gangrena Prieſts put together can inflict: For all that I principally care for, is to ſee if the thing I engage in, be juſt; and if my conſcience upon ſolid and mature deliberation, tell me it is, I will by the ſtrength of God, if once I be engaged in it, either go through with it, or dy in the midſt of it, though there be not one man in the world abſolutely of my mind, to back me in it.
But laſtly, admit in former times, I had been as abſolute a Pleader for the Lords Juriſdiction over Commons, as now I am againſt them.
Yet truly, a man of Mr. Gangraenaes coat, is the unfitteſt man in the Kingdom to reprove me for it: For his Tribe, I mean of Prieſts and Deacons, thoſe little toes of Antichriſt, now called reformed Presbyters, are ſuch a Weather-cock, unſtable generation of wavering minded men, as the like are not in the whole Kingdome.
For their Predeceſſours in Henry the 8. dayes, were firſt for the Pope ▪ and all his Drudgeries, and then for the King and his new Religion, and then 3. in his time, returned to rheir vomit again: and then 4. in Edward the 6. dayes, became by his Proclamation godly reformed Proteſtants: and then 5. in Queen Maries dayes, by the authority of her and her Parliament (which Parliament, I do aver it, & will maintain, had as true a ground to ſet up compulſive Popery, as this preſent Parliament hath to ſet up compulſive Presbytery) became for the generality of them bloudy and perſecuting Papiſts: And then 6. by the Authority of Queen Elizabeth and her Parliament (who had no power at all, no more then this preſent Parliament, to wreſt the Scepter32 of Chriſt out of his hands, and uſurpedly to aſſume the Legiſlative Power of Chriſt, to make Lawes to govern the Conſciences of his people; which they have nothing at all to do with, He having made perfect, compleat, and unchangeable, Lawes himſelf, Eſa 9.6, 7, and 33.20, 22. Acts 1.3. and 3.22, 23. and 20.26, 27. 1 Cor. 11.1, 2. 1 Tim. 6.13, 14. Heb. 3 2, 3, 6) became again a Generation of pure and reformed Proteſtants, and have ſo continued to this preſent Parliament: But now like a company of notorious forſworn men (who will be of any Religion in the world, ſo it carry along with it profit and power) after they have for the generality of them, taken and ſworn ſix or ſeven Oaths, that the Biſhops were the only true Church-government, and that they would be true to them to the death.
Yet have now turned the 7th time, and ingaged the Parliament and Kingdom in an impoſſible-to-be-kept oath and Covenant, to root up their ghoſtly Fathers the Biſhops as Antichriſtian, from whom, as Miniſters they received their Life and Being.
Yea, and now the 8th. time haue turned & fallen from that Covenant and Oath, by which they made all ſwear that took it; not onely to root out Biſhops, but all Officers whatſoever that depend upon them: in the number of which, are all themſelves, having no other ordination to their Miniſtery, but what they had from them, and ſo are properly, really, and truly dependents upon them; and yet now of late have by themſelves and inſtruments, as it were forced the Houſe of Commons to paſſe a vote, to declare themſelves all forſworn, that had a finger in that vote, and ſo a people not fit to be truſted: For, by their late Vote, no man what ever muſt preach and declare Jeſus Chriſt; but he that is ordained; that is to ſay, unleſſe they be depending on the Biſhops by Ordination, or elſe on the Presbyters, who are no Preſbyters, unleſſe they depend on the Biſhops for their Ordination; for they have no other: and what is this elſe, but to puniſh every one that ſhal truly endeavour the true and reall performance of the Covenant? Truly, we have lived to a fine forſworn age, that men muſt be puniſhed, and made uncapable to bear any office in the Kingdome, if they will not take the Covenant.
And then if they do take it, it ſhall be as bad, if they will not forſwear themſelves every moment of time, that the Aſſembly ſhal judg it convenient, and the houſe of Commons vote it.
And truly, there is in my judgment a good ſtalking-horſe for this33 practiſe in the Aſſembly of Dry-vines (alias Divines, Deut. 32.32, 33. Eſa 44.52.) Exhortation to take the Covenant, in theſe words, and if yet there ſhould any oath be found, into which any Miniſters or others have entred, not warranted by the Lawes of God and the Land, in this caſe, they muſt teach themſelves and others, that ſuch Oaths call for, rapentance, not particularly in them; that is to ſay, that neither the Covenant, nor any other Oath whatſoever, that they have before, or hereafter ſhall take, binds them any longer then the time that they pleaſe to ſay it, is not warrantable by the Lawes of God, & the Land, and ſo by this Synodian Doctrine, a man may take a hundred Oaths in a day, and not be bound by any of them, if he pleaſe.
Beſides, I would fain know, if by the Parliaments ſo eager preſſing of the Covenant, they do not preſſe the haſtening of many of their own deſtructions: For by the Covenant every man that takes it, is bound thereby to maintain and preſerve the fundamental lawes of the Kingdome, with us every day troden under foot, by ſome of the members of both Houſes arbitrary practices, not onely towards Cavaliers, (for which they have ſome colour by pleading neceſſity) but alſo towards thoſe of their own party, that have as freely and uprightly adventured their lives to preſerve the lawes and liberties of the Kingdome, as any of themſelves: for juſtice and right effectually they have ſcarce done to any man that is a ſuiter to them. And therefore I here chalenge all the Members of both Houſes, from the firſt day of their ſitting to this preſent houre, to inſtance me, that man in England, that is none of themſelves, nor dependance upon themſelves, that they have done effectuall juſtice to, though they have had thouſands of Petitioners and Complainants for grand grievances before the Parliament; ſome of which have, to my knowledge, even ſpent themſelves with proſecuting their buſineſſe before them, and run themſelves many hundred pounds thick into debt to manage their buſineſſe before them, and yet to this houre not one peny the better; and yet they can finde time enough ſince I came priſoner to the Tower, to ſhare about 200000.l of the Common-wealths mony amongſt themſelves, as may clearly be particularized by their owne newes bookes licenced by one of their own Clerkes. O horrible and tyrannicall wickedneſſe! Was a Parliament in England ever called for that end, as to rob and poll the poore common people, and to force thoſe that have ſcarce bread to put in their mouthes, to pay exciſe,34 and other taxations, or elſe to rob and plunder them of all they have, and then ſhare it amongſt the members of both houſes; as 10000.l to one man, 6000.l to another, 5000.l &c. to another, and this many times to thoſe that never hazarded their lives for the Weal-publique; no, nor ſome of thē never intended, I am cōfident of it, good to the generality of the people; but that they ſhould be as abſolutely their vaſſals & ſlaves (if not more) as ever they were the Kings. O thou righteus and powerfull Judge of Heaven and Earth that of all the baſe things in the world, hateſt & abhorreſt diſſemblers & hypocrites. Jer. 7.9, 10, 11 12. to 16. Matth. 23, deal with theſe the greateſt of Diſſemblers thy ſelf, who like ſo many bloudy and cruell men, have ingaged this poor Kingdom in a bloudy and cruell war, pretendedly for the preſervation of their lawes and liberties; when as God knowes by a conſtant ſeries of actions, they declare they never truly and really intended any ſuch thing, but meerly by the bloud and treaſure of the people, to make themſelves tyrannicall Lords and Maſters over them: So that for my part, if I ſhould take the Covenant, I proteſt it before the God of Heaven and Earth, without fear or dread of any man breathing, I ſhould judge it my duty, and that I were bound unto it in duty, in conſcience, by vertue of my oath, to do my utmoſt to proſecute even to the death, with my ſword in my hand, every member of both houſes, that ſhould viſibly ingage in the deſtruction of the fundamentall Lawes & Liberties of England, and proſecute them with as much zeal, as ever any of them proſecuted the King: for tyrannie, is tyrannie, exerciſed by whom ſoever; yea, though it be by members of Parliament, as well as by the King, and they themſelves have taught us by their Declarations and practiſes, that tyrannie is reſiſtable; and therefore, their Arguments againſt the King, may very well ſerve againſt themſelves, if ſpeedily they turn not over a new leaf: for what is tyrannie, but to admit no rule to govern by, but their own wils? 1 part col. declar. pag. 284, 694.
But Tho: Gangrana, one word more to you; your threatning to write a book against liberty of Conſcience, and toleration of Religion: I pray let me ask you this queſtion, if the Magiſtrate, quatenus as Magiſtrate, be Judge of the Conſcience, and thereby is indowed with a power to puniſh all men that he judgeth, conceiveth, or confidently believeth, are erroneous and hereticall; or, becauſe in Religion he differeth from the magiſterial Religion in the place where he lives; Then35 I pray tell me, whether all Magiſtrates, quatenus as Magiſtrates, have not the very ſame power? And if ſo, then doth it not undeniably follow, that Queen Mary and her Parliament did juſt in her dayes, in making a law to burn thoſe Heretiques, that diſſented from her eſtabliſhed Religion? who were as groſe in their tenents in the then preſent Magiſtrates eyes, as any of your Sectaries tenents are now in the preſent Magiſtrates eyes, and if you, and your bloody-brethren of the Clergy-Presbytery, ſhal ingage the preſent Parliament and Magiſtracie, to proſecute the Saints and people of God, under pretence of heretical Opinions, I wil upon the hazzard of my life juſtifie and prove it againſt you, and the preſent Parliament, that you and they thereby juſtifie Q. Mary in murdering and burning the Saints in her dayes; yea, and all the bloudy-perſecuting Roman Emperors, that cauſed to be murdered thouſands of the Saints, for bearing witneſſe to the teſtimony of Jeſus; yea, and all the perſecutions of the Jewes, againſt Chriſt and his Apoſtles; yea, and the putting them to death, and ſo bring upon your own heads all the righteous bloud ſhed upon the Earth, from the dayes of righteous Abel, to this preſent day, Mat. 23.29, 30, 32, 33, 34, 35. which I warrant you will bring wrath and vengeance enough upon you.
Now Mr. Lieutenant, a few words more to you, and ſo conclude; I deſire you in the next place, not only to provide me gratis, a priſon-Lodging, for I can pay Chamber-rent no longer; but alſo to provide me my diet, according ro the cuſtome of the place; for you cannot but know, and if you do not, I now tell you that the King was alwayes ſo noble and juſt, as to do it to all the Priſoners he committed to this place, of what quality ſoever: of the truth of which,**Who as I have lately heard, confeſſed hee ſpent his Maj. 1500.l while he was a priſoner heere. Col. Long, Col. Hollis, and Mr. Selden, &c. now members of the houſe of Commons, can informe you; and how that themſelues, when they were the Kings priſoners here in the 3. of His Raign (for ſpeaking and acting freely in the Parliament) were maintained by the King, according to their qualities, though ſome of them had great eſtates of their own, in their own poſſeſſions and enjoyments; and now, as the newes-books tell me, are voted 5000.l a piece, for their then illegal ſufferings.
And Sir, the Lords who committed me hither, have in a great meaſure the Kings Revenue in their hands at their diſpoſe; and therefore, I expect, now I ſeek for it, they ſhall be as juſt as their Maſter (whom they have ſo much condemned for injuſtice) and provide for me, according9 to my quality. And, Sir, I muſt tell you, that I am very confident I have as many noble qualities in me, and as much of a man in every reſpect, as any of thoſe that ſent me hither; (For Titles of Honour, without Honeſty and Juſtice, are no excellenter then a gold ring in a Swines ſnout;) Yea, and have given as large a declaration of it to the view of the world, as any of them, what ever, hath done. And therefore, Sir, if they ſhall deny me this peece of juſtice and equity, I will, by Gods aſſiſtance, tell them as well of it, as ever they were told in their lives.
But, Sir, in the third place, if this faile me, I deſire you to ſpeake to them to allow me intereſt for my two thouſand pounds, (it being ſcarce twice ſo much as I have ſpent ſince I firſt became a ſuiter for it,) that they the laſt year decreed me, for my illegall, bloody, barbarous, and inhumane ſufferings by the Star-Chamber; which, I dare confidently ſay, were more tormenting then all the ſufferings of the above-mentioned Gentlemen, and their co-partners. (See my printed Relation of it made at the Lords Barre 13. Feb. 1645.) For which, as I underſtand, there is 50000. l reparations voted them by the Houſe of Commons,) that ſo I may have ſomething of my own to live upon. For without ſome of the three fore-mentioned things be done for me; I muſt either periſh, or run exceedingly into debt, which, I profeſſe, I am very loath to to doe: or laſtly, live upon the alms of my friends, which, I confeſſe, is not pleaſant unto me. And beſides, the freeſt horſe, or horſes in the world, with continuall riding, may not onely be wearied, but alſo jaded and tyred.
But if they will not yeeld that I ſhall have my lodging gratis, and my diet found by them, nor intereſt for my many yeares expected, and long-looked-for 2000. l that laſt yeare they decreed me; nor the remainder of my juſt Arrears, (which yet is divers hundreds of pounds, that I faithfully, valiantly, and dearly earned with the loſſe of my blood) to maintain and keep me alive, and my wife and ſmall children.
Then, as my laſt requeſt, I intreat from you, to deſire them to call me out to a legall tryall, and by the law of the Kingdome, (but not their arbitrary wils) either to be juſtified or condemned. And here, under my hand, I profeſſe, I crave nor deſire, neither mercy nor favour at their hands, but bid defiance to all the adverſaries I I have in England, both great and ſmall, to doe the worſt their malice7 can unto me; alwayes provided, I may have a legall tryall, by my Peeres, my Equals, men of my own condition; according to the juſt, eſtabliſhed, unrepealed, fundamentall law of the Land, contained in Magna Charta, and the Petition of Right: And truly, Sir, if upon theſe tearmes they will not call me out, but reſolve to keep me here ſtill, I will, by Gods aſſiſtance, before many moneths be expired, give them cauſe (with a witneſſe) to call me out: for here, if I can help it, I will not be deſtroyed with a languiſhing death, though it coſt me hewing to peeces, as ſmall as fleſh to the pot. For if it had not been that my report hath lain ſo long dormant in the hands of Col. Henry Martin, the glory of his Age amongst Parliament men, for a lover of his Countrey; whoſe credit and reputation I ingeniouſly confeſſe, I ſhould be very loath in the leaſt (if I could avoid it) to beſpatter.
But in regard by all the meanes and friends I can uſe to him, I cannot get him to make my report; though I deſire nothing at his hands but a bare indeavour of the diſcharge of his duty, to quit himſelfe of it, let the iſſue be good or bad, all is one to me, ſo it were but done, or endeavoured to be done: I had long ſince made a formal appeal to the people, but in regard of my conſtant hard uſage both from divers Lords and Commons, and their Jaylors, and other inſtruments, & the many unreſiſtable prickings forward of my own ſpirit, which preſſeth me rather to hazzard the undergoing of Sampſons portion, Judg. 16.21. then to be forced to degenerate frō the principles of Reaſon (the King or chiefe of all Creatures) into the habit of a bruit beaſt, and ſo to live a ſlave or vaſſal under any power under the Cope of Heaven, whether Regal or Parliamentary or what ever it be.
And therefore, having now with a long deliberated deliberation, committed my wife and children to the tuition, care, and protection of a powerful God, whom, for above theſe ten years, I haue feelingly, and ſenſibly known as my God in Jeſus Chriſt; who with a mighty protection, & preſervation hath been with me in ſix troubles, and in ſeven, and from the very day of my publique Conteſt with the Biſhops; hath inabled me to carry my life in my hands, and to have it alwayes in a readineſſe, to lay it down in a quarter of an hours warning, knowing that he hath in ſtore for me a manſion of eternal glory.
All theſe things conſidered, I am now determined, by the ſtrength of God, if I ſpeedily haue not that Juſtice, which the Law of England38 affords me, which is all I crave, or ſtand in need of, no longer to wait upon the deſtructive ſeaſons of prudentiall men: but forthwith to make a formal Appeal to all the Commons of the Kingdome of England, and Dominion of Wales, and ſet my credit upon the tenters to get money to print 20000. of them, and ſend them gratis to all the Counties thereof: the ingredients of which ſhall be filled with the Parliaments own Declarations and Arguments againſt the King, turned upon themſelues, and their preſent practiſe, and with a little Narrative of my Star-chamber tyrannicall ſufferings; and thoſe I haue there to complain of, are firſt Dr. Lamb, Guin, and Aliot, for committing me. And 2. Lord-Keeper Coventry, Lord Privie-Seal Mancheſter (that corrupteſt of men, whoſe unworthy Son, is now, and hath been for ſome years, the chiefe Proſecutor of my ruine, for no other cauſe, but that I have been honeſt, valiant, and faithfull, in diſcharging the truſt repoſed in me, which he himſelf was not) my L. Newburgh, old Sir Henry Vane (a man as full of guilt, as any is in England, whoſe baſeneſſe & unworthineſſe I ſhall anatomize to the purpoſe) the L. chiefe Juſtice Bramſton, & Judg Jones, who ſentenced me to the Pillory, and to be whipt, &c. And then 3. Canterbury, Coventry, Mancheſter, Biſhop of London, E. of Arundel, Earl of Salisbury, Lord Cottington, L. Newburgh, Secretary Cook, & Windebanke, who ſentenced me to ly in irons, and to be ſtarved in the priſon of the Fleet; With a ſhort Narrative of my uſage by Lords and Commons this preſent Parliament; and conclude with a Declaration of what is the end, wherefore Parliaments by law ought & ſhould be called which is, to redreſſe miſchiefes & grievances, &c. but not to increaſe them, 4. E. 3. 14. & 36. E. 3. 10. to provide for the peoples weal, but not for their woe, Book Declar. 1. part. pag. 150. and yet notwithſtanding all the truſt repoſed in them, and all the Proteſtations they have in their publique Declarations, made, faithfully, without any private aimes, or ends of their own, to diſcharge it: And notwithſtanding all the bloud and money, that hath been ſhed, and ſpent at their beck and commands, I would fain have any of them to inſtance me any one Act or Ordinance, ſince the wars begun, that they have done or made, that is for the univerſall good of the Commons of England, who have born the burthen of the day. Sure I am, they have made ſeveral Ordinances to eſtabliſh Monopolies againſt the Fundamental Lawes of the Kingdom, and thereby haue robbed free-men of their trades and liveli-hoods, that at their command have been abroad a39 fighting for maintaining the Law; and in practiſe, annihilated Magna Charta, and the Petition of Right: So that a man (though of their own Party) may periſh, if committed by a Parliament-man, or Parliament men, hefore he can get the Judges to grant an Habeas Corpus, to bring him and his cauſe up to their Bar, there to receive a tryal (ſecùndum legem terrae) that is according to the Law of the Land, although the Judges be ſworn by their oathes to doe it.
So Sir, deſiring you ſeriouſly to conſider of the premiſes, which I could not conveniently ſend you, but in print, I reſt
Your abuſed Priſoner, who is reſolved to turn all the ſtones in England, that lye in his way, but he wil have right and juſtice againſt you, JOHN LILBURN, ſemper idem.
From my illegall and chargeable captivity in Cole-harbour in the Tower of London,this 30 Jan. 1646.
FINIS.