The chiefe Events in the Spaniſh Monarchy.
AFflicted Europe weepes (for many ages) from time to time at her ruines, either becauſe God doth moſt chaſtiſe the careleſneſſe of thoſe whom he loveth beſt, and ſo it is good will; or becauſe he moſt puniſheth the faults of them who are moſt bound unto him, and ſo it ſeemes revenge: he either trieth as mercifull or ſcourgeth as wrathfull. Sometimes ſhe ſeeth her Inhabitants bloudy themſelves in civill warres, and oftentimes ſhe ſeeth her land overflowne with barbarous Nations. Our bitterneſſe calls ſimplicitie Barbariſme and him barbarous, who is not tedious of other mens affaires; who is content with his owne, as long as it is able to maintaine him; who to offer violence, will firſt have it offered to himſelfe; who goeth againſt a man through a deſire of preſerving himſelfe,2 and not through greedineſſe of growing great; who ſlayeth another to preſerve his own life, who invadeth Countries to get a dwelling place; valorous without cunning; hardy without deceit ▪ as if Nature were worſe then Art, and he beſt who much knoweth, when much knowledge ſerveth him to doe the greater hurt.
Warre was once more terrible to Nations when it was moved againſt them to dwell in the Country, then when the aime was domination; The one; was againſt all, the other againſt one in loſing, the one obliged to change a maſter, the other to leave being one. Now adayes alſo the worſt would be our leader, if our lamentable times with a moſt evill compariſon did not juſtifie it. The Countries were more fortunate, the men leſſe evill. The neceſſity of living pricked men forward and not the greedineſſe of commanding, nor the hatred of him that commanded. The land changed its Inhabitants, it did not loſe them, men did not deſtroy the houſes where they meant to dwell ▪ they did not make the land barren which was to nouriſh them, they3 peopled it, and did not lay it waſte, and it did renew it, more then ruine it; Then was Europe a prey, but to men, now it is a prey to the Sword, Fire, Famine, and Peſtilence; warre taking the dominion away from one, and not gaining it to the other, if ſo be command is meant over men, and not over buried carkaſſes which are turned to duſt; over fruitfull and abounding plaines, and not a deſert, burnd, unmanured, and barren Countrie.
In theſe turbulent motions ▪ and deplorable, times came in the yeare one thouſand ſix hundred thirty nine, the fire of diſſentions burning more then ever, and like Mount Aetna, ſhewing no ſigne of going out, as if it alſo had its Scillaes and Charibdies, which devouring the wealths of Kings and Nations, did feed upon bloud and treaſure.
Germany was deſtroyed, full of civill warres. The French overcome, but not weakened, nor mortified, thought upon revenge. Great Britaine as laſt in the world, was rather then forgotten, reſerved for the laſt beames which made an influence of warre over Europe, and now feeling the dammages of it, ſought for a4 remedie. The ſtate of the Auſtriacall Monarchy was various; Flanders victorious, but not ſecure; Spaine triumphant and threatned; The affaires in Burgundy dangerous, in Braſill doubtfu•l, in Germany adverſe; Weymar poſſeſſed of Briſack, the Swede of Bohemia, the Turkiſh armies ready to move, the Hans townes wavering, the Switzers irreſolute; The Fleet ſet upon by the Hollanders, and though not overcome, yet hindered and ſtaied. In vain did the Catholick King deſire peace, withſtood by the Rebels obſtinacie, the enemies greedineſs, & agreement of their Officers. Theſe not being able to bee governed but by the violence of motion, and the other not ſatisfying, ſome their rage, ſome their envy, but with conqueſts of new Cities and Kingdoms ▪ did already make eaſie things ſeeme difficult with ſtrange pretences, and difficult things eaſie with new tributes, levies, and Engines.
In the meane time the body of Chriſtendome, infirme, languiſhing, and hurt in its moſt ſolid parts co•ſumed like an Ectick, either finding no Phyſician, or wanting a remedy. It ſeemed5 becauſe of the ſharpneſſe of the ſeaſon to reſt, and accumulate matters to kindle a new paroxiſme. The motion did not ceaſe, paſſing from the body to the head, from the heart to the mind, which partly diſquieted, partly neceſſitated, ſtudied a•l meanes to trouble the bodies, and ſtirre up armes.
In France the Officers diſcourſed of making new conqueſts in Flanders of making ſure the affaires of Germany, of troubling Spaine by Sea and by Land ▪ little reflecting upon the buſineſſe of Italy, where they weighed not the loſſe of ſmall places, and thought time long in conquering great ones. That in the meane time the Spaniſh Army would decreaſe, and theirs increaſe. That they wou•d goe to relieve p•aces, and force their enemies either to give over what they had undertaken with ſhame, or fight with danger. That they ſhould gaine in Flanders, and in Burgundie, and what ſiniſter accident ſoever ſhould happen they eſteemed not the loſſe of a place in Italy conſiderable (beyond which they imagined thoſe powers could not reach) they having ſo many there,6 ſo that they thought it impoſſible to be counterpoiſed, much more to be overcome.
In Spaine were very different thoughts, they looked upon the affaires of Italie, as their chiefe ſcope. That it was good to goe with great ſtrength where the reward was great, the oppoſition ſmall. The dates which they ſet in Piemont would be ſufficient to bring foorth olive trees. That to be the moſt ſenſible part of Europe. Thither to be called by men, and invited by fortune, and if the one did ſhew themſelves favourable, and the other ſhould prove proſperous, the King of France his conqueſts would be counterpoiſed and he would be called into that Province where he moſt feared, and be diverted from that where he had moſt hopes.
They were not careleſſe of the defence of their other States: the proviſions for Flanders were great both of men and money: Foure Millions and a halfe of ſilver; Seaven thouſand Foot at the Groine ready for to go; an Army of Germans under the command of Count Picolomini, all old Souldiers, and new Levies in the7 Country. Holſatia and Burgundia were to be releived with an Army under the Command of Don Franceſco di Melo. In Spaine, Cantabria was made ſure with foureteene thouſand Horſe and Foote who aſiſted it. And for a ſupply of the Forces in the County of R•nciglione there were great Levies appointed to be made in that Province. A Tertia of Walloones which was comming out of Flanders, the Italian Infantrie which the gallies of Spaine, Scicilie, Naples and Genoa were to bring over in the Spring. Now for to keepe the Mediterranean Sea, and the Ocean, there ſhould bee, the Navies which ſhould come from Carthagena and Cadiz, that which was at the Groine, and the Ships of the Fleet which was expected out of the Indies. And to ſecure themſelves totally from the threatnings of mighty Fleets which were preparing in Britanie, the Coaſt of Spaine was all furniſhed, with Men ▪ Ammunition, and Proviſion. Providing for Land affaires as if they wanted defence by Sea; And thinking upon the Fleet at Sea as if they could not defend themſelves by Land ▪
A victorie obtained againſt the Hollander8 at Sea gave a beginning to this years conqueſts, an enemy of a long time, and yet domeſticall; almoſt at home, and therefore continuall.
Some Dunkirk Ships were to goe to the Groine to take in ſome Spaniſh Infanterie, they went to Mardick to joyne with the reſt having fought with the emie, who ſtrong with a Fleet of ſeaventeene ſaile all of ſtrength, came to beſiege them at the mouth of the haven. The Generall Michael d'Orno, though unequall in ſtrength, yet ſuperiour in courage, being not able to endure the rebells inſolence, with a proſperous wind came forth of Mardick and ſet upon them three times. The firſt time though for a little ſpace they fought generouſly, yet the Hollander made ſome ſhew of giving back ▪ the ſecond he gave back the third he fled and getting into their owne harbours left a moſt glorious victory to his Majeſties forces which joyfully, being but eight ſhips ſtrong furrowed the waves to gather the fruites, many promiſing them the dominion of the Ocean yeelded by the Hollander ſhut up and weakened.
9But who is the Maſter of the Ocean? It is not overcome, though in it one overcommeth, yea he often is conquered by the Sea, who hath conquered man. He that was overcome fled and the Sea is overcome by flying it. He that overcommeth fighteth, and who fighteth with the Sea looſeth by it ▪
There aroſe the moſt horrideſt tempeſt that was in the memory of th'eldeſt men, it ſcattered the ſhips & tore them, ſo that with much toile, and almoſt by miracle they came into harbour, ſome at Oſtend, and ſome at Dunkirk, without rudders, ſailes, or maſts, more like reliques of a ſhipwrack then ſhips fled from the injury of the waves.
I could note to make you bend the eyebrowes the ſtrangeneſſe of it; there being but very few houres betwixt the rejoycing with triumph and the bewayling of loſſes ▪ if I would therein follow the tracks of a wiſe man who for an admirable particularitie of the Sea cried out, that in the ſelfe ſame place ſhips were one day playing and ſporting and caſt away the next. As if the Land did not produce ſuch effects, which are not10 thought of nor obſerved, becauſe they are more frequent. Who ſeeth not that in the ſelfe-ſame bed, where man taketh his beſt reſt, and where he enjoyeth ſometime amorous, ſometime Matrimoniall delights, bee a ſo lets forth his laſt and vitall ſpirits and breathings with paine and horrour amidſt tormenting ſorrowes?
The Marqueſſe of Fuentes care did get the ſhips mended, and ſhipping two thouſand Walloons in them for the [Groigne, cauſed them to ſet ſaile.
The Enemy was returned powerfull within ſight of the Harbour, out of which his Majeſties ſhips came, but not with happy ſucceſſe, for ſome run aground, and other for want of wind could not get out; there were but five that fought. Michael d'Orno ſet upon the Holland Admirall with ſuch fierceneſſe, that he had almoſt ſunke her, ſhee ſhunned the boarding, and preſently fled with the reſt of the ſhips, and in the flight met with two of the Kings ſhips. The Sea grew calme, the Captaine and the Admirall runne on ground, ſo that the enemy was left with the two ſhips, playing upon them with11 their Ordnance, but would not adventure to boord them. So here were two great victories, which the Kings Forces, obtained againſt the Rebels, the one was counterpoiſed by too much wind and the other almoſt changed for want of wind.
The Captaine got off, and all the reſt of the ſhips but the Admirall; the enemys battered retired to their owne Ports for reliefe, and the Kings ſhips to Mardick and Dunkirke, and from thence after they were mended they went away with their Walloons, and arrived ſafely into Spaine, where the Cardinall Infanta writ in what diſtreſſe Burgundy was, Weymer being come into it ▪ and having taken Pontaglier ▪ and Joigri, by meanes whereof he cut off that Province from all reliefe of Armes and proviſions from the Switzers.
His Majeſty ſent money, and order to the Marqueſſe of Leganes, that he ſhould aſſiſt them with men.
In the mean time Prince Thomas was extraordinarily importunate at Court, to get leave to goe and aſſiſt the buſineſſe of Italy. That his Country did burne, that the Government was ſwayed by a paſſionate12 woman, an unable Prince, and Officers wonne, bought, hindered, and forced by the French. That the lawes gave him and the Cardinall the tuition. That hee could not juſtifie to the world his ſtay in Flanders to looke upon the flames. Hee promiſed his Majeſty fruitfull actions, and that he likewiſe promiſed to himſelfe from his Majeſty, juſtice and love, if hee ſhould have recourſe to his Clemencie, and great aſſiſtance, if there were need of power. That he had many intelligences, and that he was called thither, by his friends, malecontents, convenience, obligation, and hope.
Every one did not applaud this going into Italy, many believing it could doe no good, did prognoſticate great dammage might enſue thereupon. The malecontents within, ſhewed every thing to be eaſie for them as went out, becauſe they ſhould trouble the State; and theſe made every thing ſeeme eaſie to the King ▪ wherein they might aſſiſt him, promiſing themſelves more then they could performe, and promiſing more then they knew they could performe. Force of Armes, nor intelligence of Princes could13 not gaine ſo many places to his Majeſty, as the Dutcheſſe deſpaire might give unto the King of France. True it is, that her reaſon of State is not that ſhe ſhould deliver them into the hand of the French, and that now in caſe the affection of Siſter ſhould perſwade her to it, the love of a Mother would diſſwade her from it: But if ſhe ſhould imagine that they muſt be loſt, ſhee would ſooner fall into the armes of a Brother, then under the feet of her Kinſmen. Convenience is the reaſon of State, and they are all counterpoiſed while a ſtate remaines, but it being loſt, revenge takes the place of conveniencie, and rage the place of reaſon; The future is not diſcourſed upon, onely the preſent is hated, neither doe they conſider which is the beſt, when all are bad. The ſick man, whileſt he hopes to obtaine health patiently endures thirſt, hunger, iron, and fire, but if he once falls into diſpaire, he abhorres the Phyſician, and hates the remedies worſe then the diſeaſe. The powers of the Spaniard untill that time to have ſeemed to the Dutcheſſe to be againſt the French ▪ her ſtate to ſerve for a field to wrath, and not for14 a reward to victories. If ſhe ſee the Princes of Savoy with thoſe forces ſhe will think them to be againſt her. And whereas before in caſe of loſſe, the King of Spaines more moderate mind, did promiſe her reſtitution; the title of Kinſman might deceive her, and the juſt title of the King of France; and of both theſe things did aſſure her the emulation which was between them, and the agreement betweene the Princes of Europe. And ſhe might now doubt that in this third, the contraries might agree, the emulation might be appeaſed, the Subjects ſatisfied, and the world contented; there being not wanting lawfull, ſpecious, apparent, and hidden titles and pretences. Intelligences do worke better a farre off by their power, then neere by their perſon; thoughts which men have cannot be ſeen; but the eyes doe ſhew where a man meanes to hit. That Prince Thomas in Flanders did thrive and gaine as preſent, in Italic as abſent, changing of countrie he might breed turmoile on the one part and doe hurt in the other, if not in both. Oſtentation to be the greateſt enemy that this enterpriſe could have, enough15 will be done, if they can perſwade that little can be done. The Dutcheſſe will not deſperately caſt her ſelfe into the hands of the French, and they will not go with great powers, where they imagine not to gaine great rewards, or hinder great conqueſts. Scarce ſhall Prince Thomas appeare, but the one, and the other growen jealous and ſuſpicious, will ſtirre up every ſtone, and uſe the uttermoſt endeavour, they will change all governours both in holds and armies, and fill every thing with French; whereby the one ſide aſſured of the treacherie, and the other not forbearing to attempt it, cunning being in vaine employed, the time will be loſt of helping ones ſelfe with force. Nature hath thought craft to be hurtfull to valour, and onely helpfull to cowardlineſſe, granting it to the weakeſt kind of beaſts, and denying it to the moſt valorous. They are both hindered when they are together, diminiſhing when they are mixed, and being good for nothing when they are diminiſhed. That it was not knowne of what degree Prince Thomas his perſon ſhould be in the army; it was not convenient he16 ſhould be ſuperiour to the Marquis of Leganes, and to have him inferiour would be diſſonant. Howſoever he would breed diſturbance, in Warre, in Peace, in overcomming, and (peradventure more) when he had overcome.
But wiſe men, and thoſe who underſtood his Majeſties mind aright, diſcourſed the contrarie. That it had alwayes bin helpfull to the conquering of countries, to have in the armies perſons of their blood who ruled. This meanes which had ſerved many to cover injuſtice and to deceive people, would now ſerve to ſhew the truth, and to undeceive thoſe which went aſtray. That nothing could hinder his Majeſties good intention more, then the not being knowne, and that nothing could make it more knowne then the preſence of thoſe who were intereſted. Should he feare the Dutcheſſe ſhould deſpaire? let her do what ſhe wil, when ſhe hath done what ſhe could doe ſhe will peradventure not be more deſperate (and that queſtionleſſe) when ſhe is aſſaulted. Her mind cannot be gained, it muſt be forced, ſhe will give unto the French, whatſoever the Spaniards doe17 not take. That the King ought to procure that ſhee might be wonne to her ſelfe, taking away her eſtate, that ſhe may not loſe it, with an intent (as a guardian) to reſtore it to her again when her Frenzie is over-paſt, and that ſhee hath recovered her health. In the mean time that it is neceſſarie to hinder her from caſting it into the hands of the French, and binde theſe to leave that by force, which they had through covetouſneſſe uſurped, or to reſtore it through envie. The preſence of thoſe Princes to bee neceſſary, they had not yet gathered ſo many intelligences, as they would gather. Let Potentates and ſtrange Commonwealths Armies once heare them, and they will know that the King of Spaine goeth to protect, and not to gaine. Let the Subjects ſee their faces, and they will believe they come to govern them, and not to fight with them. All will follow them, partly confeſſing themſelves oblieged for received favours, and partly knowing themſelves freed from the oath which was given them, honour and conveniencie not hindering them, and feare and intereſt pricking them on. That thoſe18 people hate the French, and diſtruſt the Spaniards, and ſo being unreſolved between diſtruſt and hatred, they ſhall ſcarce ſee the Princes, but without exact examination of the buſineſſe, they will without any further conſideration caſt themſelves into their armes. He who is in a ſtreight betweene two contraries, feares hurt from each, and as ſoone as he ſeeth a third, without further adviſe, he runnes precipitouſly to him. The hatred will be encreaſed towards a womans government, and contempt of a childes. Diſtaſters will be imputed, ſome to the ignorance, and ſome to the evill will of them that rule. They will deſire to change their Lord, and at laſt they will change him.
They confeſſed that intelligences which are had in States, promiſe more then they can doe, counting of that which others ſhall doe, and that others are deceived in the doing, making accompt of that which hath been promiſed them. Hee that means to undertake an enterpriſe and ſets intelligences foremoſt in an accompt, ſhall find himſelfe deceived. Theſe ought to follow hopes, not to19 frame them, doing ſervice enough, when other things are diſpoſed, as if they ſerved for nothing. Great forces confirme thoſe who are well affected, and gaine thoſe who ſtand doubtfull; Small forces loſe every one, even thoſe whoſe underſtandings were before perſwaded; That his Majeſtie did confide in the greatneſſe of Armies, as in a ſubſtance, in that of intelligences as in an accident. Who comes into a State with theſe two, runnes like a torrent, and the further hee goeth, the more he increaſeth. That Prince Thomas his valour, and experience in his owne Countrie (if no other circumſtances did concurre) promiſed victories. That the Marqueſſe of Leganes gentleneſſe of mind, (who without loſing the Supream power, could yeild the ſupreame honour) would ſecure all diſturbances in the progreſſe; And the good intention of the King and Princes, after they had gone forward. The King not weighing whether it were profitable or hurtfull that Prince Thomas ſhould goe into Italie, onely willing to ſatisfie the deſire he ſeemed to have of it, granted him leave: and he came thither juſt at that time that20 the Marquiſſe of Leganes incited by many Letters of Count Duke, reſolved to take the field.
Hee knew that to overcome the Frenches valour, it would be very advantagious to conquer their nature. Hee already for two yeares time had happily found by experience, what a great helpe celeritie was in Matiall affaires: and that greater ſwiftneſſe was able to counterpoiſe greater force. The nature of the heavens ſheweth it, wherein the weakeſt are made the ſwifteſt, becauſe the inferiour ſhall not be hindered by the mightier. The Moone whoſe influence hath not vertue to equall Saturnes, ſheweth her effects more cleete, and if ſhe doth not produce them greater, ſhee reiterateth them more often, ſupplying the weakneſſe of her beame, with the ſwiftneſſe of her motion. The French is brought into ſtreights by being prevented: either he believes not himſelfe to be come time enough to opperate, and ſo gives himſelfe over, or he moves out of time, and ſo loſeth himſelfe. The Spaniard is not ſo: his nature is ſlow, and when that ſlowneſſe imprints a quality21 which ſeemes to be hurtfull, not failing in what is neceſſary, he brings into conſequence the others which follow it, in ſuch manner equalled with the firſt, that they make it profitable, or at leaſt they doe correct it. Who ſo is overcome in his peculiar quality, ruines with the conſequent; Not by reaſon of the firſt which he hath loſt, but of the reſt which he hath not changed.
The Marqueſſe of Leganes ſent D. Martino d' Arragon, with a part of the Army to the paſſes; And hee with the reſt came to Novara; Thither came Prince Thomas, they diſcourſed of the ſurpriſall of Civaſco, and it was reſolved in Vercelli to attempt it. The Prince with two thou and Horſe did attempt it; and having had good ſucceſſe, hee being ſtrengthened with two thouſand foot which the Marqueſſe ſent him, ſet upon Jurea, aſſaulted it, got within the Walls and wonne it, Veglia yeilded to him, and becomming Lord of both their Territories, hee became Maſter of the vale of Oſta.
Don Martino of Aragon thinking that to gaine Cencio, it was firſt neceſſary for22 him to take Saliceto a ſmall Caſtle, ſent D. Lewes of Lincaſtro, thither, he raiſed a Battery againſt it with two Demi-Cannon. D. Martino went to view the place, and a Musket-ſhot hitting him in the forehead, ſlew him. A Souldier of extraordinarie valour, who had with his hand juſtified what he was; He was loving to his inferiours, affable to his equalls, and reverent to his betters. Great in place, experience, hope and merit. Worthy to live to performe greater matters, or to die upon a greater ſervice. But there was nothing to be found fault with in him, if ſo unhappy a death had not given cauſe to accuſe fortune.
The loſſe of D. Martino, might have occaſioned ſome competition amongſt the chiefe Officers, which uſeth to end in tumults, But D. Lewis Ponze of Leon giving no time to diſcourſes, came to remedie it with his perſwaſions, and chiefly by his example; For calling them altogether, he ſhewed them, that he was one of his Majeſties Councell of warre, the eldeſt field Marſhall, and of the tertia of Lombardie; hee ſaid that by reaſon of theſe qualities, and of ſome circumſtances,23 by right the government belonged to him, which he did voluntarily lay downe, ſacrificing his owne intereſt to the good of the King his Maſter, who when he receives dammage by a competition, every he who is in the right doth deſerve puniſhment: there being no private reſpect that can parallel a publike dammage. That advices came of the enemies approaching; That the command might bee better deſerved by fighting then by competition. If they did not agree, there would be no fighting no commanding, and all would be loſt. That the Governour of Milan ſhewed, which way he inclined when he ſent D. Antonio Sotello to ſeize on the workes; The not yeilding to this would be a thwarting of the Marqueſſe his deſires, and to hinder rather then to accept of the command, which if it were laid downe, ought rather to be refuſed with wiſedome, then be afterwards forcibly left with ſhame.
They all approved of this diſcourſe, content to be commanded by D. Antonio Sotello. The King in his Letter acknowledged himſelfe to be well ſerved by D. Lewis his diſcreet proceeding, not only24 for the preſent act (which occaſioned a Victory, and the like being not obſerved in times paſt had occaſioned great loſſes) but chiefly in reſpect of the document which ſo rare an example would leave unto poſteritie: and admitted of no exception, becauſe that beſides the having right on his fide, hee wanted not great valour, and the like experience, beſides the Nobility of his famous houſe.
This action ſo new, and ſo unuſuall in the Kings Armies deceived the Cardinall of Vallette, and the Marqueſſe of Villa, who went with all their forces to relieve Saliceto, thinking to find the Souldiers without a Commander, or with many confuſed ones. They found them commanded by D. Antonio Sotello, with ſo much union, order, and valour, that comming to battell, they were routed and put to flight, with the death and impriſonment of the boldeſt. A great part of the Victory, ought to bee acknowledged from D. Lewes Ponze di Leon and his Regiment, who after he had modeſtly yeilded to his friends, fought valiantly againſt his enemies ſhewing himſelf more fit to govern then ambitious of governing.
25So was that ſtrong place wonn, which would have troubled any other Army that had not been Spaniſh, for the ſpace of a whole yeare, and was a place of great importance, one part of it ſtanding upon the entrance of Piemont, and the other to ſecure Finall.
This piece of Army was returning to joyne with the Marqueſſe under the conduct of Don John di Garrai, and comming neere to Verrua in an evening, he tooke the out-workes; At the dawning of the day he aſſaulted it five wayes; wonne it, Set upon the Caſtle, and it yeilded to him.
Hee was revenged of the wounds which he had received in that place when he ſerved the Duke of Feria, and if hee did in ſome way diſgrace his Maſters act taking that in foure houres, which his Maſter could not take in three moneths; yet did hee doe much credit to his advice, the Dukes Counſell being them to aſſault it, not to beſiege it: Then hee joyned with the Marqueſſe of Leganes, who laid Siege to Creſcentino, and though it had a dike full of water, deepe, and well fortified, and kept26 by a Garriſon of thirteene hundred French, yet in eight dayes he wonne it.
It will not peradventure be diſtaſtefull if I here ſet downe what reaſon moved the King of Spaine at firſt to invade the Duke of Savoy his Dominions, for the ſting of revenge, reaſon of State, nor rigor of juſtice are not ſufficient motives for his mild piety, to bring him on to endammage other men, if he were not otherwiſe violently moved thereunto.
Marqueſſe Forni Amadeo, Duke of Savoy his Ambaſſadour was in Madrid, who in the name of the Duke his Maſter, promiſed all friendſhip, and forbearance of hoſti•ity, when the Duke at the ſelfe-ſame inſtant joyning with France, entred into the State of Milan; when (for feare of breeding jealouſie) it lay in a manner diſarmed: with an Eccleſiaſticall perſon over the Politick government, and an old man over the Militarie; So that from one skirmiſh to another, it came to that paſſe, that if they would not yeeld without any more ſtirring, they muſt bee forced to adventure it upon a battell at Tornevento, with ſo much diſadvantage, that nothing (neceſſity excepted) could27 have freed it from the judgement of a moſt raſh act.
Being as it were by miracle eſcaped out of theſe ſtreights, Duke Amadeo died. And what rational man then would have ſaid ▪ that it was not then juſt for the King of Spaine to overthrow his Dominions, who had deceived him with publick faith? and joyning with his enemies, had aſſaulted the State of Milan, and brought it in jeopardy of loſing. What Politician would not have judged it neceſſarie, not to leave an example ſo pernicious to all Monarchies, viz. that they might bee ſet upon by inferiour Princes, and thoſe Princes receive no other dammage therby, but the not obtaining of the iſſue-of their deſires? And what humane heart of fleſh would have blamed the King for running upon a revenge neceſſarie in Policie, and lawfull in Juſtice; Yet his Majeſty courteous, not vindicative: magnanimous, not Politick, pious with Juſtice, and not juſt with rigour, propounded Peace to the Dutcheſſe if ſhe would forbeare to aſſiſt the French, taking upon him to make an agreement between her and the Princes her Allies; what28 could he doe more to have this Vine produce Grapes? yet it brought forth nothing but wilde ones. What could he do leſſe, then come in with fire and Sword, to ſhew what gentleneſſe provoked with ingratitude, and mercy ſleighted by obſtinacie can, and is able to doe? Yet hee hath not done it; he burned onely to fatten the ſoile, and deſtroy the weeds; He cut downe to engraft Plants, to cauſe them bring forth fruits in ſtead of thorns; He overcame the Mother, that ſhe might not ruine her Sonne; He moved war to eſtabliſh peace and ſeized on dominions to reſtore them.
The French were already come into low Germany, with two mighty Armies, the one under the command of Migliari, to goe upon the Country of Artois, the other led by Fucchieres to enter upon the land of Luxenburg. The deſignes were to renew the name & recover the Kingdom of the ancient Auſtraſia. Surely a great thought, and befitting a high mind that were not moſt Chriſtian. The provocatives were the remembrance of Charles the great, and the greatneſſe of the houſe of Auſtria, the end to renew the firſt, and ruine the laſt.
29The firſt things wherein Princes are in their younger yeares inſtructed, are〈◊〉great acts of their Predeceſſors; They hear them rehearſed with delight, whileſt they are not able to act them (infirmity of humane nature, which not to remaine without glory, having none of their own, appropriate other mens to themſelves, and takes from the fortune of Birth, that which ſprings onely from the worth of the perſon.) But if their ſpirit growes up with their age, thoſe relations which once ſeemed to pleaſe, do now torment, to praiſe, reprove, and tormenting and reproving enflameth them, firſt to be imitators of their Aunceſtors, and to follow their ſteps; then to emulate and outgoe them, which ever tieth them either to live idle in deſpaire, or troubleſome to diſquiet the world: And if by chance to the memory of thoſe who are paſt, be added an emulation of ſome that are preſent, finding greater in their owne and other families by reading and practiſe experience. And if equalling the firſt conſiſts in overcomming the laſt, What provocations will theſe bee to fight with them? Surely very ſharpe ones. 30And what ſhall be the ends of fighting with them, certainly peace and quietneſſe, not of the world, but their owne, for not being able to attaine unto thoſe ends, but by overcomming the world, they ſet that at variance, and conquer it not, but diſquiet, and ruine it.
Happy is the King of Spaine (and by his meanes the Chriſtian world) who hath no emulators, who being greater then he, doe diſquiet him, and hath no memories of any Anceſtors, but ſuch as tie him rather to keep what he hath, then to gaine more. His quiet is not moved, but he appeaſeth motions, he ſhuns war, and loves peace: never takes up Armes, but to cauſe them to be laid down.
The Cardinall Infanta gave order to Piccolomini to goe ſet upon Fucchieres, and bid him battell. The Marqueſſe of Fuenes to oppoſe Migliare his proceedings, who after the burning of certaine Caſtles and Townes, had laid ſiege to Edino. And the Count of Fera was to watch the Hollander, who was drawing neere to the Iſland of Bommell. Things ſeemed here to be well ordered, but a ſudden accident had like to have diſturbed31 them. Banier had routed, ſix thouſand of th'Imperiall Foot, the Emperour deſired ſo many men of Piccolomini to ſupply that want. It was judged in Flandars, that to ſend thoſe men, would but little helpe the Empire, and occaſion the totall ruine of that Province.
That the French was to be more looked after then the Swede. That Banier would not effect that which the King of Sweden could not doe, the King of France might doe it. Nothing is more eaſie then to know his intent, and there is no Prince or Common-wealth in Germanie, but if he knew it, would take up armes to hinder it. All of them might hinder it, if they would determine ſo, and they would all know it, if they would reflect upon it.
The firſt thing the King of France deſires, is to make himſelfe Emperour, and it will bee the laſt hee will attaine to; His Anceſtors began with the taking of Metz, Tul, and Verdun he hath followed theſe with the taking in of Alſacia and Lorraine. Being Lord of Teonville, hee will now take Luxemburge, Burgundie will totally fall, the Palatinate will not32 bee able to defend it ſelfe, hee will become Maſter of the Land of Trever, and all the old Auſtraſia, hee will ſubdue th'Eccleſiafticall Electors, the Kings of Spaine will loſe Flanders, Caeſar the Empire, and the Common-wealths of Germanie their Liberties, and the Princes their States.
The Father of this Emperour found himſelfe in th'extreameſt ſtreights having nothing left him but Vienna (and that beſieged) whileſt he was not as yet Emperour. The King of Spaine relieved him with reputation, Armies and Treaſures, which he could not have done, had he not been Lord of Flanders; Hee became victorious, ſubdued his enemies, recovered his Dominions, made himſelfe Emperor, & his Son King of the Romans.
It is a great Error for a little evill not to ſhut the doore againſt greater ones, which will ſuddenly happen, and then bee remedileſſe; and a great loſſe of reputation, for a ſmall loſſe to forſake the intereſts of Germanie, Italy, Weſtphalia and Flanders.
The emperour and the King of Spaine their Dominions are ſeparate, to enjoy33 every one his owne, in time of peace, but they are not divided upon occaſion of defence in time of Warre; Where dangers are common, it is not good to make the intereſts particular. A man ought not to take more care of his owne ſtate then of anothers, if his greateſt intereſt lieth in the others.
If the caſe require it th'Infanta would goe in perſon to defend him; And would leave (as hath beene done at other times) the King his Maſters Dominions to aſſiſt him, but th'occaſion doth not now require it.
If Piccolomini his Forces ſhould goe away (which in a manner bridle the bounds of Weſtphalia and the Rhine) the Princes who are friends, and if they faulter not, doe at leaſt feare) loſing courage, would accept the enemies proffers, which they would not doe, let the pretences bee never ſo ſpecious, if they were not put to deſpaire.
It would be fourtie dayes before theſe Forces could come to the place where there was need of them; in the meane time there might either bee no need of34 them, or greater would bee required, which might then bee ſent him, ſeven thouſand Foot being daily looked for out of Spaine, there being new levies in the Countrie, and daily hopes of routing the enemy.
The Forces might be defeated by the way, and the French might ſet upon Piccolominie being weakened; and overcome him, or with a few Horſe ſet upon this reliefe, and rout it, ſo that it would arrive too late and defeated or being overthrowne, would not come thither at all.
Theſe reaſons ſhewne by the Cardinall to Piccolomini, perſwaded him to ſtay till further order, and being likewiſe repreſented to the Emperour, he was contented to deſiſt and preſſe it no further.
The King of France his Fleet conſiſting of forty great men of warre, and more terrible by reaſon of thirty fire ſhipps, which ſailed along with it, ſet ſaile being commanded by th'Archbiſhop of Bourdeaux, who thus encompaſſed with fire and Sword (as Taſſo deſcribes Lucifer withſtanding heaven) carried Vulcan in Neptunes lappe, to fire rather then fight.
35Hee came within ſight of the Groine. There commanded on the ſhore, the Marqueſſe of Valpraiſo, who endowed with Spaniſh valour had alſo ſome French fantaſticalneſſe in him; The ſhipping was under the command of Don Loze di Ozes, a valiant Souldier, and moſt expert Mariner, moſt happy in all his enterpriſes whenſoever he ſtruggled with the Sea, or fought with his enemie, if ſo be the fire was not his enemie, or the Sea became not a Hell. Th'Archbiſhop endeavoured to draw neere the Haven, hee was put back with loſſe. He tried to burn the ſhipping, & he was oppoſed by floating timber which ſhut off the entrance of the Haven.
Theſe things paſſed by Sea, and by Land were greater dangers threatned by the preparation of Armes, and proviſion which was made at Narbona: the report went the Prince of Conde was to invade the Countie of Raciglione with a powerfull Army.
This Monarchy was ordained to have warres, either for him, or by him; And hee alwayes to retire, either into Spaine, being perſecuted by the French, or into36 France, being purſued by the Spaniard, by a retreat receiving curteſies, and with another repaying them.
Wiſe men imagined the Enemies intent to be rather to amaze with reports, then to ſet upon with Armes, to threaten rather then aſſault, to divert rather then conquer. The diverſion poſſible to bee obtained by ſetting up three or foure Colours at home, without diſplaying them in the field, Liſting men, without ſtirring them. Conqueſts to be almoſt impoſſible, diſgraces eaſie, and the dammages certaine. No account to be made of Salſas, and though it ſhould chance to bee loſt. Perpignane not to be feared though it ſhould be aſſaulted, being ſtrong of it ſelfe, back'd by a Province abundant in proviſion, rich in coine, and numerous in hardie and valiant men. That the King of Spaine would bee the hardlier turned. by reaſon he was tied to defend himſelfe being aſſaulted by great Forces, and had ſtrength enough to doe it, and becauſe of th'effect which the love of their King, and the hatred they have to the French, might worke in the hearts of the Catalonians. That his Majeſtie had with the37 Havens, the Dominion of the Sea, his Gallies might hinder any one elſe from becomming maſter of it. This gate being cloſed, it would be impoſſible for the French to maintaine a potent Army, ſeeing hee was to bring Ammunition and proviſion on his backe, ſo farre for it. The fire to bee kindled in Italie. Piemont in eminent danger to bee loſt, and the Kings Siſter with it. That it was good to draw the Spaniards thither, where the reward was great, and whither they could not come but by Sea, where the Climate is different, and where once routed it was hard for them to bee recruited. That Nature had parted theſe two Nations with th'Appenines, the Spaniards Foote to bee more valiant, and the French more numerous in Cavallerie; The one to bee forced to come into the Mountaines to move warre, where they can make no uſe of that wherein they moſt abound, and the others to deſcend into the plaine, where that was needfull, which they moſt wanted. To ſo many motives of reaſon, and naturall cares, was added the ancient experience, and38 eſpecially the moderne of Fonterable, where the laſt yeare they loſt ſo many men, and ſo much reputation.
But now in theſe dayes experience is followed, onely wherein it is favourable; if adverſe, it muſt bee overcome, and though its authority be not denied, yet it muſt be interpreted; The cauſe is attributed to chances, which alwaies accompany every great enterprize, and the croſſe of chances imputed to the Commanders, changing of which in ſtead of taking away th'inconveniences, they alter the Generalls, in ſtead of amending the evill, they multiplied and increaſe it.
One runneth not twice into an error, when in the ſame there is both ſhame and loſſe, for the danger of loſſe will not ſuffer them to adventure the ſhame. Enterpriſes obtaine not their effects, either becauſe they are projected, or badly executed, the error is ſometimes in the one, ſometimes in the other: but the fault is alwayes laid on him who can leaſt helpe it.
It is common to all men to erre, but proper onely to brave men to confeſſe39 their error; He that hath often dealt infallibly, if he receive blame for being once deceived, receives no ſhame by confeſſing that he was deceived, It is no abaſement of ſpirit, nor loſſe of reputation; It is a confidence in ones owne credit, which is not feared to be loſt in one onely action. Hee that confeſſeth an error, bindeth himſelfe to the cancelling of it by ſome great attempt, whereas he that denieth it, ſeemes to be ſubject to commit a greater. And it is ſtrange that an ignorant man will never confeſſe one, when the wiſe man affirmes, that the juſt man commits ſeven in a day.
The French Army (numerous being of twenty thouſand Foot, commanded in chiefe by the Prince of Conde, a Lord of a great bloud, and ſecondarily by the Duke of Luin, a Souldier of great valour) was by the moſt Chriſtian Kings Officers ſent into the Countie of Ronciglione, as though they would overcome the bounds of nature, the valour of the Spaniards, and alter the Generalls fortune; Fortune ſmiled, but did not favour; Valour overcome by multitude, appealed to time: Nature was betrayed, and not overcome.
40The Governour of the Caſtle of Oppoli, a ſmall place, a paſſage of thoſe Mountaines of a craggie ſituation, inacceſſible by Ordinance, and almoſt impenetrable to man, ſuffered himſelfe to be ſurpriſed by a Fanatick terror. The cries of the French threats entred into his eares, the number of the men preſented it ſelfe before his eyes, and in ſtead of viewing them with emiſſive rayes, which he might have done a farre off from the foot of the hill, he received th'impreſſion of them in th'eyes of his imagination, he figured them to himſelfe, as if they were before him, and was diſturbed, and before hee could come to himſelfe againe, he loſt his courage, his diſcourſe and himſelfe: for yeilding up the Caſtle to the French, hee and his Lieutenant were put to death at Perpignane, puniſhing him, and by his puniſhment giving others example.
The Count of Santa Colomba governed the Province of Catalonia in thoſe dayes to the King and peoples great ſatisfaction, a Gentleman of great hopes, though but of ſmall experience. The defect of this quality ſuffered him not then to bee an eminent Souldier, the plenty of other41 promiſed he would be one. Hee was noble, apt, prudent, calme, and valiant. In a peaceable government, you could have deſired no more: And in warre hee ſo behaved himſelfe, that it ſeemed that did him no hurt, which he was defective in; For providing diſcourſing, and doing every thing exceeding well, none could judge he needed that which hee onely wanted.
Hee did not find himſelfe to have ſtrength enough to reſiſt the enemie in the field; The men he looked for to recruit that Armie were not yet come; greater conveniencie, therefore was to be exppected, it being reaſonable to doubt in things not to be queſtioned at that time.
The Marqueſſe of Leganes buſineſſe would not permit to have ſix thouſand Foot taken from the Army which were allotted for that place, ſeeing he had loſt many men in the Conqueſt, and employed many to ſecure the conquered places. The Gallies of Naples and Sicily, thinking their orders for comming into Spaine had a connexion with thoſe ſix thouſand Foots comming, ſtayed for new orders,42 whereby they retarded the arrivall of the Tertia of Modona of the Levies made within the Territories of Lucca, and of the old Gally ſouldiers. The Catalaines, either becauſe they did not imagine the enemy would at that time ſet upon thoſe parts, or becauſe they were too much tied to the Letter (conſtruing their priviledges too ſtraitly and rigorouſly) had not made any fitting preparation. To all theſe accidents there concurred at laſt (to the great wrong of wiſdome, which oppoſed is the ruine of wiſe men) ſome French Officers had intercepted certaine Letters ſent by the Marqueſſe of Leganes, importing that the Prince of Conde with his Forces in Linguadoc was to march towards Italy. It was eaſily believed, for if it was not, it ought to have been ſo; and though it did not perſwade to deſiſt from being carefull, yet it diſſwaded from uſing compulſion.
Spaine was encompaſſed with enemies, a mighty Fleet at the Groine, a great Army in the County of Ronciglione, threatned in the Mediterranean by the Ships and Gallies of Marſeilles, in Cantabria by the Forces which were gathering together43 in Bayona, and yet the people (a thing worthy of note) which laſt yeare were affrighted with one Siege, in a place of no great danger, were no more moved at the rumour of ſo many forces, then if there were none. Whether it were becauſe the French, who have no power to overcome, but at the firſt ſhock could affright them but at the firſt; Or that the people being aſſaulted, where they thought they could not bee endammaged, believed their owne judgement to be deceived, and not the enemies. And not finding what reaſon moved him, becauſe they could not find it, they judged it to be great, and finding it once vaine and weake, giving over unreaſonable feare, they fell into a fooliſh ſecureneſſe.
Novelty deceives the judgement, either becauſe it goeth before the diſcourſe, or becauſe it diſturbeth it. In a moment it ſtrikes to the underſtanding, and forceth it preſently to frame a confuſed and indiſtinct conception: and with deceit increaſeth thoſe paſſions, which ignorance would abate. Every thing in the world is vaine, when it is once knowne. There is no delight can pleaſe the mind44 nor feare can terrifie it; Habit diminiſheth our paſſions, not through any power it hath from cuſtome, but through the want we have of the true objects; Novelty increaſeth them, not becauſe it is unuſuall, but becauſe it is unknowne.
But whether the Spaniards or the French-mens nature cauſed theſe various motions; Sometimes ignorance, ſometimes undeceiving, ſometimes the novelty, ſometimes the habit, Certaine it is that above all other things, that wrought in it (which the eyes of all Spaine ſaw the yeare before) the Kings great wiſedome, wiſe phantaſie, and ſure direction; The certaine judgement, eminent underſtanding, quick execution, and unceſſant labour of the Count Duke, whence aroſe the confidence which encreaſeth the courage, and perſwades obedience; which if it be not deceived in the object, aſſiſts the Victories, and being deceived, it hopeth for them. And if it be not ſufficient to make one overcome, it ſufficeth at leaſt to make him fearleſſe.
The Marqueſſe of Villa Franca, went to command the Spaniſh Gallies which were in Barcellona, Gianattino d'Oria45 arived thither with them of Genoa, Frigets were ſent to haſten away them of Sicily and Naples. It was ordered that the remnant of the Count Dukes regiment ſhould march, and with it ſix thouſand of the choiceſt foot in. Cantabria. That Perpignane ſhould be fully ammunitioned, and that the forces ſhould lie under ſhelter of it; That the Marqueſſe of Torracuſa and Arena ſhould goe thither; That onely five hundred horſe ſhould ſtay for the defence of Cantabria, and the reſt ſhould march to Perpignane; That money, munition and victuals ſhould be provided. That the Levies in Arragon, and Valencia ſhould bee haſtened; that theſe ſhould be perſwaded to defend their Countrey, and all ſhould remember the bond wherein they were tied to their Liege Lord.
The King of France his Fleet lay at the Groine, and vexed the coaſt of Spaine. The Hollanders lay in the Channell, and hindered the ſending of men appointed for Flanders; And becauſe it was neceſſarie to defend the one, and relieve the other, the Count Duke called the Junta of the Councells of State and Warre, without46 which he hath done nothing, and in which hee hath done every thing. If he ſpake firſt, the voting ended in him; Hee left way for nothing but for applauſe; If laſt from him it tooke beginning, mending errors, or by him it got perfection, bettering what was defective.
To deſire to be the onely adviſer of a King, makes not an Officer great, it makes him odious, and expoſeth him to danger, and oftentimes is a ſigne of a raſh mind, which arrogates too much to it ſelfe; ſometimes of a ſuſpicious and miſtruſtfull beart, and many times alſo of a weake breaſt, which ſhunneth the teſt, fearing to divide the Kings favour, and loſe it, if he prove inferiour.
There was ſcarce ever any great Officer, but that deſired to doe every thing himſelfe, and doing it, hath not been ruined. But if the wiſeſt men could not keep themſelves from this itching deſire ſurely there muſt be ſome great conveniencie in it; And if ſo many have beene wracked thereby, there muſt lie hidden in it ſome great danger. Two great qualities which the Count Duke hath, make theſe ſo intricate points even, namely his47 moderation and valour, doing every thing by the advice of counſell, and in counſell prevailing above all; whereby he enjoyeth the conveniencie, of avoyding hatred, and converting it into admiration.
I deſire not to bee alone believed in what I ſay of this great Officer. Let the Originall conſultations of both the great Councells of ſtate and warre together be looked upon, and you ſhall find (which is a thing worthy of wonder) that the vote comming laſt to the Count Duke, upon ſome particular conſiderations of his, many Conſultations have bin altered, all confeſſing that they had erred.
The meanes was canvaſſed in the Junta how to remedy the preſent inconveniences; It was voted by all that the Coaſt ſhould be defended by land, and that the reliefe ſhould be conveyed into Flanders, (if the French Army did not hinder it) by ſayling about Scotland, with a long compaſſe, expoſed to many misfortunes, and by a parcell of Sea, naturally threatning ſhipwracks.
But the Count Duke, in whoſe underſtanding lyeth joyned the whole frame48 of the Monarchie, whoſe breaſt is capable of two worlds, conſidering what veſſells were in Cantabria in foure townes, namely, in the Groine, Lisbon, Cadiz, Alicant, and Cartagena, ſome Merchants Veſſells which were come out of the Indies, together with thoſe as were every day expected with the Fleet, made it appeare that his Majeſty had a Fleet ſufficient to fight with the French, carry reliefe into Flanders, and alſo to paſſe into the Mediterranean Seas, and for a need, fight with the Turke, and relieve the Venetians.
His Majeſty and the whole Iunta agreed with the Count Duke his opinion, who ſent Orders, and provided for neceſſaries, that theſe Fleets might as ſoon as poſſibly they could, be ready to ſet ſaile.
From hence let it bee gathered, how great the forces of the Spaniſh Monarchy are, and which moſt to bee regarded. When theſe did not ſo much as come in ſight nor thought worthy conſideration, though they were greater then ſome, as other great Potentates would make their laſt refuge and ground their higheſt thoughts, and livelieſt hopes upon.
49Piccolomini was marching towards Luxemburg, to fight with Fucchieres, but could not reach him ſo ſoon, but that hee was firſt entrenched and beſieging of Teonvill. He ſet upon him, diſordered two of his quarters, made him breake up, relieved the place, paſſed over the Moſe: fought with him ſquadron after ſquadron, where for a time th'enemy fought valiantly, then gave way, and at the laſt fled.
The French have ſwift and ſubtile ſpirits, eaſie to be moved, and being moved, eaſie to be diſſolved, and becauſe ſwift and moveable, they run preſently where they find occaſion, and united in the ſelfeſame time and place, they make the ſubject at the firſt greater then man and becauſe they are tender and ſubtile, and apt to conſume in the end being weakned, deſtroyed, and diſſolved, they forſake him, and leave him a dead carkaſſe. Such like effects are ſeene every day in a candle before it goeth out, and in a ſick man before he dieth. The candle becauſe it ſhall not ruine at the firſt; by framing a great light, is hindered by the tenacity on groſſneſſe of the matter, which at the latter50 end being ſoftened & rarified, moveable, and light, runs without delay to foment the flame, and increaſe it; it doth it; but for a little time, becauſe there is but little matter left. In a ſick man the ſpirits being ſubtilized by diet, not overburthened, nor hindered by the body already brought low, conſumed & waſted; finding themſelves at liberty and looſ, fiercely ſet upon the diſeaſ; & being more active then ever they were, at firſt they overcome, but being tender, they conſume in overcomming, & being conſumed, not finding where to refreſh themſelves, having none to ſecond them, if they overcome not in an inſtant, they die. The ſlaughter was great, becauſe the foot were all ſlaine or taken. The victory was the more famous by the chiefe Commanders being taken. This Noble man a Politician, and a ſouldier of greater experience in State-buſineſſe then in warres, was adviſed more by politick, then Military art, did rather follow the time, then manage his forces; and loſt, ſeeking to prevent loſſe. Hee knew by th'example of former Captains, that there was no meane; that hee muſt either conquer, or loſe himſelfe, amongſt51 his friends with ſhame, or amongſt his enemies with glory. For in France, where the unwillingneſſe of loſing, was not admitted for a ſufficient reaſon of not having overcome, there remained no proofe of a mans not being able to overcome, but onely by loſing.
Piccolomini ſtayed not to enjoy the victory, he thought to increaſe it by trying Mouzzone, and if hee had attempted it preſently, he had ſurely taken it, but want of proviſions hindered him.
Man propoſeth an end unto himſelfe, and for that end he prepareth his means; if upon a new occaſion he change his end, if he provide not new meanes, he loſeth himſelfe, and while he doth provide them, he loſeth his opportunitie. He that goeth about one enterpriſe, ordinarily cannot performe two, and hee that will undertake two, ſeldome performeth any. Some have not followed victories, becauſe they could not, and ſo have loſt their credit; and ſome, when they ought not, having gone on to follow them have quite loſt them. When one partie is in poſſibility of being overcome, the other is not alwaies fitting to ſet upon him.
52The ſtaying of his Majeſties Officers, gave the Marſhall of Caſtillon time to come and relieve it, cauſing the forces which Piccolomini had ſent thither to retreate, whilſt hee marched on ſpeedily with the Cavalrie (ſent for by the Cardinall Infanta) to relieve Edino, brought to the laſt gaſpe.
The Cardinall of Richelien, the moſt Chriſtian Kings great Officer, had brought his Lord to the Frontiers of Artois, very neere to Edino, were it a purpoſe to give the King the honour of it as Joah did, or upon neceſſitie to encourage the Army, that it might not disband. Confidence of overcomming, or proviſion to overcome, had ſo much the more ingaged him, becauſe that having counterpoiſed the loſſe with the gaine, the following of the enterpriſe, with the deſerting of it; he found it was more reproachfull to retreat halfe flying, then glorious to enter into a ſmall place when it was wonne. Joabs ſucceſſe then had ſome conveniencie in it, now adayes it is become a meere curioſitie. David was a great Commander, it might be thought of him, that by his braine he had taken53 the place, though he was farre off, whereas it would not be thought ſo of other men, though they were neere. But if this were imprudencie, (which I will not affirme) over careleſneſſe transformed it into wiſe dome. For the Garriſon wanting powder, being well aſſaulted, better defended, wanting Ammunition, it was loſt, not being not able to ſubſiſt eight dayes, which had been enough to have made this yeare, the gloriouſeſt yeare that the Monarchy of Spaine had ever ſeene. The Cardinall Infanta could not relieve it for want of Horſe, the Governour for want of Powder, and Piccolomini for want of time.
He came to the Army, and was there received with applauſe; Hee was born of Aunceſtors famous both in Peace and Warre; renowned ſometimes by the Keyes, and ſometimes by the Sword; he ſerved his naturall Lord at Court, in his childhood; Being yet but young, be went to the German warres, and in his firſt beginnings ſhewed himſelfe worthy of the chiefe degrees; He arrived thereunto by the leſſer; for whereas they uſe to ſtay for a time, that yeares may increaſe54 valour, they were faine to ſtay a time, that his age might increaſe, becauſe that which was proportionable to his merit, might not be diſproportionable to his yeares; ſo that leaving it to be queſtioned whether fortune or valour were greater in him, I will onely affirme that he hath been longer valorous then fortunate; Generous, magnanimous, fearleſſe, liberall, and ordained for victories, hee made them ſpring in the middeſt of loſſes, and conquered where he did not overcome. So fortunate, that valour ſeemed to ſuperabound in him, and that hee had no need of it. So valorous, that it ſeemed fortune was ſuperfluous to him, and that he even forced her. This enemy to merit, when ſhe cannot beat it downe by abandoning it, will follow it, to make it ſeeme leſſe: and weakens glories, by dividing that which is not to be divided and requiring ſhare in that wherein ſhe hath not wrought. In his firſt age he was valiant without any defect of wiſedome, in his ſecond wiſe without any diminution of valour. Happy in all occaſion, victorious at all times, ſo that nothing hinders him from being compared with the55 greateſt Commanders of our time, but this onely, that he was never overcome. His Majeſties forces overrunne Piemont without any reſiſtance. Prince Thomas propounded to the Marqueſſe of Leganes, to goe before Turin with the Armie, not to trie the ſtrength of it by force, but onely to ſhew himſelfe, and encourage thoſe friends which he had within it. But all were not of that mind.
Some ſaid that there was no reaſon to goe thither, but onely upon hope of intelligences, which hope was eaſily perceived, when there was no other, and once perceived, was eaſily croſſed. That the Citizen was nothing worth, where the Souldier was armed and forewarned. That darkneſſe and ſuddenneſſe did favour turbulent deſignes, light and time would diſſipate them. That what might be would for that time be made impoſſible, by ſhewing ones ſelfe; And the ſurprizall for ever, by making ones ſelfe knowne. That the courſe of Fortune ought not to be ſtayd, nor reputation endangered, time loſt, and given to the enemy.
Notwithſtanding all theſe reaſons the56 Marqueſſe knowing that it was good to trie any thing which could not bee hurtfull, and dealing with careleſſe men; that might prove eaſie which ſeemed moſt difficult; and to avoid the cenſure of Criticks, which alwayes thinke well of that which hath not been tried, he did not oppoſe Prince Thomas his deſires, and diſpoſed the buſineſſes in that kind, that hee would be ſure to loſe no reputation by beginning any trench; nor any time by ſtaying there but few dayes, and not to give over his conqueſts by ſending Trotti to Ponteſtura.
Being come within ſight of Turin, the Enemy oppoſed him with Horſe and Foot, our men routed them, ſlew many, and tooke ſome priſoners, and ſome few that fled they purſued to the very Purculliſſes of the Citie. The Dutcheſſe ſent the Popes Nuntio, to negotiate an agreement between her and her Kinſmen; Her Propoſitions now when ſhe loſt all were as high, as if ſhe were a Conquerour; Shee ſeemed to give, rather then take lawes. Her demands were great and once granted could not be recalled; And all ſhee promiſed, was as nothing57 and that revocable when ſhe pleaſed.
The Treaty broke off, th'intelligences failed, and the Marqueſſe went away, and becauſe Trotti having taken the town of Ponteſtura, found much refiſtance in the Caſtle, he reſolved to divide his Army into two parts. Prince Thomas with the one part went to Villanova, and tooke it by ſtorme; with the other, the Marqueſſe marched towards Ponteſtura; Hee overthrew the enemies reliefe, tooke the Caſtle, went to Moncaluo, and having taken that place, he lay downe before Aſti with his whole Army. The Piemonteſſes, terrified by the Kings forces, brought the Keys of the Citie to the Princes, and the Spaniards valour overcame the obſtinacie of them that kept the Fort.
The Marqueſſe his deſires aimed at the taking in of Trino, a place of it ſelfe being of importance, and beſides it cut off reliefe from Caſal, and ſafeguarded the State of Milan. Hee had ſent his Cavalrie thither, (whileſt hee lay before Aſti) to hinder th'enemie from ſending in any forces. They tooke much Ammunition which would have gone in, and cut off58 almoſt a whole reliefe of five hundred choſen French, whom the Marqueſſe of Villanova ſought to bring in there. Trino is held to be almoſt impregnable, fortied without and within, a bogge neere it not to be medled with, deep water in the Motes, a ſtrong Garriſon, and well victualled. Notwithſtanding the Marqueſſe beſieged it, made a Trench, and withall his approaches as neere as hee thought fitting for raiſing of Batteries, and reſolved to give a generall aſſault, hoping thereby to gaine ſome of the outworks. He gave the aſſault, tooke all the outworks, the Citie, and the Caſtle, which having no time to receive the Sonldiers that fled thither being unprovided, and amazed, yeilded within few houres; It was impoſſible to hinder the Army (victorious and heated) from pillaging, ſlaying and burning.
Who ſhall deny valour to break forth? it groweth with the heat of victory, and ſnatching the reines out of judgements hands, it guides a man, and more then that it carries him? Whereby being heated, he goeth where he thought not, and being in cold blood, he findeth himſelfe59 where now he could not goe, becauſe hee went not, but was carried thither.
It would be needfull here to ſet forth the Marqueſſe o•Leganes his glories, who hath filled Flanders, Germany, and Italy with his acts and victories; mortified France, and made Spaine glorious. But what greater teſtimony can I give him of it, but to make it knowne that a Letter of the Kings ſpake his deſerts; A Monarchs Pen was requiſite therein, that authoritie might cauſe it to be believed; The whole world unanimouſly with one hand ſetting downe thoſe glories, which conformity cauſeth it to ſpread abroad with one tongue.
The affaires in the County of Ronciglione went on with various fortune, the enemy had taken the Caſtle of Oppoli, and having put a Garriſon into it, had laid ſiege to Salſas.
This place lieth almoſt in a Semicircle at the foot of the Pirenean Mountaines; high hills, ſmall hillocks, and ſtanding waters are the theatre of it. On the South it lookes towards Catalonia, on the North are the Apennines, the Sea is on the Eaſt, and on the Weſt a Poole60 which falls from the Pireneans, almoſt to the Walls; The Country may be called barren, the aire ſubtile, by reaſon of the Mountaines which overtop it, and ſoggie, becauſe of the water which is ſo neere it, which mixture rather hurts it then mends it. The Place if you conſider the ſituation is not very ſufficient to defend the Country; if the Fortifications, not to defend it ſelfe; The Motes are full of water, the Walls maſſie, high, and countermined, by the forme it is altogether expoſed to the enemies injurie, by the matter partly defenſible. The hardneſſe of the ſtone will not ſuffer any breach to be made in it, the ſmallneſſe of the Flanckers will not hinder the approaches. It was ſtrong enough in thoſe dayes, when the art uſed in aſſaulting tied men to no greater defence. The laſt who put it in a poſture of defence, found it ſo ſcituate, that it was neceſſary, either to fortifie or ſleight it; He fortified it, becauſe it was, not becauſe it ſhould be there.
The Governour valorous, but not of experience equall to it, reſolved to loſe himſelfe before he would yeild the place, more faithfull then warie, thinking onely61 upon the not yeilding of it, failed in the means of keeping it; He defended not the counterſcarff, he came not out of the wals, he fortified not himſelfe in the Mores, he did not ſufficiently meet the Mines, nor he did not diſturb them in their Workes. Every time the enemy came with force upon him, he beat him back, but he did not hinder him when he uſed art, wherby after fourty daies reſiſtance Salſas was loſt by careleſneſs, & after ſo many more of ſiege it was won by ſurpriſe. For the enemy having in vain attempted with foure Batteries to beat down the wall, comming to it with the mattock had very good ſucceſs by reaſon of a Mine, which ſpringing, made a hole in ſtead of a breach, by which (though little) there went in a great many French before the beſieged eſpied it, or at leaſt had time to hinder them. Wherefore running too it too late, and to no purpoſe, ſome of the valianteſt died there. The Governour being lame of the Gout, was not preſent at the action, and yeelded upon Compoſition, with thoſe ſouldiers which he had left. Many think they have performed their duties, if they doe not yeild up a Hold, as if yeilding them, or having them taken were not the ſame62 thing. It is better for a Captaine to want valour, then experience, the Souldier ſometimes helpeth the one, and addeth confuſion to the other. There is nothing worſe then ignorance accompanied with valour, the heart goes againſt th'underſtanding, the one will doe, and the other knoweth not what to doe, ſo that one doth, and knowes not what he doth.
Warre requires art and valour, and all enterpriſes, doe not require theſe two qualities in an equall proportion, ſometimes there is moſt need of the one, ſometimes of the other; but becauſe this diſtinction is ſeldome made, and leſſe knowne, though many times one overcome with one alone, it is judged he hath done it with both. So men deceived ſometimes by th'underſtanding, and moſttimes by the heart, doe give the command of all enterpriſes to ſuch as are not good for all.
To few men hath nature given both great valour, and great underſtanding, whether becauſe they require a contrary temperature, which is impoſſible to be given them, or an even counterpoiſe which cannot be joyned to them. Sometimes63 the great heat of the heart, overheateth the braine, and ſometimes the coldneſſe of the braine, does coole the heart too much. And though in Armies there be ſeen more valorous then underſtanding men Commanders, it is not becauſe theſe be leſſe neceſſary, but becauſe they are not ſo eaſily found; It is hard in warres to become famous without valour, and men attaining to command if they be not famed; Vnderſtanding attaines not to it for want of heart, and the heart becauſe it hath no underſtanding loſeth it, after it hath attained unto it.
Th'Archbiſhop of Burdeaux, ſeeing his attempts vaine at the Groine, deſpairing of force, and his art being bound up by our men with chaines of timber, ſet aſhore two thouſand men at Ferol. His Majeſties forces (though not great) cauſed them to retreat rather confuſedly then in order. He returned to the Groine, then putting to Sea, he ſailed out of ſight, leaving every one ſuſpicious and doubtfull.
In the Junta of State and warre th'opinions were different. Some believed the enemies thoughts were deep and impenetrable. 64Some ſaid their ends were to take the Groine, ſome that it was to hinder the reliefe of Flanders, ſome to ranſack the Fleet, ſome to paſſe into Italy, ſome to joyne with the Holland Fleet in the Channell, ſome to burne our ſhips in their harbours, and ſome that it was to ſet upon Cantabria. Amongſt ſo many, and ſo various opinions, there was one who began to ſpeake thus;
SIR, Though man may well be deceived in ſeeking, to divine or imagine what the ends and intents of mighty ones are, and the imagining to have found them may be hurtfull, yet it is neceſſarie to diſcourſe thereof, not to affirme what they will doe, but to hinder them from doing it. And as it is true that great Princes ends cannot be underſtood, ſo it is likewiſe certaine that the ends of great affaires may be found out, for the greatneſſe it ſelfe diſcovers them.
It is the opinion of ſome, that this great Fleet was raiſed for inſcrutable ends. I forſake the opinion, or feare not the ends, eſpecially in Spaine, where we need not doubt of any traitors that will yeild up Holds, or raiſe tumults in Kingdomes,65 and much leſſe in this Junta, full of ſo excellent men, that it cannot be doubted that they ſhould in diſcourſing, omit any thing which may be poſſible. And if the enemies end be any of thoſe that is diſcourſed of, it is not impenetrable, if it be known, it will be avoided, if not knowne, it will not be feared.
But becauſe it is more eaſie to denie then to affirme; in affirmations, for the moſt part, arguments of likelihood being uſed, and in negations, certaine demonſtrations, it will be the eaſieſt way to ſhew the intent of raiſing this Fleet, by making known for what intent it was not raiſed; for often-times where the truth of an opinion cannot make it ſelfe known by it ſelfe, one may attaine to the doing of it by the falſhood of other opinions. And that which cannot come to effect by proving, may be gained by diſproving.
It was not raiſed to th'end to ranſack the Indian Fleet which they ought ſuppoſe to have been already come into Spaine, nor to hinder the reliefe for the Lowe Countries, which they might imagine already arrived into Flanders, nor66 to fire the Navie which they believed was gone. All theſe things being ordered to be done, ſome moneths before it came out of the harbours of France, and all (ſave onely the Fleet) ſtaid upon ſuch accidents, as the French could neither ſee nor imagine. The Forces, which the enemy hath ſent to Luxemburg, and into the County of Artois, have cauſed ſome to thinke, that the intent was to land them in Flanders, an open and rich Countrie, abounding in fodder and victuals. And this opinion might be confirmed by the inſtances the Hollanders made to the King of England, when he came to Cadis, that he ſhould forſake the hopes of the barren ſands of Spaine, and land his men in thoſe fruitfull Provinces. But the King of France hath too many Forces in the Low Countries, and is too neere, and too mighty to have the Hollanders ſuffer him to ſet footing there, much leſſe to invite him to it.
This opinion is controlled (as likewiſe another, viz. that they ſhould imagine to find ſome part of Spaine unprovided, to land their Forces there, and to take it) by an advertiſement or animadverſion,67 which is this; Fleets doe manifeſt which way their enterpriſes tend by their forces. If their greateſt ſtrength conſiſts in ſhipping, their intents are for the Sea, if in the ſtrength of men, traine of Attillerie proviſion of horſes, they intend land ſervice. But this Fleet being powerfull in veſſells of great burden, without any horſes, or carriages for Ordnance; weake in men, which are new raiſed, of a baſe condition, and violently ſhipped, gives no cauſe to feare any conqueſts by Land; And much leſſe can we be perſwaded that it is intended for Italy, by reaſon of the place where they were built, namely the Ocean Sea; the greatneſſe of the ſhips dangerous for the Mediterranean, and the proſperous wind they have had to goe thither, and went not.
The enemies thought may (in mine opinion) be to draw us, with the feare and report of the Army, to furniſh all the ſea coaſts of Spain with men; and they to aſſault with the Navie of Marſeilles the Counti•of Ronciglione, incouraging the Army which is there, and hath already taken Salſas to beſiege Perpignane, and with the Fleet in the Ocean and the68 forces which are raiſing about Bayona, by Sea and Land to invade Cantabria, lay ſiege to St. Sebaſtian, firſt diſperſe our forces into divers parts, and then force them to come ſtrongly into ſeverall places, thinking it impoſſible for us to defend a vaſt Countrie, and with two mighty Armies to relieve two invaded Provinces.
There is an erroneous opinion ſpread amongſt the chiefe Officers of France, that the Spaniard hath no men, and amongſt the common ſort of Spaniards another, that the French have no mony. A Monarch that hath great ſtore of mony, may find men enough. And a King that hath great ſtore of men, if obedience be not wanting, never wanteth mony. I am confirmed in this opinion by ſeeing that this Fleet hath already layen a moneth ſailing to and fro before the Groine without attempting any thing; It workes towards its end, without doing any thing.
I believe it would willingly ſet upon the Fleet, burne our ſhipping and gladly hinder the reliefe of Flanders, and much rather diſcomfit it and that if it found a Port of importance neglected, it would69 ſet upon it, as things caſually and occaſionally laid before them, which fall in their way, and ſometimes come to be eaſilier effected, then thoſe which were at firſt conceived; Like unto the difference there is between a child at firſt conceived, and one that is bringing forth, the one comming forth into the light alive, and the other ſometimes vaniſhing away, waſting in its beginning, or when it is reduced to an embrio.
I promiſe not my ſelfe, that I have penetrated into th'intent of the French, neither doe I care. When the enemy will performe an enterpriſe, and ſet upon that can performe no other, it conduceth much to a defence, if one can penetrate into it; but when he thinketh to doe one thing and may doe many, the beſt defence is ignorance. Notice cauſeth man to ſecure that part which is threatned and ſuffer the reſt to be neglected. And that being ſafeguarded, cauſeth the enemie to alter his mind, and the other neglected, helps him to attaine to that upon which his altered mind is fixed.
Hee that hath not power to defend himſelfe in all parts, doth neceſſarily loſe70 himſelfe for want of ſtrength. He thath hath ſufficient, loſeth himſelf ſometimes through careleſſeneſſe, and ſometimes through too much providence. The knowiedge of the aſſailing enemies intention is an eaſe when it is good to know it, and a difficultie when the notice of it is hurtfull. For where he can doe but onely one thing, it is likely ſecured, and where hee may doe diverſe, the underſtanding knoweth not how to reſolve upon one, and it would make the other eaſie if it were reſolved upon.
The Count Duke hath with admirable wiſdome ſecured the difficulties of proviſionall things. The chief Ports are ſufficiently ſurniſhed. Cantabria is ſet in poſture of defence to hinder the enemy if hee ſhould affaile it. Catalonia ready to thruſt him out when he is come in. Don Anthonio Ochendo, ready in the ſtreights to ſecure the Fleet. The Marquis of Villa Franca with the Gallies to oppoſe the ſhipps of Marſeilles. Every thing provided for and armed.
But our diſcourſes and the enemies deſignes were carried away with the wind, which riſing tempeſtuous, & laſting three71 dayes (a thing unuſuall at that time of the yeare) brought the Fleet in danger of over ſetting or ſinking. The leſſer Ships periſhed in the Ocean, in the furie of the tempeſt. The biggeſt of them in a calme Sea, when they were going into harbour. As if it did preſege danger of ſhipwracke to great ones in tranquillitie of peace, entring into harbour, or in the harbour it ſelfe, by ſome revolution of State, after the little ones were periſhed in the turbulencies of Warre.
The enemy being become Maſter of the field by taking of Salſas tooke all places which lay open and ordinarily follow the fortune of the moſt powerfull, He never skirmiſhed nor fought, with our cavallery, but we carried away the beſt of it, ſhewing that the Spaniſh horſe are no way inferiour to the French, if we had them. The long peace this Province hath enjoyed the warres at Sea where there is no uſe of horſes, forraigne warres, ſometimes in the Indies where we could not convey them, ſometimes in Flanders where foot did the greateſt execution ſometimes in Italie, or Germany where we found Auxiliarie ones,72 made us firſt to neglect the uſe of them, then grow careleſſe in bringing them up.
But it is either the convenience or fate of the greateſt Monarchies, to have their chief ſtrength and prop to conſiſt in the foot; the Romanes in their Legions, the Macedonians in their Phalanges, making up their Cavallerie, alwayes with ſtrangers, friends, or Auxiliaries.
Many yield to opinion, when they have neglected art, and after they have yielded for a time, going to try whether the conceipt be true or no, they are overcome, and yield againe, confeſſing themſelves inferiour in valour, when they are onely inferiour in practiſe. Through this deceit the Spaniards would have tried and yielded a thouſand times, if warres had not happened in Spaine it ſelf, where neceſſitie hath forced, and time undeceived them.
His Majeſties Army had not as yet any convenient number it did enough doing nothing, ſeeing it hindered the enemy from much doing. But the Souldier partly valorous, and partly inexperienced, ſome for ſhame, & ſome through73 intereſt, de••red to come in ſight of the French, and fight with them and he deſired it moſt who had never ſeene the enemy, nor knew not what fighting was.
The Commanders for a while did ſtay their heat, rather then allay it. Being perſwaded, that as in a ſick man, ſo in a Souldier, one ought to hope, where he hopeth, and feare, where he feareth (a rule which is falſe, in that hope, which often deceiving, cauſeth good to be looked for where there is evill, and onely true in the feare which though deceived may bring forth evill, even where it doth not finde it) they went with a ſmall Army. partly of new and partly of not diſciplined men, to ſee the enemy, and ſaw his advantage ſo great, that they retreated without doing any thing. The King and his Councell had preſently a lively feeling of this diſorder: what incouragement the enemies might gaine, and our men loſe. And becauſe the Army confiſted of people of that country, commanded by the Count of Santa Colomba and of hired men, haſte was made to ſend them a valorous and expert Chieftaine, who with generall applauſe was Don Philip74 Spinola Marquis of Balbaſes.
This man was ſonne to Marquis Ambroſe Spinola, the renownedſt Generall of our age, and one of the greateſt that hiſtories mention. He followeth his Fathers ſtepps in martiall affaires to revive the glories of them and he filleth them up ſo, what with valour, what with wiſedome, that it ſhall ſerve to ſay for the praiſe of them both; of the one that he was borne of ſuch a father, and of the other that he begot ſuch a ſonne.
The Count Duke gave him his firſt imboſſement in the beſt way as ſuch a Subject could doe, who being one of the greateſt Generalls is defective in no quality. Which this one thing would make envy it ſelf confeſſe. Namely that his engagement of being preſent in all Armies by direction, hindered not his genius from being perſonally preſent in one. His not fighting in any, may hinder him from being ſtiled a great Souldier, but his commanding there will admit to the title of a great Generall.
He that knoweth (as the Count Duke doth) both his Kings, and the enemies forces; The art of fighting, the place75 where they fight, and hath (like him) had experience or ſo many warres, framed ſo many Armies, withſtood ſo many diſaſters, given advice in ſo many enterpriſes, and with his counſell diſpoſed and obtained ſo many Victories, may wed governe Armies, and ſtay at home; command them, and be abſent. The ſwiftneſſe of Poſts makes that which is farre off to be neere, the ſtrength of the underſtanding ſoreſeeth what is to come and though he cannot affirme what an enemy will do before he doth it, it is ſufficient if hee knoweth what he ſhould doe. The good is onely one, but the evill manifold: The firſt is to be knowne by great wiſedome, and the other is no great matter whether it be knowne or no. To inſtruct a Generall of an Army, it is enough to teach him wayes to defend himſelfe from the enemy and how to offend, when hee doth well for if otherwiſe his own errour will inſtruct him by erring.
The Cardinall of Valletta was already ſtrong in Italie, and did hourely look for the Duke of Longeville to come with thoſe Troopes which were deſtined to the harmes of But gundie. The Dutch effe76 openly profeſſed ſhe would receive them in Monmiglian, Suſa, and Carmagnuola.
The Marquis of Leganes lay under Santia, which being taken, Caſal was quite blocked up; and though it was a very ſtrong Caſtle, it had victuals but for eight dayes: Prince Thomas was of opinion to goe into Piemont with the Army, to win thoſe places before the comming in of the French. Urging that the Countries were willing to receive them, and invited them thither. That they once loſt their oportunity of beſieging Trino, through the deſire of ſtreightning Caſal. That the Frenches ſtay, before they came into Piemont, and the Spaniards quickneſſe in winning of that place, had cauſed the opportunity to be rather deferred then loſt.
That if now they would retard upon the ſame pretence, and ſtay till Santia was taken, the occaſion would be loſt. That remedies ſhould not be ſought for the feet, where the diſeaſe proceeded from the head. That Santia might be held in play with ſmall forces.
That being in ſight of the enemy in Piemont, he could not relieve Monferras;77 the Duke of Longevill might be hindered from joyning with the other forces: thoſe Holds would be taken, and ſo they would remaine maſters of the field, and of the paſſes of Savoy to Burgundy, and Flanders: that the French would be confined in Pinarole, without victuall to maintaine themſelves, or Country to reſiſt, whereby they would bee forced to come into theſe parts with great ſtrength to defend themſelves, and ſo forſake the hopes of flanders and Burgundie give over moleſting of Spaine, and laying downe their vaſt imaginations be brought to a good peace.
That giving them time to get into thoſe Holds, was the dividing of Piemont, and bringing perpetuall warre into it, more dangerous for him that is neereſt with his ſtate, and furtheſt off with his forces. That the enemie might there with ſmall forces defend himſelfe, and put Flanders in danger; or come with much ſtrength and indanger the ſtate of Milan.
If the Dutcheſſe did not admit them into Turin, it would bee impoſſible for them to relieve Caſal; and if ſhee did78 admit them, it would be difficult; they would be oppoſed by evill paſſes, deep rivers, and dangerous places of abode.
That for a ſmall reliefe it would bee ſufficient if any neighbour Garriſon were encreaſed with fifteen hundred Foot; and as for a great one it could no way bee compaſſed: fighting would become neceſſary, and then one might conſider whether it were better to give battell in the entrance of Piemont, with ſo many retiring places at their backs, to goe into upon occaſion of loſſe, and ſo many before them to conquer, in caſe they overcome; or to give it upon the very Frontier of the State of Millan farre from any place to conquer and neere to loſe all.
That his Majeſties Commanders had ſtumbled at Caſal (as at a fatall ſtone) with much danger to the Monarchy; Once thinking to ſurprize it by intelligence; and another to take it by force, and this would be the third in going about to block it up from reliefe.
The Marqueſſe of Leganes being ſcanted of men by diſeaſes which had killed many, by overthrowes which he had given, ſtill with ſome bloud any by places79 which he had taken, and was bound to put garriſons into, thought he could not without danger goe farre from what hee had gotten, and expoſe himſelfe with ſmall tired forces to fight with a multitude of freſh ſouldiers: which either occaſion, or neceſſity might eaſily have enforced him to. That the Kings chiefe intereſt conſiſted in defending the State of Millan that Santia being taken Caſal remained quite cut of•from all re•iefe. That ſtaying in thoſe parts, he could make all hee had gotten ſure unleſſe it were Civaſco the endangering of which could not counterpoiſe ſo many conveniences. That no hopes invited them into Piemont, but onely intelligences: which he had ſo often found vaine, that to confide in them would be a folly, and much more to put themſelves into irrecoverable hazzard if they ſhould faile. That it was no great matter whether the French did get into thoſe holds or no; they could do no more in them, then out of them. They would ingage a number of men in them, would vexe the Inhabitants, and make them their enemies who before were their friends.
80The taking of Santia was made difficult to the Marquis. The hold of it ſelfe being ſtrong, the ground without unfit for batteries, wanting wood to make ſconces, and being without water. He reſolved to beſiege it at large. But the enemies forces recruited came marching towards Aſti to relieve them. The Marquis encamped himſelfe in ſuch ſort that he could hinder their deſignes and yet not goe from the place, inſomuch that the enemy lying on the other ſide of Dora, within ſeaven miles of the place, victuals failing the beſieged, they yielded themſelves. The Cardinall of Valetta, and Marquis Villa, deſpairing of doing any good in thoſe parts, went to beſiege Civaſco. Prince Thomas and the Marquis drew neere it with their Army ▪ but finding the enemy already fortified, and without compariſon ſurpaſſing in number, they did not endeavour to relieve it, and ſo the place was loſt.
In the meane time Conio a ſtrong hold, and of great conſequence for the gaining of Nizza ▪ and Villa, Franca, declared it ſelf to hold with the Princes, The French81 ſet upon it, and were forced with great loſſe to retreate. The Cardinall of Valletta came thither with all his Army to beſiedge it. The Cardinall of Savoy (reſpecting it as his owne creature) with more reſolution then care, threw himſelfe into it to defend it. Prince Thomas nor the Marquis of Leganes had not conſented to his engagement. But ſeeing the danger, they ſought for a remedie.
They marched towards Turin with their Army, not with any certainty, but onely with a kind of hope to divert the enemy from his former enterprize, and call him thither. And to make it ſure, the Prince with the Marquis his advice reſolved to attempt it. Which he did, and advancing forward one night with two thouſand horſe, and a thouſand foote, he hung a pettarre upon the gate, ſet ſcaling ladders to the walls, and (though with reſiſtance and bloud) he wonne the Citie, where (a thing which ſeldome commeth to paſſe) the priſoners were more in number, then they who tooke them. The dutcheſſe recovered the Cittadell, but ſo cloſely purſued, that for want of82 time ſhe was forced to leave even her very jewells behind her.
In this action were moſt taken notice of, the Marquis of Carcena Don Martino of Mexica, and D. Franciſco Tuttavilla, who bravely relieving one another, revived the almoſt extinguiſhed hopes, and perfected the deſigne which was almoſt deſperate.
And this is the effect which the Cardinall of Savoy his phantaſticallneſſe brought forth, who bringing his brother and his friend into a ſtreight, occaſioned the taking of Turin.
As births come not forth of a woman with child without great paine, ſo the underſtanding cannot bring forth without great labour. The expulſive vertue worketh not unleſſe it be provoked and beſt, when moſt; valour increaſeth, and falls, according to wrath and intereſt; and the underſtanding through affliction. There is none naturally carefull or valiant man, but may be careleſſe and fearfull ▪ in reſpect of him who is made carefull by danger, and valorous through diſpaire.
The King of France his Fleet rather83 patched up then repaired covering its nakedneſſe, with the ſpoiles of Engliſh, German, and Holland ſhips which lay in the harbours of Brittanie, ſet ſaile againe, and comming in ſight of the Province of foure Cities, after ſome tacking about, came into Laredo, an open place, without any forts to relieve it, or ſouldiers to defend it, he tooke the towne, ſacked it, waſted the country about, and robbing, ruining, and burning went abord againe. With the news of Laredo there arrived into France the the newes of the ſurpriſe of Turin by Prince Thomas.
Paris and the whole Kingdome murmured ▪ that ſo many millions ſhould be laid out upon ſuch a powerfull Fleet, to no other end or profit but to ſack a poore place, which had been a ſmall matter for a poore ſea rover to have done. Upon a mighty Army to take a Caſtle which brought more loſſe then gaine with it, cauſing a great Army to be kept there, waſting many men, and much money. That with theſe coſtly vanities, the intereſt of Italie was abandoned, friends, and the Royall bloud expoſed84 to dangers, fraudes, accidents and fortune. They accuſed the Officers of vanitie, that they made difficult the ſureſt enterpriſes where ſomething might be gotten, waſting time, and the bloud and ſubſtance of ſubjects, in thoſe things which made but a faire ſhew, and a great deale of noiſe. Perſwaded ſometimes by paſſion, ſometimes by emulation, rather to kindle coales, then conquer ſtates.
To thoſe who defended them by ſaying, that the powerfulleſt way to deſtroy the Monarchie was to ſet upon it in Spaine; for keeping the Warre there, and diverting it from other places, the reſt of the dominions were cut off from reliefe, where there was continuall need of men and money; They anſwered that to defend Italie by invading Spaine, Flanders and Burgundie, was to make one plant grow by ſowing of another; that it was waſting of Gold in Alchimie; and like thinking to make Gold of Mercurie, and braſſe, and give over digging it out of the mines.
That it was not to be thought a ſmall matter to divert the Marquis of Leganes85 fortune in its fierce beginning, and that it was impoſſible to doe it with a Fleet in the Ocean that fired three or foure ſtraw ricks, or with a powerfull Armies taking a ſmall Caſtle in the County of Rouciglione, and that they could much leſſe make Piemont ſecure with onely diverting the enemies forces, and not defending it.
That diverſion required, an opportune time, great forces, and proſperous fortune. That the Romans did not make uſe of it with Aniball in the torrent of his victories, but after his firſt violence was paſt, and when (though his courſe were not ſtaid) his fury was aſſwaged. That they oppoſed him ſtrongly in one place to call him to another; that they forſooke not the defence of Italie, when they invaded Africk. and did not only divert him with Armies, but tyed him to it with victories.
But whoſoever ſhall at this time attentively conſider the ſtate of France, the houſes full of bloud, the neighbouring Iſlands full of exiled men, the Kingdome of tributes, the publick priviledges cancelled private mens goods taken away,86 Subjects diſcontented, Hereticks multiplyed under the name of overcome, the Province deſtroyed under pretence of reforming, every thing by nature turned upſide downe, and by violence kept quiet, may know that the endeavours which are uſed to maintaine the Swede in Germanie with ſtore of money, to aſſault Spaine, Flanders, and Germanie with powerfull Armies, are prudent and neceſſarie, that the evill may not penetrate into the inward parts of a body full of very evill humours. And that the glory of being an invader, loſſes diſſembled, conqueſts multiplied, and increaſed, may ſo fill the ears of the Parents that they may not heare the grievous groanes of their ſacrificed children reſounding in their aire.
Order was given the Count of Santa Columba, that he ſhould not undertake any new enterpriſe before th'arrivall of the Marqueſſe of Balbaſes, who ſtayed ſo long, that before him came the Marqueſſe of Torracuſa, the reſt of the Count Dukes Regiment, the old tertiaes of Cantabria the horſe and foot diſembarqued out of the Neapolitan and Sicilian Gallies,87 ſo that at his comming he found the Army numerous and valiant, deſirous of enterpriſes, and able to performe great ones; But becauſe the enemy prevailed in number of Cavalrie, and many recruits were by him daily expected, it was conſidered of in the Junta of State and warre, whether it were good to goe find him out and fight with him. And there was but one who was of opinion that we ſhould not give battell.
That we ought not to fight with the enemy, when we were too weake, and that if we were too ſtrong we could not. Hee would retreat into France, where the purſuit of him would bee impoſſible through want of victuals, fotherage, and traine of Artillery. And that we were then to fight with them in their owne Country where their reare was ſecured, their proviſions certaine, and their Cavalrie advantagious.
When the enemy is not afraid, if it be a ſhame to feare, yet it is wiſedome to doubt, and this Monarchie ought not to be expoſed to a doubtfull fortune, which adverſe may make us unhappy, and proſperous can adde no felicity to us.
88Princes take Citizen-like adviſe, when they adventure their eſtates upon a point of reputation, which conſiſts not in the loſſe of a Caſtle in the mid'ſt of warres, but in the ending of them with great Conqueſts, or an honourable Peace.
Finally it would doe ſmall good to overthrow the French Army in Autumne, and to regaine Salſas much leſſe, but to loſe a battell, might bee a great prejudice.
And if we ſhould win it, the enemie by vertue of their numerous Cavallerie might retire with little loſſe with the remainder of their Army by th'aſſiſtance of the Sea, it being now October, and having ſo populous a Country might by the Spring be recruited. Ours would diminiſh in the fight, and more afterwards. Thoſe of the Province thinking the enterpriſe to bee at an end, and that they had done enough to maintaine their reputations, being raw in the profeſſion, weary of the field, and troubled by the waters which were naturally neere upon comming would hinder the beſieging of Salſas, or the gaining of it, if it were beſieged.
89To know what his Majeſties victorious Army would doe in Catalonia, let it be conſidered what they did in Cantabria. If any thing had remained to doe after the Battell, there was nothing left to doe it withal '. Armies raiſed in Spain, (as if they were raiſed but for one end) laſt but for one enterpriſe.
The profit attained by the winning of Salſas, would not counterpoiſe the dammage that might follow a diſaſter, which God forbid. This Army being overthrowne, which for want of Horſe (if conquered) would bee quite deſtroyed; How could it be recruited in a Country ſcarce both of horſe and men, at ſuch a time as the proud conquering enemy, emboldened, would prepare to aſſault Cantabria by land, and having a mighty Fleet at Sea, would engage us, either to ſecure this vaſt circumference of Spaine, or oppoſe them with a greater Fleet beſide, that which is needfull to convoy the Plate Fleet, defend Braſil, and guard the Streights.
Where ſhould men be levied, if there were fighting in ſo many places, eſpecially if we imagined we were to fight where90 there is now no fighting, being bound to defend all this Province, beſides Italy, Germanie, Burgundie, Flanders, and the Indies?
That the enemy had an advantage above us, viz. that hee could beare many loſſes. Hee was this yeare overthrowne at Theonville, and routed with great ſlaughter, and at the ſame time he tooke another Hold, and within few dayes came into the field againe with a new Army. The laſt yeare at the Siege of Fountainarabie hee loſt a Battell, and he is now returned more powerfull both by Sea and Land, giving us cauſe of feare one way, and another way beſieging Holds, and winning them.
If the French doe not take Perpignane ▪ they have done nothing ▪ nor we, if wee take not Narbona. They will not take Perpignane with keeping Salſas, nor wee Narbona by routing of them.
The beſt revenge one can take ▪ is to take none. The greateſt conqueſt is to be content with loſſe. If a man cannot alwaies conquer ▪ when he loſeth, a ſmall loſſe, it ſeemeth to be a great victory, and many times it is a preparation to it.
91It is eaſier to goe on in proſperous fortune, then to ſtop in a diſaſter. The one doth not pleaſe the mind with ſo powerfull a charme, as the other with a ſharp goad wounds it. He that ſtops in good ſucceſſe, oftentimes loſes it, he that doth it in a diſaſter, oftentimes changeth it.
Two ſmall things ruine a foole a little: victory, and a ſmall loſſe; in the one hee groweth careleſſe, in the other he is provoked. Being careleſſe, hee loſeth that which he had not gotten, and provoked, hee adventures that which hee had not loſt.
That Battells ought to bee given in France by any other way but this, getting into the heart of it, and driving it to defend it ſelfe. There is a difference between fighting with one who defendeth himſelfe, and with one that offends. The firſt being overcome, hath loſt the means of defending himſelfe, and the other may defend himſelfe with that which he hath not loſt.
The Romans at the ſame time as they avoided fighting with the Carthaginians in Italy, ſent Scipio to fight with them in Africk.
92Hee that overcommeth in France, Italy and Germany, ſhall be the umpire of the world.
That it was not fitting to leave it to a Generalls will, to fight; or not: if they be not much inferiour, they will fight. They ſee thoſe who laſt yeare diſſwaded it, have loſt their credit. They find this counſell inclining to it, and they will adventure to put that reputation in queſtion by fighting, which they would be ſure to loſe by retiring.
The Count of Lauta Columba would have fought before it was time; Marqueſſe Spinola doth judge it to bee time now. One is moved by one reaſon, the other by another, and both (if they be left to their own mind) will fight.
This Army, which is the moſt flouriſhing that hath been ſeen in this Monarchie ſince the memorie of man; either may be loſt in battell, or waſted in a ſiege, and either loſt or waſted, there will not ſuch another bee gotten together in a hundred yeares, for it is a hundred years ſince any ſuch was ſeen.
They ſhould keep it till ſuch time as they might better ſecure themſelves from93 loſſes, and profit themſelves more by victories. They ſhould imagine Perpignane was the Frontire. They ſhould lodge their Army, maintaine it, increaſe it. The Spring would ſhew where it might beſt bee employed: and the Gallies would convey it where need ſhould require.
Contrary to this another began to ſay; SIR, There is amongſt Counſellers a maxime more wylie then honeſt, profitable for themſelves, but moſt pernicious to Princes, viz. not to give any dangerous counſells, but to let Princes take them of themſelves. The intent is to avoid danger, and hatred, which is done by expoſing their Lord to hatred, and abandoning him to danger.
It is a miſtake of a ſhallow braine, rather then deepe wiſedome to diſſwade battells when there is no greater reaſon then the danger of trying it. That which is loſt cannot be recovered nor that defended which is aſſaulted, but by endangering what remaines.
The preſervative power in man ▪ which ſweetly governs the body, when it is in health, if once ſet upon by ſickneſſe goeth not about to ſooth it up, it uſeth violence,94 aſſaults it, and adventures to overcome it, putting it to the fortune of a Duell, either to live or die.
If your Anceſtors had not adventured themſelves in battells, they had not conquered, if your Majeſty doth not adventure, he will loſe. No Monarchie did ever ſubſiſt long, if it did not ſometimes adventure.
Saying, that the enemy ought to bee gotten out of Spaine by diverting not by battell is a vanity. Either he would not be turned away, and we ſhall then remain weaker, or if he be diverted, wee ſhould but onely change our danger. Conſider nature, which employing its forces to divert humors raw, before ſhe hath overcome them, if being violented they yeeld unto her, it lames, and kills, not heales; if they contumaciouſly reſiſt, having weakened her ſtrength by ſeeking to divert them, it remaines unable to overcome them: ſhe then obtaines her end, when ſhe firſt concocts, and then diverts them. That is a wiſe diverſion which is made not with an intent to begin Victories, but to perfect them when they are begun.
The fortune of the French is ſudden like95 their temperature: it riſes and ſets in the ſame field, and as it is hard to overcome it when it growes, ſo it is ſecure when it declines. When occaſion is come, he that through weakneſſe loſeth it, or through ignorance doth not know it, never ſeeth it againe. He that paſſeth by ripe fruit, and doth not gather it, when he comes again, either it is gone, or grown rotten; whether it be that nature is an enemy to ſimplicitie and ignorance, or that th'imperſection of worldly perfection comes late, ſtayes but a while, and falls ſuddenly. Fortune comes to every one at ſome time; moſt are put off becauſe they knew her not, not becauſe they had her not, and all may become happy, if they knew how to goe about it. When the Romans determined to give battell no more in their owne Country, they had given it there foure times already; It was not wiſdome but faintneſſe, not becauſe they had gotten more brain, but becauſe they had loſt their hearts in ſo many battels with ſuch unfortunate ſucceſſe. That which diſheartened them, ought to encourage us, who have once given bastell and won it, and have overcom, as often as we have ſought.
96If the Romanes had gotten the better in the firſt battaile, Hannibal muſt have dyed there, or gon back diſcomfited. And it would now have runne in Polititians pennes that we ought to fight with the enemy preſently, and not give him time to take footing in the country ▪ nor aſſault it, to diſhearten the men, & deſtroy the land: If fortune ſhould prove adverſe we might with the remainders keepe the country, and with theſe entire parts at the back of them renew the Army, and try our fortunes againe, if it ſhould prove proſperous we might undoe the enemy. One victory would ſuffice to become conquerors, and by one overthrow we ſhould not be overcome. But becauſe the Romanes were overcome, the Councell is blamed, whereas the execution of it ſhould, having loſt rather through want of valour and diſcipline, then of wiſdome.
It is much that Scipio a young man his advice, who was more raſh for his owne glory then for the profit of the common wealth, great in eſtimation not for what he was but for what he came to be, applauded onely by the people, not by the97 Senate, ſuffered rather then allowed of when they could neither diſwade nor hinder him, ſhould now bind men in all ages to follow him, being favoured by fortune ▪ which onely did approve of him, condemned by Fabius Maximus his reaſons, by the authority of a whole Senat, and much more by the experience of his Father and Uncle who in the ſelfe ſame enterpriſe with little glory loſt part of their Army and their lives.
Many opinions are defended (by the reſpect is borne to gray haires, and many are borne up to the reverence due to the Majeſtick memory of antiquitie. It is more harſh to bring ones mind to thinke they are falſe, then to find they are ſo: and yet it is a manner of deifying antiquity to believe their ſayings, without examining them.
When Scipio went into Affrick it had peradventure bin better to have changed Captaine then Country. With that power, that Army, and that his valour, he might more ſecurely have conquered in Italie. And if he loſt in one place he might alſo have loſt in another. Neither could he have recovered himſelfe, being98 ſo farre from the Romans aſſiſtance, nor peradventure they, having ſent him away ſo farre from them. He overcame, it is true, but who will deny that he might have bin overcome? if he had fought in Italie he had made ſure the victory; becauſe he overcame in Africk he increaſed the common-wealth, if he had loſt, he had ruined it. The conqueſt had bin vaine in one part, to have remedied the loſſe in the other. In Italie the common-wealth had gon to ruine, in Africk Scipio had become King.
Then if all that the Romanes had, conſiſted in the end, ſucceſſe, and fortune, of the forces of Italie, why did they weaken, and abandon it?
In our times the Duke of Bavaria joyned with the Spaniſh forces, might have taken the Palatinat, and yet he went to ſeeke the Palſgrave, where he had his Army, not his dwelling, Knowing that if he loſt in Bohemia it was in vaine to Conquer in the Palatinat.
Let what hath bin in times paſt, be as it will, either well diſcourſed according to reaſon or favoured by fortune. This Monarchy, now the biggeſt that ever99 was, muſt not make uſe of others examples, ſhe of it ſelfe, ought to be an example to it ſelfe.
One ought not leave the doing of a good thing, to doe a better; when both may be done, eſpecially when they doe not hinder, much more when they further one another. In our caſe conquering the enemy in Ronciglione doth aſſiſt, and not diſturbe the going to Paris.
Let us then Sir try to overthrow the French here, to profit our ſelves by the victory, to call him to defence, to offend him elfe where, and over come him every where. It was not Scipio his Army in Africk that overcame the Carthaginians, but thoſe forces which they had conſumed in Italie. So it may befall the French to loſe themſelves at home, by going to much abroad.
Let us fight with this enemy in France in Italie, in Flanders, by Sea, by Land, whereſoever we find him, ſeeing we Conquer him whereſoever we fight with him. The dangers which ſeeme to threaten are not ſuch as at firſt they ſeeme to be. There was ſeldome a battaile loſt but that ſome part of the Army hath100 bin ſaved: The remainders, though never ſo ſmall, will ſerve to hinder the enemy from further proceedings, the gold and men of Spaine, to repaire it on all ſides: the Officers valour ſufficient to doe it, and the ſeaſon, will afford time for it.
They are deceived that hold Spaine to be a deſert place. There be diſinhabited and barren places, but there are likewiſe many populous, and fruitfull. And it is ſo large, that not counting the firſt, meaſuring onely the laſt, it would be found bigger then the fruitfulleſt Country of Europe.
Deductions and conſequences from times paſt to the preſent are dangerous, their examples are not available. The knowledge of events, if nere at hand are decitfull, if farre off falſe. Fighting now is diverſe from what it was, there are other men, another age, and (I will ſay it) another world.
The Iunta agreed that battaile ſhould be given, Marquis Spinola who advanced to ſeeke out the French Army. Overtaken by night when he drew nere it. he never laid hand to ſpade made no101 trench, defence or fortification ▪ but ſet his Army open in battai•e array. The enemy retired towards his owne Country, drew nere to Salſas, under the ſafeguard of that place, at the recovering of which the minds of the greateſt part of the Spaniſh Commanders ſeemed to ayme.
Marquis Spinola was perplexed. He had many important difficulties before his eyes. The time of yeare farre ſpent, the Country cold, the Climat unhealthfull; the long drought which had bin, threatned, great ſtore of raine, ſmall proviſion of food, none of Fother, the ground bare to make hutts for his Army, ſtony to intrench it, no ſtuffe to make any ſhelter, no Pioners, nor Gunners, nor Founders, few inſtruments to worke with, miners fewer, the former unfitted, the latter inexpert. The place fortified without and lined within, Ordnance, Ammunition and Men, more then abundant. The enemy encamped about it, to hinder it from being beſieged and it ready to receive him if he were aſſalted. Forced to fight before he could beſiege, and expoſe himſelfe to a dangerous battaile,102 for to begin an incertaine enterprize: a loſſe would put him in great danger, and one Victory not ſufficient to make a conqueſt.
The water, the ſword, and want would undoe the Army. The Souldiers would forſake their Colours, being wounded ſick, and wearied. They muſt be relieved with men out of Cantabria, the Shippes and the Gallies with old and new Levies; To forſake their enterpriſes, would make the reliefe of Italie impoſſible, weaken the defence of other Provinces, and growing obſtinate about a ſmall Caſtle, would make all proviſions for the future field difficult.
And if the enemy ſhould refuſe to fight, and goe back with his Army entire, reſt it, encreaſe it, and having an eye upon ours, when he ſaw it diminiſhed and wearied, ſhould ſet upon it powerfull and freſh; it would be a ſhame to retreate dangerous to meet him, and more to ſtay for him. The ordinary manner of intrenching would be hard, the extraordioary impoſſible. The quarters of neceſſitie muſt bee ſo diſtant, that they ſhould not in an inſtant relieve one another every103 very thing would be weak and diſunited; ſo that the enemy might in a darke night give alarme in divers places, ſet upon one quarter ſtrongly, and take it, ſo we might loſe them all without fighting, but onely with the hands of a few, and peradventure the weakeſt. If we ſhould goe to meet him, wee muſt either forſake and ſlight our trenches, and the labour of many dayes would be loſt, which (the time of yeare conſidered) would not bee made good againe in many weekes. Or wee muſt leave men to guard them, and that would weaken the Army, tying it to fight with notable diſadvantage.
The Marquis deſired nothing more then to give battell, and nothing aſſured him of victory more, then to give it quickly.
In this perplexity was Spinola, when by the advice of the Count of Saenta Columba, and other head Officers, it was reſolved to ſend all the Horſe, and foure thouſand Foote to view the place, and the enemy.
Theſe forces were commanded by the Maquis of Torrecuſa, Field-Marſhall Generall, and with him the Marquis of104 Arena. Being arrived, they found the French quartered behind the Fort Torrecuſa determined to try them with horſe and foot; he cauſed John de Arza the field Marſhall to advance with a flying ſquadron, he gave the charge of the foot skirmiſh to the Marquis of Mortara. It began with ſuch valour of our Horſe and Foot, that gaining ground, they preſently forced the enemy terrified and loſt, to forſake their ſtand, and retire under command of Muſquet ſhot of Salſas, with great-loſſe of men, and greater of reputation, leaving their quarters and tents in the hands of the conquering Spaniards. The reliefe of the Ordnance and Muſquet ſhot from the Caſtle would not have ſaved them, if night, and a confuſed retreat, and orderly flight with much ſilence had not conveyed them further off.
This fight had engaged the Kings Generalls to advance with the whole Army, and though they arrived before day thinking to fight with the enemy at the dawning yet they found him already retreated. They determined to ſeiz upon a Fort royall, and Redout which was upon the105 hill; wherein they had proſperous ſucceſſe.
Death ſtayed the courſe of many, yet abated no mans courage, where it hit not it terrified not, ſtirring up wrath in the reſt, in ſtead of compaſſion as it ordinarily doth where valour is above feare.
They put the enemy to flight, they entered the Fort and Redout and having got theſe, with the ſame valour they gained the reſt of the out-workes.
Then the whole Army charged the place with more courage then diſcipline, For the officers endeavoured to have them ſtay, and ſhelter themſelves there. But the ſouldiers in that rage refuſing it could not be ſtayd by fear nor wounds. For though their Flankes were diſcovered, and lay open to bullets, fire, and ſtones; many drunke with valour, runne to the very Gate to hang on a Petard, and others into the Dike to aſſault the Wall, not diſcerning poſſibility from impoſſibility, eſteeming every thing eaſie for the couragious, and nothing ſhut up from a valiant man. In this fight, all the Field Marſhalls and particular men behaved106 themſelves valiantly, eſpecially the Count Duke his Regiment, which being all of old ſouldiers, and reformadoes, Commanded by the Marquis of Mortara, and Don John di Arza, made it ſelfe to bee knowne for the chiefe ſquadron of the Army.
In the enemies flight, or retreat, the French his Letters happened in the Spaniards hands; There were ſome of the Cardinall of Richlieues which ſpake ſomewhat modeſtly. Some from a Secretary of State, which were more arrogant viz. that they expected in Paris to heare that the King of France his Army was penetrated into the very bowells of Spaine, made the Provinces deſolate, and taken the Royall Pallace of Madrid. The Duke of Luin his conceits gave more ſcandall then any thing elſe. For he being eſteemed a valiant and wiſe Captaine, it was ſtrange to heare, that when our men had ſet upon his Cavallerie, (which was divers times) and had alwayes made it retire or runne away hee ſhould write That our men having preſumed, to ſet upon a few of their Horſe, with many men, ſome eight or ten of their Gentlemen107 comming in, had cauſed ours to run away, as if he would make Arioſto be believed, and turne him from a Poet to a Chronicler, making that a hiſtory, which was once but a fable.
Nothing manifeſted the deceipt more plainly then his laſt Letter, when hee lay with all his men under the ſhelter of the Fortifications of Salſas he certainly promiſed that the King of Spaine his Army would not dare to looke them in the face, nor come within Canon ſhort of them, And yet within few houres he ſaw a parcell of it ſet upon him in his quarters, drive him out, rout him, and put him to flight.
Whileſt they writ with ſo much contempt of the Spaniards valour, the Letters of his Majeſties Officers in the Army ſpake very honourably of the French, made their forces great, and (though truth had ſhewed them to be faint-hearted) gave an honourable report of them.
This which ſeemes in one part to bee folly, in the other weakneſſe, if it be not art which foreſees the want, is nature that provides for it. Where courage is wanting, it is good to take away the underſtanding,108 and where one cannot incourage to deceive. It is needleſſe to ſhew a valiant man, to have him fight, the ſecureneſſe of the buſineſſe ▪ if he but knowes what he ſhould doe. He takes his vertue from him, that conceales the danger to him. He deſerves the name of valiant, who knowing the danger by diſcourſe, meets it with reaſon.
The French manner produceth this effect, that he being deceived, ſets fiercely upon his enemy, thinking he will runne away. But if he finds him ſtiffe, he oftentimes loſes his courage, and recovers his brain; and whereas his firſt motion was of an inconſiderate violence, his laſt comes to be an abject mind, The Spaniards valiant in their onſet, purſue their enemies raſhly, for having imagined a reſiſtance; overcomming it, they think to find none greater. Therefore the French ſcarce being ſet upon, fled, and the Spaniards being Conquerours, runne againſt the Wall, thinking the very ſtones would yeeld to that ſteele, which trenches and men had yeilded to.
Amidſt theſe proſperous, pleaſing, and happy ſucceſſes, the Army put to flight,109 the Fortifications wonne and the enemy retired into the Hold dejected: the difficulties of the ſiege ſeemed to the Marqueſſe to be increaſed by the death of ſo many valiant Commanders and Souldiers rather then decreaſed, yet hee reſolved to beſiege it. Whether it was becauſe the victory did likewiſe enflame him, which ſuffered him not to conſider of every thing or whether fortune called him, which muſt many times be followed blindfold, or whether the Armies valour perſwaded him to it? or whether moſt of all likelihood bound him thereto, not knowing how to juſtifie himſelfe, if hee did not beſiege it, to avoid the blame of great, and ſmall; ignorant and wiſe, when every Commander and Souldier gave it up for taken.
Counſell is hard againſt likelihood: It requires a great underſtanding, penetrating into the truth: a ſtrong reſolution againſt murmuring, a heart not void of intereſt, and not caring for his owne credit, things rare and neceſſary in a ſubject, and either are not to be found, or are not available. Likelihood doth almoſt alwayes deceive, whether it be a puniſhment110 for Princes againſt flattery, or the reward of wiſe men, for the welfare of liberty. If their advices were believed, it would prevent the ſeeing of effects, the onely way to undeceive a man.
So happy and proſperous a beginning encouraged, and perſwaded the Officers and Souldiers; it is halfe the worke if we believe wiſe men the whole, if Aſtrologicall fooliſhneſſe, which judging the event by the conſtellation in which the action began, will believe this to bee favourable and him happy if it began well. Weymar was ſtill in Burgundie, who beſides being a great Souldiour, was alſo a great Politician. I cannot affirme whether his great underſtanding made him ſuch, or whether rime, occaſion, and fortune made him onely ſeeme ſo. He began at firſt to aſſiſt the French; he knew hee could not grow great that way; then he cauſed the French to aſſiſt him, and this, hee knew could not laſt; if hee got for himſelfe hee ſhould want helpe, if for others hopes. He thought to make uſe of the moſt Chriſtian Kings forces to begin great enterpriſes, and by beginning them grow full of reputation, with reputation111 to gaine forces of his owne, and with them, and that, to accompliſh his intents.
He ſaw the King of France deſirous to gaine Burgundie, and that he knew not how to obtaine it, or being diverted could not. He endeavoured to take part of it himſelfe, thinking to exchange it for Colmar, Leiſtar, and Benfelt. With which he deſigned to overthrow Straſburg, and ſo maintaine himſelfe with his owne forces, to alter the Scene, and perſonate another man; ſet up a party of himſelfe, and gaine reputation by Warre or to conclude peaces with advantage. Theſe thoughts ſeeme great, and are ſo. Yet they were no way diſproportionable with the fortune and valour of that renouned Commander. The King of France who favoureth no man, ſo farre as to aſſiſt him, but onely to be aſſiſted. On the one ſide fearing the Switzers anger, threatned by the injuries received from Weymar in Veiglia, a Country uſurped from the Canton of Berna; On the other ſide growen jealous of his conqueſts in Burgundie; urged by the Swedes earneſtneſſe, and called upon by the Marquis of Leganes victories, would have had Weymar112 give over troubling of Veiglia, agree with the Switzers, entru•t him with the conqueſts in Burgundie, and divert the Auſtrians in Germanie.
All theſe things were inſtantly moved to him by the French Ambaſſadour reſident in Switzerland who met with him. The diſcourſes were long. Hee promiſed to give the Switzers ſatisfaction, and fit himſelfe to the times for the tolls of the Rhine. For that which he had conquered in Burgundie, and for greater conqueſts which he promiſed to atchieve he deſired ſupply of men and money. And becauſe the Ambaſſadour perſwaded him to goe and aſſiſt the Swede in Germanie, and did peradventure encroach upon him more then Weymars ſpirit would beare, though tractable yet ſterne, they ſay (being moved) he anſwered;
That the King of France did alwaies requeſt of him, ſometimes Sieges, ſometimes diverſions, but he never ſent him neither men nor mony. That hee had many Holds to defend; That hee was threatned by the Duke of Bavaria his Army affrighted by the King of Spaine, and th'Archdutcheſſe Claudias forces,113 which were to joyne with him, if the Swede ſhould be overcome by the Auſtrians, all Germanie would fall upon him, round begirt with enemies, having no confederate Prince neere him, onely France which was farre off, and did not aſſiſt him. That he wanted men, his being almoſt all dead by war and diſeaſes; That the Country was able to maintaine him no longer, and his mony was ſpent in providing for Nova-Villa, Briſack, Friburg, Than, Rinfelt, Launfenburg, and other places upon the Rhine. That hee ſhould fall into the hands of the firſt that came againſt him, and in a day loſe what he had gotten in ſo long time, and with ſo much labour. That hee had no hope left but in his Sword, and the valour of thoſe Officers who followed him. That he knew his fortune was no better then other Princes who had aſſiſted the French, hee was to be thankfull to her, becauſe ſhe had remained longeſt with him, he being the laſt to fall.
The Ambaſſadour ſought to quiet him; He promiſed him money, and did indeed ſhare ſome amongſt the Souldiers: and whileſt they were negociating the taking114 of Salins, thereby to gaine the good will of the Switzers: or that of Dala or Beſancon, to goe forward in their proceeddings, there came news of the overthrow of Teonville, and the conqueſts of the Spaniſh forces which daily increaſed in Italy, whereupon laying aſide, or deferring theſe hopes, that meeting was ended. In the meane time the Switzers were met at Baden.
The late Conqueſt of Briſacke whereby the Navigation of the Rhine was ſhut up the former and preſent proceedings in Burgundie, by the King of France, and his confederates forces, and the greater which were feared, cauſed the moſt attentive Politicians to caſt their eyes, to ſee what the Switzers would doe therein, who were bound by confederacie, intereſted by traffick, and by all that as was or might befall. Some ſaid that old grudges not yet forgotten ▪ ſuſpicions (though vaine) often renewed, Militarie art abandoned valour qualified weapons ruſtied, and profit proffered, all put together would ſmother up conveniencie and reaſon of State; But the wiſeſt ſort held ſuſpicions to be ſo vaine, and the conveniencie115 ſo apparant, that they were confident to ſee the Switzers armed in defence of Juſtice.
If they would know what the King of Spaines thoughts were, they ſhould conſider this Province, which ſubject to him, hath moſt happily enjoyed all the bleſſings of liberty, and profits of Monarchy, the King acting there the part, rather of a Protector then a King; Leaving to them the pleaſure of living free, and taking upon himſelf the burthen of maintaining their freedome; That in Burgundie there is liberty, becauſe they enjoy it, and a Lord becauſe they have none. That in cannot be imagined he will goe about to make of Common-wealths-ſubjects, who of ſubjects makes Common-wealths.
If the King of Spaine hath Burgundy they border upon a great power, but ſmall becauſe he himſelfe doth not border upon Burgundie. If the King of France hath it they border upon the leſſer power, but all. And if it were their convenience, and not their ruine rather, to let that Province be loſt, why ſhould they bee enticed to it by proffers of the Salt pits?
116It is not to be believed that he deſireth a companion in his conqueſts, that taketh away from companions, friends, kinſmen, nephews, and from them moſt that he can get moſt.
That Common-wealths may be bought as well as conquered. When it may availe the King of France to give away that which is other mens, to gain States; theirs were not ſecure, nor they Lords of them. Hee would give them another to ſubject them, and hee ſhould prevaile moſt in the world who poſſeſſed leaſt, having the more to give away. That a vaine miſtruſt of the Spaniards, and a moſt vaine confidence in the French deceived them. That which may doe moſt hurt, ought to bee feared, though it were profitable; and that which can doe none, is to be upheld though it may bee thought hurtfull. Let them not feare the Auſtrians, but the French. A great power diſ-joyned from its Lord by having cut the bonds in ſunder with the Sword and aboliſhed the memorie thereof with time, (there bee many examplss of it) hath returned to its ancient yoake. And many are likewiſe read of, that have fallen117 under another, onely to keep themſelves from the firſt, whom they ought not to be afraid of, his anger being aſſwaged, the ſhame forgotten, and the ſtrength overcome: and yet there is nothing that doth more ruine them then this miſtruſt, to free themſelves from which, they fall where they thought not. Even ſo a ſtarting horſe being on the ſecure ſide affrighted by ſome vaine object, caſting himſelfe inconſideratly on the other ſide, breakes his neck downe a precipice. One might truly doubt that things would returne to be as they were, by the figure of the heavens from whence they have their influences. But what then? Though it be circular, they move with ſuch diverſe motions, and that heaven which giveth moſt influences, moveth ſo ſlow a pace, that though every inſtant they vary their aſpect, there would an infinite number of yeares paſſe away, before they (if it were poſſible at all) returned to the ſame being.
A Nation ſo vigilant, that hath formerly been moved through a little zeale, and once moved, hath gained ſuch glorious victories, a terrible name, and warlike118 renowne, how can it now chooſe but bee ſtirred up with miſtruſt, wrath, and ſhame, ſeeing a King of Prance endeavour himſelfe to be Lord of Burgundie, after he had ſtolne away Loraine, partly uſurped, and partly bought Alſatia, made himſelfe maſter of divers places in Savoy, Piemont, and Montferrat, under pretence of preſerving them? That trieth to enter into Flanders, and Spaine, to ruine Germanie, to overthrow the Empire, and make himſelfe Emperour. And if he ſhould come to be ſo (as he undoubtedly would if the houſe of Auſtria did not hinder him) who would then defend them from ſo great a violence? Peradventure that Juſtice which would have no Tribunall Seat to appeale unto? Titles are not wanting, where there is power. The greedy deſire of commanding though it be a moſt unjuſt plague, ſeemes to be the mother of Juſtice, time the Father, and both being joyned, ſeeme to bring it forth.
That the King of France already blocked up their paſſages from reliefe and trading, and would ſhut them up likewiſe for corne, impoveriſh, ſtarve, and ſubdue119 them; they being not able to live free, who have not meanes of ſubſiſtence comming to them freely.
If they ſhould ſo baſely forſake their confederates, they would loſe the reputation which their Anceſtors had gained with the loſſe of ſo much bloud, and ſo many conqueſts, and feeing the default could not bee aſcribed, either to conveniencie, or reaſon of State, it would be attributed to feare, and they would fall in contempt if not ſlavery; That to preſerve their libertie, it was neceſſary for them, to fight; And for thoſe, againſt whom they fought, to obtaine it; It was determined at the Diet, (as it was divulged) that to not engage themſelves they would mediate with the King of France rather to obtaine a neutrality in Burgundie, then to oppoſe him with violence.
Any one may bee a mediator in thoſe things which are already counterpoiſed in matter of intereſt, for they want nothing but one to interpoſe himſelfe, but when they are unequall there is no other way, but to make ones ſelfe a party; For in ſeeking to equall two unequalls, hee loſeth his credit, time and friends, the120 one thinking himſelfe offended, becauſe he deſired to hinder his fortunes, the other becauſe he would not helpe him in his diaſaſter.
In warres which are already ancient, there ought to be great cauſe to make one entermeddle with them. They ſee thoſe Countries which were fruitfull, and plentifull, made barren, and poore, men impoveriſhed, houſes ruined, all things full of bloud, death, and miſerie. They compare thoſe loſſes, to their happineſſes. Neither doe they thinke that any bond, ſhame, or conveniencie, can be ſufficient meanes to counterpoiſe the diſaſters of warre, with the emoluments of peace.
When there are bloudy and laſting warres between mighty Kings, they that are not ingaged in them, looke on aſtoniſhed, and dejected, and though they may wrong them, and ſometimes doe, yet they can take no true counſell nor reſolution. This which is true in all formes of State, is almoſt infallible in a popular: it lives more conformable to nature then to art, it teacheth onely to defend its own when occaſion ſerves, and never before. Monarchie and Ariſtocracie often loſe121 themſelves by ſeeking to get what is•nothers: and Democracie ſometi•••by ſuffering it to be taken away.
The Switzers to the perſwaſions of neutrality, had added a proteſtation, That if the moſt Chriſtian King followed the warres in Burgundie, they ſhould be driven to recall their forces which ſerved him. And becauſe they were but ſmall, of no profit, and great charge to the King of France, it was a threatning hurtfull to them onely that made it, which canſed every one to judge it vaine, and of no moment.
Yet I will adventure to ſay, that the hurtfuller the Proteſtation was to the Switzers, the more it was to be feared by the French King. Hee that doth hurt in ſhewing himſelfe to be diſtaſted, ſeemes to be by that already ſatisfied. Hee that receives hurt ſhewes a token that he will have ſatisfaction.
I cannot believe that ſo warlike and honourable a Nation will ſo ſhamefully forſake the Burgundians in ſuch an urgent caſe without any occaſion, or infamouſly by taking a reward to doe it.
Weymar left Pontaglier and Joux, contrary122 to his conveniencie, it being a moſt important paſſe. And burned them contrary to his promiſe, for which hee had received money ſufficient. Hee went to wards Alſatia, and without attempting any great matter, either there or in Burgundie, he died.
This Nobleman was a man of his own intereſt. He was no friend to the King of France, whom he being a German abhorred as a ſtranger; Hee was an enemy to the houſe of Auſtria, which hee (deſcending from Duke Maurice of Saxonie) hated; he was of a turbulent minde, various in fortune, he loſt oftner then he got, yet got more then he had loſt. His ſpirits were generous, his bloud royall; expert, and very valiant in warres; better known through our mens defaults then his owne victories. Seeing the greateſt that he obtained were the overthrowing of John Vert, when he was careleſſe, and the taking of Briſack when it was unprovided. The hopes which through his reputation he had framed, for the raiſing of his Fami•ie, ended with his life.
There happened this yeare no loſſe of any value in Burgund•e. The faithfulneſſe,123 prudence, truſt, attention, and vigilancie of Don Antonio Sarmiento, who by the Kings command was there; Marquis de Leganes his victories, which drew from thence the Duke of Longueville his forces; The battell Piccolomini wonne, which broke Weymars deſignes, and his death which gave no time for the reundertaking of them, defended it.
The Kings Fleets which were in the Harbour of Cadiz, ſet ſaile, one very powerfull towards Italy, commanded by the Duke of Naccara; and Maccheda, to be employed for the Common-wea•th of Venice, if need required; the other commanded by Don Antonio di O•hendo, directed its courſe towards the Ocean to fight with the French ſhipps, and having ſpent much time in putting out into the Maine to come up with a ſcarce wind to the Capes St. Vincent and Finiſterre, fell juſt upon the Groine. It came not into the Harbour, but ſtayd onely till the ſhipps under the command of Don Lope de Ozes came out of it which though hee performed with all poſſible celeritie, yet they could not come ſo ſoone, but that the French ſhips were retired into their own harbours.
224Almoſt at the ſame time came his Majeſties Army out of Perpignane, and the Fleet from the Groine; the rumour of the one made the Duke of Luin returne into France, and the report of the other cauſed the Archbiſhop of Burdeaux to forſake his place.
The coaſt of Spaine being freed from the enemie, they undertooke their voyage to carry the reliefe into Flanders. Being come into the Chanel, they diſcovered ſeventeen Holland ſhipps. Don Antonio appointed his to goe on, and hee followed with the Admirall, but they ſtaying, and he thruſting forwards, found himſelfe alone in the front of the enemies, who had placed themſelves in form of a halfe moone for to deceive them. Hee deſired to, board their Admirall, which to attaine unto he was, for almoſt an houre, forced to be the aime of all their ſhot, without anſwering with his, intending to make uſe of it at the boarding. So ſoone as he came neere, hee began to ſhoot, and when he thought to board, the enemy hoyſed up his Sailes, and went further off. The next day being made ſtronger by ſixteen ſhips, he ſhewed himſelfe125 againe; There began the horribleſt fight that ever was ſeene at Sea. The noiſe of ſo many pieces of Ordnance hindered their hearing, and the ſmoake their ſight, that little as could be ſeen or heard, was the battering of ſhips, tearing of ſailes, ſhivering of maſts, the voyces of Commanders, and the groanes of dying men.
One of the Kings Ships and a Hulke inconſideratly, or ignorantly ſtraying from the reſt, fell into the hands of the Hollanders reare-ward, Don Antonio went to reſcue them, he reſcued the ſhip, but not the Hulke, finding it already taken by the enemie. The time being farre ſpent, the Fleets tacked about to get the wind, and were parted, that of Generall Ochendo having ſailed within ſight of the coaſt of France, found it ſelfe neere the Engliſh ſhore, where the ſecureneſſe of the Habours, the friendſhip and peace between the two Kings, and finding his Admirals ſhip evill intreated (having alone fought with ſixteene ſhips of the enemies) made him reſolve to Anchor at the Downes, from whence hee ſent over almoſt all the reliefe to Mardick in ſmall veſſells, though the Hollander were in the126 ſame Harbour increaſed in ſhipping to the number of one hundred and fourteen.
The Spaniſh Fleet ſeemed to lie there ſecure, and was to be ſo by the capitulation between the King of England, and the Catholick King. But the Hollander was not long before he undeceived the world, (if there were any one in it ſo ſimple as to be deceived) by ſetting upon his Majeſties Fleet though the two Generalls of Spaine and Holland had both paſſed their words to the Vice-Admirall of the King of England, that they would not offend one another, the Vice-Admirall being there, and threatning to fall upon them who ſhould break their Covenants.
A great boldneſſe and preſumption in thoſe Ports and harbours which are their Aſylums and places of refuge, and a diſhonour done by them to that King whoſe Anceſtors firſt ſet up their reputation.
But what dare not thoſe people doe? They are pernicious to all men and leſſe to thoſe to whom they moſt ſeeme to bee ſo more powerfull in ſtratagems then valorous in ſtrength, without God, without Law, without Faith; friends or enemies,127 they meaſure all in one manner. They hate all that is not common-wealth, and lay ſnares for any thing that is a Principalitie. In one part they fight againſt a Monarch, and in another againſt Monarchie. They ſeeke to augment the one, and diminiſh the other. In ſome places they aſſault ſtates, in ſome the formes of them; And having bin aſſiſted while they were rebells, they likewiſe aſſiſt rebellion. They are every where framing commonwealths, which they have ready framed in their minds, and goe about actually to ſet them up. Part is, and part will be ſeen.
I hold France to be no Monarchie, it is halfe a Common-wealth; if not all, it will be: it is no matter though Hereticks poſſeſſe no Cities there. Walls make not the forme of a ſtate, but lawes; which on the one part grant them liberty of conſcience ▪ and perſwade it their bodies on the other. If it be ſaid they are diſperſed, it is ſo much the worſe ▪ they worke the more, and lie cloſer hidden; a fault not common to great and ſmall things, but peculiar to ſpacious Kingdomes in which great evills are nouriſhed: they lie hidden, and are not knowne128 untill they be paſt remedie. So bodies of ſtrong complexions beare great defects, and when they can no longer beare them, they cannot cure them, having employed all their ſtrength not in correcting but entertaining them: being entertained they grow, growen they overflow, and not corrected, they kill. Evills that they may not grow, muſt be hindered, and good things that they may not decreaſe, need help. Mixed together if the one be not aſſiſted and the other hindered, they unite in a body ſo corrupt, that it admits no cure neither of ſteele nor fire.
I would be deceived. But I feare it, becauſe I have not bin deceived in foreſeeing the like caſes; whoſoever hath ſeene my writings ſome few yeares ſince knoweth it. This is not boaſting, but zeale, not to gaine glory, but credit with them to whom it may doe good if I gaine it.
I take on my courſe, having digreſſed for others ſakes that they may get out of laberinths. Don Antonio Ochendo finding himſelfe forced to fight, came out of the harbour. One and twenty of his ſhips129 followed him, the reſt (I know not the cauſe) peradventure they were out of order, but ſtaying behind, at laſt ran on ground moſt of them.
There began a cruell fight, and though the enemy had a great advantage (having one hundred and fourteen ſhips to one and twenty) yet the Hollander continually ſhunned the aboard; The Admiralls ſhip wherein were the Generall Ochendo, and Michael d'Orno Admirall, was encompaſſed with a multitude of ſhips, and ſo was the Tereſia commanded by Generall Don Lope de Ozes: But they all fought generouſly. The enemy plied them with Ordnance to ſinke them, and with fire ſhips to burne them, they had their purpoſe in the Tereſia, which irrecoverably periſhed in flames, with ſo much Ordnance, ſo many men, and (which is moſt of all) with ſo great a Noble man. Ochendo though he much endeavoured to come at it, could not reſcue it. They fought fiercely for many hours. Night parted them, leaving ſix ſhips in the enemies hands, and they having loſt above twenty. Don Antonio was comming for the coaſt of Spaine, but the wind turning,130 he was forced to put into the Haven of Mardick, onely with the Admirall of Dunkirk, and ſeven other ſhips, the fight and tempeſt having ſevered him from the reſt.
This was th'event the Kings Fleet had. Which having ſet ſaile to drive away the French from the coaſt of Spaine, and to carry reliefe into Flanders, performed both. And fighting with ſuch diſadvantage, wonne more then it loſt. Victories being not meaſured by the loſſes in a mighty Monarch who wants no mony; But onely by the glory, which conſiſts, in obtaining his end, and the meanes of obtaining it.
In Italy the moſt Chriſtian Kings Officers (under the name of the Dutcheſſe of Savoy) propounded a Truce, making the world believe they did it to pleaſe the Princeſſes womaniſh humours, that ſhe might not goe live in France, nor give over commanding in Italie.
Their ends were becauſe they would not ſeeme to grow weake, nor breed any ſuſpicion, thinking under colour of her to cover their deſignes, and ſalve their reputations. But all was perceived and131 knowne, and the French themſelves could not conceale it, no mans breaſt being vaſt enough to hide ſuch a great deſire.
They ſought to better the buſineſſe, by propounding a Peace in Italie, and make it the eaſier, by propounding a generall one. They asked whither the Kings Officers had any authoritie to treat of it, and being anſwered yea, they asked time untill they might ſend for the like: and did all things, with indirect, various, doubtfull and confuſed meanes, ſo that they cauſed every one to imagine they meant to deceive.
The Marquis of Leganes called a Councell of the chiefe Commanders, to diſcuſſe the buſineſſe, and found them almoſt all for a Truce.
They alleaged that Truces were alwaies profitable to them who were in poſſeſſion, and eſpecially for ſuch as were in danger of loſing. That his Majeſties Army diminiſhed, and would daily grow leſſer ▪ even to ſuch a proportion, that it would ſcarce beare the name of an Army. That thoſe Souldiers which had eſcaped the Sword and ſickneſſe, were ſo tired with continuall lying in the field, and132 weakened with continuall ſufferings, that they were not able to labour any longer. That fodder began to grow very ſcarce, and it might be imagined within a while it would quite faile: And if they ſhould be forced to a retreat, how ſhould they doe it (between two Rivers) without loſing themſelves?
That hope of Supplies diminiſhed every day, there being warres in all places: ſo that they were onely to reckon upon thoſe they had there, which were few and unſerviceable. That the enemy ſuperiour in ſtrength, with daily ſupplies comming out of France, found himſelfe numerous in freſh Souldiers, who were able to endure hardneſſe, having yet endured none; Proviſion they had more then enough, having ſo much land behind them. The attempting any thing againſt him was impoſſible, to defend every thing from him difficult hindering him from relieving the Cittadel of Turin, paſt hope, to ſet againſt him openly a madneſſe. The enterpriſe would bee made everlaſting and impoſſible, and not without danger of loſing the City, in ſteed of taking the Cittadell, if ſo be the enemy more numerous,133 and better fortified ſhould go about to aſſault it. That he wanted not recruits, there comming every day freſh to him out of France, and expecting greater daily.
The Truce would give time to fortifie our ſelves within Turin againſt the Cittadell, which being a great Worke, could not be done in few daies, and with a few folke, that our men being once ſecured, we might thinke upon the beſieging of it. In the meane time our Souldiers might recover their health, and refreſh themſelves. The French would waſte, and his heat of ſighting being abated by the Truce, he would leave his Colours and returne into France as hee uſed to doe. And in caſe he ſhould goe into Burgundie, he might be followed.
There was no need to feare making a Truce, much to refuſe it. Our Army not to be in ſtate of gaining any thing in ſo ſmall a time, and yet that little, was ſufficient to ſecure that which was gotten.
That ceaſing from hoſtility, did uſually give way to diſcourſes, and diſcourſes to Treaties of peace. A truce would appeaſe and coole mens hearts, and being ſo134 calmed, many times ſuch things were concluded, as they would not ſo much as heare ſpoken of when they were heated. That we might when the Truce was ended, if the Treaties proved vaine, and we found it not good to confirme it, againe begin warre with more advantage.
Some who held the contrary ſaid, that all the reaſons the Spaniards urged to make a Truce, were grounded onely upon likelihoods and conveniencie. But the French propoſing it with loſſe of reputation, ſeemed to yield. That their nature was knowne to bee ſuch, that they never would deſire ſuch ends, but when they were ſo ſtreightened, that they could doe no otherwiſe, wherefore they might be thought to doe it through neceſſitie. And therefore there would bee as much inequality in it, as there is between conveniencie and neceſſitie.
The profit and advantage of the one ſide, in warre was not to bee meaſured ſimply in it ſelfe, but with relation to the other ſide whence groweth the littleneſſe or the greatneſſe of it. A man is victorious that kills his enemy in ſingle duell, though he receives many wounds.
135The enemy who propoſeth a thing, bee it what enemy it will, alwayes gives occaſion of ſuſpecting it to be evill: if hee be a French man, it is aſſuredly ſo.
That the reaſons alleaged for our ſide, were in the realitie, not in the underſtanding onely, ſo cleere and manifeſt, that either they were falſe, or if true, known to the enemy. And that thoſe of the contrary part, (if they might bee known to us) were ſo weake and ſhallow, that they would not counterpoiſe ours, if true. And therefore wee muſt imagine the one to be made greater by a vaine feare, and the other ſtrengthened by ſome ſecret deſigne, which ought alwaies to be reputed great, it being knowne that there is one, but not what it is.
That Princes and Common-wealths may know what is good or evill for them, by meaſuring it with their intereſts, and the ſtates which they poſſeſſe. A Governour of Milan his intereſt lieth a great way off from the State and he ought to be governed by that which hee doth not governe. To undertake great affaires, be it to move diſcord or warre, or to conclude Peace or Truce, he ought136 to have the conſent of Spaine. And hee that ſhould doe otherwiſe, might bee thought worthy of puniſhment by reaſon of the great danger in which he might at any time put the Monarchie by not certifying concerning it.
That the enemy may plot to aſſault Burgundie, ſet upon Flanders, not be diverted out of Spaine, and ſecure Alſatia. Burgundy known to be unprovided. Flanders with ſmall power to defend it ſelfe. Spaine with the loſſe of one place eaſily reſcued. Alſatia by the death of Weymar recoverable. To make a Truce at this time, might be called letting looſe the enemy, who was called thither, and there chained, conquered & dejected, to th'end he may runne where fortune is more favourable to him, and the warre eaſier to encreaſe his victories.
If the truce be becauſe we want ſtrength, how ſhall we keepe him back if he be going into Burgundie? it will be harder to follow him out of Italie, then to conquer him in Piemont.
The Cittadell of Turin, if we ſhould make a truce for ſeventy dayes, could not be beſieged till the ſpring, that it was137 ſufficiently beſet for what could be done to it for the preſent, and we had time enough to provide againſt the future.
If we abounded not in proviſions, the enemy was likewiſe very ſcarce of them; if our Army grew weake, the French grew to nothing, being ſubject to the ſame diſeaſes, and wanting that patience to endure; apter to runne away, and having more opportunitie to doe it.
It is not to be denied but that Truces are good for them who are in poſſeſſion, if they be made for a long time, and thoſe who are in poſſeſſion pretend to keepe that which they have conquered; and wanting for that purpoſe ſufficient ſtrength and juſt titles, ſeeke to have their ſtrength encreaſed, and make their title juſt by prolonging of time.
The Marçuis of Leganes not content with the opinions or thoſe Commanders who were preſent and almoſt all inclining to a truce; did likewiſe by letters give his Majeſties chiefe Counſellors notice of it, in whom finding no contradiction, he alſo finding it neceſſary, concluded it for ſeaventy dayes. They framed articles (which are inſerted138 at the end of the booke, becauſe wee would not interrupt the courſe of the hiſtory) and they who ſigned them on the one part were Prince Thomas, and the Marquis of Leganes; On the other part the Cardinall of Vulette and the Duke of Longueville, in the name of the Dutcheſſe alſo, promiſing that within the limited time ſhe ſhould ratifie them.
The French kept not the truce, and the Dutcheſſe did not accept of it. The one becauſe they tooke many places, which before they had not; and ſhe becauſe ſhe did not ratifie it, according to their promiſe.
The Marquis of Leganes found himſelfe obliged to hinder th'exchange of ſix hundred ſouldiers in Caſal. The Cardinall of Richiliew heard of it and writ him a letter, which in few lines, with great art, contained many, but weake, reaſons. He praiſed the Marquis, to gaine his good will. Made ſhew as if he believed not that the exchange was hindered by order from him. He vindicated the Dutcheſſe in that particular of not preſently ratifying, ſaying it was ſufficient that it was done, and that it was no breach of truce139 being ſent ſo ſoon as it was certified that it was not receaved. Concerning the exchange of the garriſons of Suſa and Avigliana, he interpreted the articles as though they did not any way hinder it. He confirmed his reaſon by an argument taken a ſimili from the like caſe, viz. by what was done by the Spaniard in Nizza, and confirmed it with another argument taken a majori, viz. That the decree made at Turin againſt the Dutcheſſe was of a nature quite different, making by it one order againſt the other. Finally when he had interlaced the letter with many faire wayes of perſwaſion, at the laſt he inſerted odious wayes of threatnings, mitigated with a pleaſing kind of inſinuating them, ſhewing rather then threatning what dammages might befall them who did not obſerve the covenants.
On the other ſide the Marquis had many reaſons to lay down wherfore though he were as courteous in the manner of doing it he could not be ſo briefe in his expreſſions. He thanked his Eminencie for the commendations he gave him and more for the good opinion he had of his140 Majeſties Officers; That if his gentleneſſe deceived him in the one, in the other he ſhewed his underſtanding.
That he was glad to have to doe with ſo eminent an Offiter, and of ſo great worth, in the diſcuſſing of this caſe, who would eaſily be capable of underſtanding the truth; That the Dutcheſſe ratification was promiſed within a limited time, and the Contract was voided by the not having received it within the time limited, though it were made, and not required, and much more, it not being made, Shee ſtaying (as it was ſaid) for order from the moſt Chriſtian King, and they having (as it was knowne) demanded it. That this clauſe, not accompliſhed, excluded her highneſſe out of the Treaty; and the King of France being included therein, it ſevered him from his Siſters intereſts; Shewing that his Majeſties Officers alſo had therein committed a default, by not withdrawing their Forces out of ſuch places where they were employed in her Highneſſe ſervice; becauſe the Truce concluded in Italy with the King of Spaine, did not admit of the ſecuring any of his enemies places: whence141 might be perceived how much they had gone beyond that which was agreed upon, by entering into Suſa, Avigliano, and Canor: as if it were the ſame thing to exchange a Garriſon, and to take poſſeſſion of a new one; to leave the ſtate of things as it was, and to better it by the gaining of three places. An act ſo farre from what was agreed upon, that though the Dutcheſſe had ratified the contract, and made of two parties one, it could not chooſe but be a manifeſt breach. He marvelled not, that his Eminency had ſpoken nothing of Canor, for having neither reaſon; likelihood, nor ſhew to defend the ſeizing upon it, he would take no notice of the doing it; ſeeing the Governour thereof had immediatly before the Truce by a Letter ſubſcribed with his Captaines hands, made an acknowledgement of it, to be the Princes Cardinall and Thomas. That which his Eminencie inſiſted upon of the like done by us, by bringing in Garriſons, where thoſe of Piemont were, was not as yet done. And if it had, it would have been a thing very different. The King his Maſter with the Princes, being but one party, whereas the King of142 France, and the Dutcheſſe were two. That it was true, Nizza had changed Lord, but many dayes before the Truce; But the French had bettered themſelves in their Workes under the Caſtle of Villa Franca, againſt and ſince the capitulation. That the Decree publiſhed in Turin, was no act of hoſtilitie, of policie it was granted, and that if it were of hoſtilitie, it might bee done againſt the Dutcheſſe, already excluded from the ſuſpenſion of Armes. That his Eminencie might know that the Spaniſh officers had obſerved the Truce, as if it had been ratified; And that the moſt Chriſtian Kings Officers had broken it, though it had been ratified. And howſoever that the want of the ratification did debarre the moſt ſophiſticall underſtandings, from queſtioning the defects of the one part, and the ſubtilties of the other.
His Eminencie muſt excuſe him if hee did not ſatisfie his requeſt, and that hee could not remedie the inconveniencies, or underſtand them otherwiſe, but that he muſt hinder the exchange of the ſixe hundred Souldiers from Caſal. Nor would he doe it, if the Dutcheſſe would143 ratifie, and the King of France deſert thoſe places, which his Officers had taken; not binding them with ſo much rigour, but that they might yet have ſo many dayes after the truce, to amend what was paſt.
The Marquis concluded his Letter which was full of the Cardinalls praiſes, with proffers, and thankes. I have herein, truſting to the Readers capacitie, not ſo farre enlarged the reaſons, nor unfolded them with ſo much ſpirit, as the Marquis did write them; Yet I have not added any thing of mine owne, nor taken away any thing of the ſubſtance.
In the meane time the Fort of Salſa•in Spaine, was ſet upon in foure places; In the moſt dangerous place wrought the Count Dukes Regiment commanded by the Marquis of Mortara, and Iohn d'Arza. there th'enemy made out trenches, ſallied, ſprung Mines, leaving nothing unattempted to hinder the deſigne; but all in vaine. When he ſallied, he was driven in ſometimes by the one Commander, ſometimes by the one Commander, ſometimes by another, ſtill with excellent valour, and by both of them firſt beaten into the out Dikes, and afterwards144 from thence diſlodged, giving our men thereby leave to advance, which they valiantly did. The Governour with great care and watchfullneſſe giving every one way to obtaine reputation.
The enemy was cloſely beſieged, without any more hopes of ſallying out; the Count Dukes Regiment being gotten within the Dike, cloſe to the wall to undermine it. The great fall of raine hindered the worke for a time: then the report of the enemies comming on to relieve it, cauſed it to be intermitted, and at laſt was quite given over through a deceitfull report, or relation of deceived men; For ſome being runne out of the Fort or at leaſt diſſembling as though they had forſaken it, ſaid there was not proviſion within to maintaine it for a weeke, and that the Souldiers died for hunger. They ſhewed ſome of the Biſket mouldy and ſtinking, and added ſo many circumſtances, that the Captaines tooke the newes for certaine, And to avoid the ſhedding of blood about a place of no great importance, and becauſe of the incommodities of rainie and cold weather, the intemperatneſſe of the aire145 which cauſe diſeaſes in men, and the neceſſity of fortifying our ſelves againſt the approching reliefe; they determined to lie ſtill, till famine cauſed it to yeeld, ſeeing by force it was not to bee wonne in leſſe time. The terme of many dayes being ſpent, and no yeelding ſpoken of it was attributed to the Governours obſtinacie, never perceiving the deceit. And one weeke paſſing away after another, the enemy within, and without, ſtill maintaining the report of the famine, it was alwaies judged ill done that they had not ſet upon it by force; and it was now thought it could never be taken. Every day ſome precedent error was blamed, and ſome new one committed; loſing time through th'opinion of having loſt it.
I doe not affirme there was any error committed, but if there were, it may bee called a moſt fortunate one: it ſtayd not the Conqueſt ſo long, as it increaſed the glory of it taking away from the enemy all manner of excuſe, for covering his defects, even of time.
Leaving men enow to beſiege the place cloſe, they began to caſt up our workes,246 and though they were large, they brought them to that perfection that there might be ſome hope of defending them.
All this worke, which cauſed the effect of the enterpriſe, muſt be attributed to the Count Duke, who whileſt the Generalls writ ſometimes of impoſſibilities, ſometimes of difficulties, with effectuall Letters, ſhewing them it was not impoſſible, relieving them with men, engaged them to goe on with the work, and made it ſo eaſie, that in the end of the Siege it was almoſt inpregnable.
In Flanders the King of France his Army being divided in two parts, one under the command of the Marſhall of Chatiglion. the other of Migliare, the Cardinall Infanta oppoſed the firſt with Piccolomini, and the other with the Marquis of Fuentes. Few paſſages happened on either ſide, the King of France being drawne into Italie by the Marquis of Leganes his proceedings, and Piccolomini into Germanie by Baniers.
The greateſt matter the French attempted, was, after they had raced the Fort of Rhuminghem, and in vaine aſſaulted Bovignes to ſeeke to paſſe the147 river. Don Andrea ſet forward with three hundred Muſquettiers, to view them. The Enemy endeavoured to cut him off: The skirmiſh began very hot, & growing on by degrees, the Marquis was enforced to engage his whole body. They fought Pike to Pike, and Sword to Sword with ſo much valour, that the enemy loſt a thouſand men, the Spaniard loſt two hundred and fiftie men, counting the kill'd, wounded, and priſoners. The Marquis of Fuentes obtained the renowne of a brave Commander, having with two Terci•es onely, oppoſed the French Army, and hindered their great deſignes, and alſo of a valiant ſouldier, having with his owne hand taken priſoners, wounded and ſlaine many of th'enemies. What the Prince of Orange did this yeare, I will ſpeake in few words, and all at once, for it was almoſt nothing, if it be not thought much to have diverted and kept idle ſo many forces of his Majeſties, and to obſerve their movings. Hee deſired to take the paſſe of Gaunt, but the Count of Fera his vigilancie did fruſtrate his intentions. Hee fortified himſelfe about the Philippines, and beſieged Gelders. The148 Cardinall Jufante who drew neare with the Army, cauſed him to retire in the night, not without confuſſion and loſſe of men. He faced Rhinebergh, and ſought to lie before Hurſt, but becauſe Van Namen was beaten back when he went to ſet his men a ſhore, and Count Fontana happened to be thereabouts with the Kings Army, and the Cardinall Infante drawing apace that way, he reſolved to give over the enterpriſe.
Theſe were the Hollanders (I know not whether I ſhould ſay) motions, or deſires, when the King of France pricked them forward to undertake ſome notable enterpriſe.
I cannot enter into theſe mens policy: it may be beyond mine underſtanding, or it may erre. Compoſers of a fable, movers of engines, ſpectators of a tragedie, the end whereof (if it be dolefull) may be the beginning of theirs. If he overcomes who was their Lord they will be as they were; if he that is their companion, they make themſelves as they deſire. He that hath not thought it a ſhame to forſake them in time of peace to ſettle his Crowne upon his head, will not149 be ſcrupulous, being a conquerour to ſubject them to enlarge it. To ſay that theſe two ſoveraignes powers are counterpoiſed, that they waſte, and not end, that they will both loſe, and neither overcome: that being afflicted and wearie, they will be brought to a good peace; in which looking narrowly to their owne reputation, the good of their confederates will be well provided for, would be a good thought if the ſuppoſition were not incertaine and the conſequence falſe, if War were alwaies ended with peace, & not ſometimes with conqueſt, if armes were laid downe, and Warres maintained with the ſame paſſions; if experience had not ſhewen the contrary, and reaſon demonſtrated it. Rage and hatred being ceaſed or abated, the ſcene is altered before the eyes of the principall parties. Being at peace with his enemy, he conſidereth his companion, who hath incited him to Warre, helped, that he might be conſumed, hindered, that he might not overcome, falſe ▪ lying and deceitfull, and ſeemeth the more to have bin an enemy, becauſe he ſhould have bin a friend, and was not. The turmoile by reaſon of150 which the heat of emulation could not be avoided, Or the hope of great conqueſts: The former being now quenched, and the latter loſt, are now examined, and proves a vexation. And being boren withall whilſt the Warre laſted, is now revenged when peace is concluded; the deſire whereof comes not, without hatred of that which cauſed the other. He that layeth downe armes and hath gotten nothing, thinketh he hath conſumed his money and men, in the ſervice of his confederates, and comming to make peace ſeeketh to repaire his loſſe with their dammage, counterpoiſing it with the profit which he pretends he hath received. The cauſe which bindeth two enemies to come to agreement, who have bin ſo obſtinate in Warre, and growen old in emulation, is alwayes ſo powerfull, that it ſuffers them not againe to renew ſuch an appearance, more like then convenience, to not give an example to poſterity; and eſpecially when at other times it hath bin given, and hath done hurt. Either they muſt accommodate themſelves to others wills, or War with their owne powers.
151But if through the victories of either of the two Monarchies, dangers hang over their heads, by peace they receive dammage, by Warre profit, why doe they not, before this eaſe, or that begin, ſtay the wheele of fortune, and accommodate themſelves with their Lord, who to overcome his competitor with a glorious victory, or bind him to an honourable peace, would peradventure yield to that, which at any other time he would deny? Who is a better neighbour, he that is a borderer upon them with all his power, or he that, doth it, but with a ſmall part? He whom they have known to governe in time of peace without tyrannizing, in time of trouble fight without ſubjecting them, in time of truce helpe by inviting them; Or he who in time of peace was alwayes an enemy, in Warres, ſometimes hath comforted, ſometimes forſaken them, and at no time ever ſufficiently aſſiſted them, looking upon nothing but his owne proper intereſt, and conveniency, that never joines with them, but when it doth them hurt.
Surely I write as I conceive it to be; I have no recourſe to Metaphyſicks, nor152 uſe any art but thinke to write the truth, plainly and ſincerely, and either love deceives me, or hatred blinds them.
Under Salſas Spinola found greater reſiſtance in the enemy, then many imagined, and in our men leſſe conſtancie. The country people began to retire home, to avoid the falling waters and the unwholeſomneſſe of the aire; whereunto adding the neceſſary retreat of many ſick and wounded men, the dearth of fodder, and the doubtfull proviſion of food, the Army was ſo decreaſed, that he was forced to repreſent unto his Majeſtie, the danger of forſaking the ſiege, or the neceſſitie of being relieved with Souldiers, munition, labourers, and proviſion.
The letters were read in the Tunta of State and War, and newes being brought that the Duke of Maccheda, and Don Charles d' Suarra were arrived in Catalonia with the other Fleet; the landing of thoſe forces, was thought the onely remedy for to gaine Salſas.
Nor could the promiſe which was made of it to the Venetians, be any obſtacle, ſeeing the Turke was not knowne153 to ſtirre any way And when a mans owne houſe is on fire, a wiſe man will not carry his water to quench anothers. The Venetians would not blame it, the world would find no fault with it, and his owne ſubjects would commend it. To this conſultation the King made anſwer, that they ſhould not thinke upon the Fleet, he had engaged his word to the Ambaſſadour Contarini, to ſend it into Italie to be at the diſpoſall of that common-wealth, and he would not faile therein by any meanes. His Majeſties intent was either to aſſiſt it in its, breaches by employing his forces, or further its accommodations by ſhewing hee would have employed them. He ſlighted the dammages he himſelfe received, touching his reputation with a competitor, in reſpect of thoſe a confederate common-wealth might receive in its dominions by the hands of Gods enemies, and preferred her ſervice to his owne; With the lawes of friendſhip he overcame the ſharpeneſſe and provocations of emulation which is moſt powerfull in operation, inmiſleading mens hearts. He laid aſide th' affection of a154 competitor, which is alwayes greateſt in greateſt men, and ſhewed he was not void of that of friendſhip, which uſually taketh root in none but the meaner ſort. The one was occaſioned by the greatneſſe of mind, and State, which admits of no competitor, the other by the ſincerity of the heart, which never deceives, nor forſakes a friend. This King hath (a thing which peradventure is not in other men) all the qualities which are required for the compleating of a Gentleman, without hurting thereby them which make a King great. He hath recalled from baniſhment the morall vertues, and hath placed them amid'ſt thrones, and ſcepters, which vertues had bind expelled, not by the reaſons, but the vices of Politicians. Shewing that they which belong to a Prince, and to a private man are the ſame; and if there be any difference, it is not in the kind or ſpecies of them, but in the ſuperiority of quality, converting them out of private into Royall ones, and practiſing them as King.
Who would have bin ſo ſincere in this corrupt age? in which (peradventure through meere emulation) we hate our155 mothers, fight with our brethren, forſake our Siſters, perſecute our Kindred, and abandon our friends. Or who hath done the like in better ages?
It is much that this King, though he were bred up in good cuſtomes, hath not ſuffered himſelfe to be carred away by an evill ones, by time nor example, and that he is ſo pious, when it might be pietie enough, in him, to not be impious. But he can pretend no excuſe, from any ſuch imitation, or time, from which his vertues have alwayes kept him. And he ought alwayes to ſhew himſelfe as different from mens actions, as he hath bin from their vices.
The ſtrict and continuall inſtances of Marquis Spinola, and the ſeeming impoſſibility of remedying all wants, ſeemed to incline and almoſt force the minds of many to raiſe the ſiege.
The Count Duke who amidſt other mens hopes, had not voted that Salſas ſhould be beſieged, in their deſpaire would not ſuffer it to be given over. He thought it a ſmall conqueſt to take it, and a great loſſe to not take it after it was beſieged. He durſt not with his156 vote endager his Lords reputation, but it being endangered by others, hee was with his valour bound to ſecure it. The difficulties were many each one in it ſelf great, and all laid together, ſeemed impoſſible to be overcome.
But what cannot a ſubject of eminent underſtanding doe, having great power, and that inſuſed into him by a great Monarch? He can doe what hee will, and it is no marvell if another knoweth not what he can doe, ſince hee himſelfe doth not know it, before he hath tried it.
Who feareth dammage from ſuch kind of men, erres ſo much the more, the more he engageth them in great affaires; They performe alwayes the greateſt, becauſe they are greater then any thing they undertake. The wiſe man hath no certaine bound, he groweth with th'occaſions, encreaſeth with operating, and like Powder, gaines force by receiving it.
What one onely man may availe the greatneſſe of a Monarchie, hath not as yet been tried, as now adaies. Or hath not been known, either becauſe he hath not been eminent, or becauſe he hath not157 been ſo alone. So many ſubjects, famous, and worthy of reſpect, both in peace and warre, dying within few yeares, might have prognoſticated ſome unhappy events, to theſe moſt happie ſtates, the Lord being wont, when hee will ruine a Country, to take away ſuch perſons as may ſuſtaine it; if it were not that hee doth it alſo when he will make ſome one ſubjects worth apparent and profitable by taking away ſuch, as with their credit might uſurpe his glories, or hinder them by their competition.
The Venetians who knew by experience, that to ſtay the courſe of a barbarous horſe, a golden bit was better then an iron one: after they had with great preparations valorouſly ſhowne, they feared not warre; wiſely bought their peace, and obtained it, good and honourable. Whereby the King being freed from his promiſe, gave the Fleet order, to ſend men, inſtruments, gunners, and what els they could to the reliefe of the Army under Salſas.
The greateſt and moſt difficult buſineſſe was the want of proviſions, and eſpecially of fodder. From the neighbour158 Countries, it could not be expected, ſeeing they were ſpoiled, burned, and waſted. And to have them brought out of other Kingdomes, the diſtance of place, the ſeaſon of the yeare, it being Autumne, the foulneſſe of the weather, and the ſuddenneſſe which the urgent neceſſity required, made it almoſt impoſſible to be done by any humane diligence. But the Count Duke, with the greatneſſe of his underſtanding found a remedie for it, and effected it with ſo much celeritie, that within few dayes the Army was abounding in proviſions and fodder. He was not content to provide for them one way, hee appointed them to come out of Sardinia, Arragon, and Majora, and they came from all theſe places; Hee knew there was no way to ſecure hard enterpriſes, but to provide therein abundantly, and that errors may happen without ruining. And ſo thoſe things at laſt proved eaſie, which ſeemed impoſſible.
To provide in a Country totally ruined, for a numerous Army, not competencie, but abundance of proviſions, and eſpecially of fodder, from far Kingdomes, in the end of a rainie Autume, not by a159 former determination, but by a ſuddenly changed reſolution, taken in an inſtant, in the ſtraitneſſe of time, when a delay of few dayes might have loſt both the deſigne and the Army, when it ſeemed impoſſible that letters ſhould returne ſoone enough by Poſts, and much more proviſions, is ſuch a caſe, as is certainly unexampled in former ages, and muſt paſſe unimitated to enſuing times, requiring for the performance of it, many things whereof each one of it ſelfe is ſingular, and altogether neceſſarie. Great power, an eminent underſtanding, a worthy breſt, and extraordinary activity. Which qualities cannot come together, if there be not a Monarch reſolute in commanding, a ſupreme Officer full of ſpirit, watchfull Officers to put in execution, and moſt obedient ſubjects to not diſturb them.
When an enemy brings one into ſtreights, it makes him know what may be done; Many times becauſe it increaſeth the underſtanding, and for the moſt part, becauſe it leaves a man to his free will, taking away the power of Law, with that of neceſſitie. In engaging hee diſingageth,160 in raiſing difficulties hee makes them eaſie, changing juſt things into unjuſt, and making that neceſſary which was but convenient.
Nature, be it ſlow, wiſe, or ſparing, delayeth her uttermoſt endeavours, for the laſt violent aſſaults; True it is, that reſerving it ſelfe to be able to doe it, it often dies without doing it, and oft-times becauſe it hath not done it. One ought not to runne upon conqueſts every time as one may.
In the execution of theſe orders which were the ſoule of the enterpriſe of Salſas, it is fitting to ſpeake with honour of the vigilancie and care of Don Hierome of Villanova, Protenotarie of Arragon, a moſt qualified Officer, acute of underſtanding, quick in executing, great in intelligences, and moſt faithfull in his ſervices. To have great deſignes come to a good end, it is enough if hee undertakes them, loſing one hope he deſpaires not, and never forſaking the buſineſſe, either he attaines to it by valour, or tireth it with diligence, and alway overcommeth it.
This Hold which Marquis Spinola beſieged againſt his will, being ledd unto it161 by chances, engaged in it by fortune, kept there through obedience, he wonne not onely by great valour, gallantneſſe and vigilancy (qualities by which men uſe to winne ſuch holds) but alſo by diffidencie, which ordinarily loſeth them. He did as much as a Generall could doe to bring an enterpriſe to paſſe; and writ as much as an officer could, to deſert it, ſometimes ſhewing a deſire to raiſe the ſiege, and almoſt ſtill giving occaſion to be commanded to continue it.
This way, which gon about by a dejected mind, would have ruined the enterpriſe, being undertaken by a high ſpirit, ſecured it. The Count Duke was not daunted, like one that had no heart, nor grew not obſtinat, like thoſe that have no braine. Conſtancy engaged him to find a remedy for diffidencie, and he ſtood not to diſpute the matter with reaſons, but went on to overcome difficuties with providing money, ammunition, proviſion, and men; and the ſeemingneſſe of want to be greater then, it was; became the cauſe of having the conqueſt by a meanes thought impoſſible.
The eminency of underſtanding cauſeth162 a man to be fearfull, and a great heart to be raſh, where they are equall they oppoſe one another to get the conqueſt the braine would intimidate the breaſt, and the breaſt would make the braine valiant. From that conflict comes forth a mixt, which is not feare, but conſideration; and there they two being qualifyed leave off the contention betweene themſelves, and with one accord ſet upon the difficulties, the breaſt will not yeeld to them, the brain will overcome them; and whereas ſeverall they might have loſt, the one being abject and fearefull, the other obſtinate and raſh, being united they overcome with conſtancie and providence.
I know not whether next to God and the King the glory of the enterpriſe be due to the Count Duke; but I know he gave it knowledge, power, will and accompliſhment, giving them order they ſhould not give off the ſiege, teaching them how to ſecure it, providing for the maintenance of it, and with ſo much abundance that it might be overcome.
The Cavallerie lay idle under Salſas. There came Intelligence that the enemy163 had laid up in a Caſtle in France fodder and victuall, and had not left a ſufficient guard to defend it from a ſodaine aſſault. The Generalls with the advice of other commanders reſolved to ſend Duke St. George with eight hundred horſe and five hundred muſquettiers to fire it. The enterpriſe ſeemed to be bold, and painefull, as grounded onely upon doubtfull and unlikely advices.
The Duke ſet forward, and by the way met with a body of Cavallery more numerous then his owne ſtanding in a readineſſe, whether it were there before, or by chance, or upon notice given. This unexpected accident, forced him to alter his mind, but not his valour nor wiſedome, and made him reſolve to alter his fire into ſtee•e, and conquer where he could not burn. He ſent th'Infantrie to take the paſſes to make his retreate good in caſe he ſhould diſcover more forces, and be with his Cavallery went to charge thoſe horſe which were in ſight, he routed and put them to flight, ſlew them, and tooke but few priſoners becauſe he would not trouble himſelfe, and ſo returned victorious to the Camp.
164This Cavalier is ſonne to the Marquis of Torrecuſa; his actions which ſpeake for him, ſhew his father to be not onely valiant in fighting but alſo happy in begetting of children; Leaving it doubtfull in what fortune hath moſt ſubjected him to envy, either in what he hath performed, or in that he hath begotten.
The King of France his Army conſiſting of twenty thouſand horſe and foot, ſhewed it ſelf entrenched upon a little hill, with ſome few ſquadrons deſcending into the plaine, viewed the outward workes, to relieve the Place. Marquis Spinola had diſpoſed all things with watchfull prudency, feareleſſely expecting th' aſſault. A troope of horſe about midnight endeavoured to come neere the trenches, but the ground ſlippery, and yeelding by reaſon of the great quantitie of raine water engaged ſome to forſake their horſes, which were fallen and mired there, and the reſt to retreate. A thunder bolt fell in the mid'ſt of them the noiſe gave alarme to the trenches. The night was darke, tempeſtuous and rainy. His Majeſties army ſtood impatient, and deſirous to fight. Having laid165 aſide their muſquets as unprofitable, they expected their enemy with•pike and ſword, when a light deſcended upon them, which ſhewed the points of their armes bright in proportion of a ſtarre. Whether it was naturall, as well it might be, & ſignified the clearing up of the aire; or ſupernaturall; which may be believed in a cauſe ſo juſt, and ſhewed heaven to be favourable to us. But whether it indeed proceeded from a heavenly, or ethereall, knowne, or unknowne beginning, it was a light, and every one ſaw it.
The Walloones whoſe fortifications the enemy threatned, after much ſilence, gave a great ſhout.
In doubtfull caſes every thing is great. There is no meane betweene ſilence, and ſhouting. The ſpirits which in danger runne to the heart, cannot move the tongue, and there is ſilence. If need require to advantage our ſelves by uttering our voice, being all heaped up in a vitall part, they runne with ſuch violence to the organs of ſpeaking, that they muſt needs frame a great ſound. The enemy had a great number of forced, and new men, who being already fearfull of their166 owne nature, and dejected by reaſon of the waters which inceſſantly powred downe, terrified and amazed ▪ with the light, armes, and ſhouting, as if the thunder and lightning had followed them fled away; the valianteſt ſought to ſtay them, and when they found that to be in vaine, they likewiſe retired and fled confuſedly. Their tents, armes, waggons of ammunition and victuall were left behind for a prey. It ſeemes that theſe new forced and baſe men are good for nothing but to encreaſe the number, and with the number, difficulty to maintaine an army; an engagement to fight, with ſhame if they be overcome, a hinderance to conqueſt, and confuſion in retreating. They prevent danger with their flight, and never ſtay for it; whereby others are affrighted and follow them, or endeavour to ſtay them, and are diſordered. If they did but ſtay for th'incounter, and a little oppoſe the enemy, they would be good for ſomething. And it is hard if the one part be not routed through the others diſorder, For they will follow them that flye, and they that flye being diſordered, they who follow muſt needs imitate167 them: ſo that by the flight of the baſer ſort, one may rout the moſt valorous, and being wearied and diſordered ſlay them.
But experience having ſo often ſhewed the hurt they doe, when the buſineſſe hath come to a triall, it ſeemeth ſtrange to me, that at the inſtant when one goeth to fight, they will fill up Armies with ſuch kind of folke. I know not whether mans vanity ought to be blamed for this error, which habituated more in ſhew then ſubſtance, and accuſtomed to gaine thereby, cannot (though it do him hurt) recede from that habitude, or ignorance, which erring in the manner of framing an argument, concludes that cowards mixed amongſt valiant men will gaine valour, whereas it ſhould rather be inferred, that valiant men mixed amongſt cowards, will loſe their valour. Peradventure alſo it is neither vanitie nor ignorance, but a ſecret providence of human nature. The great number, if they doe not come to triall, availeth much, and eſpecially to avoid the triall: a thing which nature above all things deſireth, when it makes the leaſt ſhew of168 deſiring it. It loves not to come to triall of the arme, and to that end it uſeth all kind of meanes, ſometimes multitudes which ſhall be either fantaſticall or fruitleſſe. Sometimes the quality of their out-ſides, long haire, guilded armes, humorous apparell, ſcarfes, and feathers. Sometimes the noiſe of horrid outcries, threatning death, or a deepe ſilence repreſenting it. Sometimes a motion, which being violent may make one runne away, or forget to offend.
There came newes into the Leaguer, that the enemy had an intent to attempt the relieving of the place by water, and by land, both at one time, and to that end had armed at Leucata certain Brigandines, and great ſtore of Boates, with men and munition, defended by a great Trench guarded with Muſquettiers. It was judged fitting to fire them. The firſt attempt tooke no effect, for it being to bee done by night, our men loſt their way. The ſecond time taking expert Pilots, the charge thereof was given to Lieutenant Don Diego Sanchez; he to worke more like a ſouldier then an incendiarie ▪ though hee might with eaſe have fired169 them, would by force bring them away. Being come to the place, he landed ſome Muſquetiers, who holding them in the great Trench in play, did ſo farre divert them, that he having ſeized their Boats; embarqued his men, and returned victorious to the camp.
The praiſe for th'execution of this notable act muſt be attribured to the Lieutenant, the advice to the Count Duke; who many times voted in the Iunta; that ſome Boates ſhould be fitted and armed in the poole, and though they did it not (pretending it to be needleſſe or impoſſible, onely becauſe they made it ſo) hee ſtill inſiſted upon it, till at laſt Don Franceſco d'Iuarra comming thither, finding the truth of it, did put it in execution, and after the enemy had beene divers times damnified thereby, at laſt it hindered them from this notable reliefe.
Onely by overcomming great difficulties, are obtained great Conqueſts. Hee whom they are againſt uſeth all his endeavours to overcome them he that hath them on his ſide, truſting in them groweth careleſſe; and whereas hee ſhould oppoſe his enemies wit, with his whole170 underſtanding; hee oppoſeth it with rocks, woods, hills, and ſeas, as though mans underſtanding had not known how to goe over rocks and hills, and paſſe through Seas. Hee is deceived that truſts the reſiſtance to a pregnant underſtanding to any thing but to a more pregnant.
The Prince of Conde blamed the raine in the laſt attempt, and thinking with valour to relieve the place, having rallied his Armie, he came again within ſight of it, and fortified himſelfe upon the ſame hill. And having choſen the beſt ſpirits amongſt his whole body, hee ſent them downe into the plaine, backed by all the Cavallerie, with the Duke of Luin, to ſet upon the Fortifications in two places. The onſet was terrible and dreadfull, made by men who were of noble blood, undaunted hearts, valiant, worthy to live for the defence of Religion, or die in defending it. Five hundred Gentlemen died in the field, and moſt part in the Trenches, finding death and buriall in the fame place, and leaving their memories written in the bloud of honourable wounds. May they reſt in peace, and let a forraigne Pen applaud them, to make171 their actions live, who died gloriouſly valiant.
Amongſt our men were moſt noted, the two Field-Marſhals, Molinguen a Knight, and Don Giuſto di Torres, whoſe quarters were•et upon. The Field-Marſhall Iohn di Arze ▪ who went with part of the Count Dukes Regiment to relieve them. This man raifed his fortunes in Flanders by his valour, and paſſing through all the degrees of honour, attained to that of Field-Marſhall. Hee is brother to Don Peter de Arze Secretary of State. The one employes his Pen, the other his Sword; the one fights, the other writes and gives advice. They ſtrive who ſhall doe the beſt ſervice. Which of them deſerves beſt I know not ▪ ſeeing there is no difference, in their abilitie, or will, but onely in their profeſſion. It will then appeare when the competition between the Pen and the Sword is decided.
But above all ſhined the valour of the Marquis of Torrecuſa, who ſometimes Leading the head on•ſometimes heartening the men, omitted not any thing pertaining to a Commander or Souldier, but hee did command, and172 performed it. Hee encouraged with words, and when need required with deeds. The enemy being gotten upon a Trench, taking a pike in his hand, hee hindered, diſordered, and overthrew him.
Let Poets have leave to deſcribe their Orlandoes, and Rinaldoes, if under thoſe fabulous narrations they intended to ſet downe this truth, That one mans valour is ſufficient to gaine a victorie.
An Army when it hath no Commander, is a meere dead carkaſſe, when it hath one, it is ſometimes valiant, ſometimes cowardly, according to the ſoule which aſſiſts it. Even as the Members runne to the danger where the head is, ſo the ſouldier where it goeth. That hand that arme, that fearfully avoides and ſhunnes the blow which intends to wound it raſhly runs on to meet it, in defence of the head. When one brutiſh, and unadviſed man goeth, all the reſt will follow, (though cowards) to precipitate themſelves. So doe not the wiſe. He ſuffers himſelfe moſt to be led ▪ who hath leaſt wit, the danger diminiſheth wit in many, and takes it quite away from the173 moſt part, making them like brutes follow him who goeth before them. Having loſt their owne diſcourſe, they now diſcourſe with anothers. They hold it more ſecure to ſight in his company, then to fly without him. They would all runne blindfold into a precipice, ſome through valour, and the moſt part through ignorance, were it not that many who ſhould lead on, ſometimes ſtay behind to meet the danger, till it is too late, and the Army runnes away: and whereas before ignorance would have been favourable to cauſe him to be followed, it now becomes dangerous to cauſe him to be obeyed. All truſt remaining now in good adviſement which is hard for to find place in him that feareth, and moſt neceſſary to alter the courſe which he is in. I ſay not that all the Commanders ought to be ſuch, but ſuch a one there muſt be, and that Army which wanteth ſuch a one as the Marquis of Torrecuſa is, ſhall not bee without a head ▪ but without a heart. The Prince of Conde retired into France with the body of his Army, or to ſay better, hee dragged it along, like a ſad and lifeleſſe corps.
174He is a man ordained to doe harme where he hath received benefits, that fortune which being adverſe, cauſed him to receive them, ſeeing him in his proſperity unthankfull, returnes to be adverſe to cauſe him to repay them, ſhewing it ſelfe contrary to his deſignes, yet favourable to his engagements, where without being either treacherous or unngratefull, he ſerves his King faithfully, and becauſe of his ill fortune ſerves his benefactor happily. And if he alone be happy, that (according to the opinion of the wiſe) cannot be unhappy, who can be ſo, more then this Prince, who is alwayes ſure to obtaine noble renowne, whether he loſe or conquer, by either deſerving much, or paying a great debt?
The enemy having already twice in vaine attempted the reliefe of Salſas, driven back ſometimes by valour, ſometimes by fortune, being now paſt hope drew his Army into quarters.
The Truce being expired in Italy, the enemy entred into Chieri, a place which may he termed to have no walls, and had no men in it. The Marquis drew neere unto them, and hindered their deſigne of175 beſieging Turine; He cut them off a Convoy of ▪ a thouſand Souldiers; Hee proffered battell divers times, and they refuſing it, drove them to retire to the hills, hee followed and overtooke them, and forced them five times to change their ſtations, ſtill gaining them from them, and had he not wanted time hee had ſtrength and courage enough to have deſtroyed that Army in two houres.
The enemy left in the field, many dead men ſtore of baggage and munition, and found himſelfe ſo rent, that hee durſt not hinder the Marquis from taking of Bubio, and Weſme, two great Caſtles which they had•eft in thoſe paſſes.
The proceedings of his Majeſties Armies this yeare in Italy were thoſe wee have rehearſed which are peradventure greater, then either ancient or moderne hiſtories mention to have beene performed in the ſhort ſpace of ſo few moneths, with ſo many painfull circumſtances.
The war was betweene Nations, warlike both renowned and experienced; In a fruitfull Land ▪ full of ſtrong holds, provided of victuall and Ammunition, aſſiſted with old forces and Garriſoned176 with valiant Souldiers.
The glories gained, were Armies routed, and overthrown, reliefes ſometimes hindered, ſometimes given; Forts aſſalted, won & defended; walls ſcaled, great ſtore of places taken, ſometimes by ſudden aſſaults, ſometimes by ſhort ſieges, none through intelligence, one onely through cunning, & that valorouſly; Very few voluntarily, & they firſt terrified, ſome yeilding to ſtrēgth, ſom to fear, & al to juſtice.
The Conqueſts have been th'enlarging of his Majeſties Dominions from Milan to the Alpes by Yurea and Turin, & to the Sea by Monferrat and thoſe places. Thus were the conſultations and advices of the French Miniſters of State deceived, who by not cōming into Italy with great forces, boūded within a ſmal cōpaſſe the poſſibility of cōqueſts to the Spaniſh armies.
The Spaniard who workes leaſt, and fights beſt of other Nations, changing his fighting into labouring ▪ loſt his advantage, and amidſt the bankes of earth rather hid his valour, then defended his perſon. But at laſt (were it chance, neceſſitie or choice) throwing away the ſpade, and taking the ſword in hand, he177 ſhewed the ſouldiers were not different from their anceſtors, but rather the commanders; not the valour, but the way of fighting. This ſodaine metamorphoſis, which in the conquering of places, changed dayes into houres, was miſinterpreted by them who ſhould have believed it, and becauſe they would not reſpect true valour where it was, they accuſed falshood where it was not, and endeavouring rather to ſecure themſelves from that, then defend themſelves againſt the other, deceiving their owne underſtanding they found themſelves to be faithfully ſerved and valiantly overcome.
To hide the enemies valour from the vulgar ſort, becauſe they may not be diſheartned, is a conveniency of State. To puniſh innocent perſons, and conceale the guilty, to deceive the people, to gaine repute with the Prince ſavours of damnable policy. But for a man to deceive himſelfe, and not believe what he ſees, as if the not believing of it, could unmake the truth, and th'imagination make the caſe, is neither humane not diabolicall conveniency. It is true that the one deſtroyes the truth, and the other frames178 the caſe; but it being not in the thing its ſelfe, but onely in the underſtanding by ſuch an errour they loſe both th'underſtanding and the thing.
It was dayly expected at Court to heare of the yeelding of the place, and that ſhortly, riſoners, and thoſe which runne over to us did aſſure us of it; affirming they drunke ciſterne water, eat rottenbisket, wanted wood and ſalt; that ſouldiers fell ſick, and dyed, and thoſe who were living did mutiny. That the Governour talked, though he did not parley: and though his words were rather of ſending to the Prince of Conde then of yeilding the place it was a ſigne of faintneſſe, and he would yeild it. Likelyhood perſwaded theſe things to be true and eſpecially the deſire of thoſe who were unwilling to premeditate, and knew not how to provide for the dammages which delay might breed, made it ſerve for a cōfort, & a remedy to perſwade themſelves and others that it would quickly yield.
It is neceſſary for an officer to provide for all as he can imagine, and not for that chiefly which is moſt likely, but for that which is moſt dangerous. To expect179 a good event quickly, it is neceſſary firſt to ſecure ones ſelf fro•evil. One that is to be deceived is never quite and utterly deceived; there alwaies remaines ſomewhat, in which being not totally deceived, though it doth not undeceive it troubleth.
Hope which is framed to ſuſtaine one, in great misfortunes being ill uſed, precipitates us into miſerable calamities, Not cōtent through it to keep our ſelves from diſpaire, we would thereby attaine to happineſſe. The future becomes preſent, hope is turned into ſecurity; And being deceived by our owne deſires, and not hopes promiſes, we call it deceitfull and falſe; which would not be deceitfull if we did not make it ſo nor falſe if we did not falſifie it. It deceives none, but leaves them perplexed without any determination; and he that determineth, changeth it by his opinion.
The Count Duke who made uſe of hope ▪ with a proviſo that it ſhould not prejudice wiſdome, comforted himſelfe through it as if it were certaine, and did uſe prevention againſt it, as if it were falſe. At this time the art and deceipt of the French was to be more looked too,180 them their valour, who have changed their cuſtome, though not their nature, their head, though not their heart.
That the Prince of Conde was their generall, who had openly ſaid in Dola, that his underſtanding was much to be feared, his force not ſo much, and his fortune but little. That it was unlikely he having had ſo much time and ſo covenient a ſeaſon had not ſufficiently victualled the place.
That it was to be imagined the Governour fearing force, more then want, to prevent that, feigned he feared that moſt which he feared leaſt. To eate rotten bisket was in wiſe men, not ſo much a demonſtration of want as an argument of providence, as they who reſerved what was good, againſt a greater faintneſſe, and for a ſmaller number; little regarding the health and life of ſouldiers, when they can doe no better ſervice, then to dye.
When ſhew is made in any beſieged place either of abundance or want, the contrary is alwayes to be doubted.
His advice was that two thouſand of the beſt old ſouldiers ſhould be left in the trenches; the reſt ſhould be lodged ſome181 where nere thereabouts to refreſh themſelves, and be ready upon any occaſions. That the void place, which they left, ſhould be filled up with men our of Catalonia, Arragon, and Valencia, with a promiſe of exchanging them if the ſiege ſhould laſt long, and if ended, ſoone, to diſcharge them. That the Gallies ſhould returne to Naples and Sicilie, having firſt landed reliefe into the State of Milan, and the reſt remaine in Spaine. And that the ſhips ſhould make ready for the Indian voyage.
This opinion was applauded by all men, but not wholly effected, by reaſon of a rumour which began to be raiſed of a great reliefe preparing in France. And likewiſe becauſe that ſome few weekes after, the Governour upon honourable conditions (which are ſet downe in the end of the booke) covenanted to yeeld up the place, if he were not relieved by the day of th'Epiphanie.
In the meane time the Marquis of Balbaſes writ to the Duke of Ferrandina, how he heard the enemy was advancing with a numerous and ſtrong Army, having a double intent; Namely, either to force182 their out-workes, or to keep away our proviſions. Hee ſhewed that the former was not impoſſible to be done, and the latter vere eaſie. He ſpake concerning both, with much valour and yet with ſome diffidence an ordinary thing in wife men, and being done with moderation is profitable to ſecure one againſt future times. If it falls cut well it credits the valour which hath overcome the difficulties: if ill, the advice which hath given notice of them.
The Marquis of Villa Franca ſent the Letter to the Count Duke.
I have affirmed this to be a great Generall, who from his Cloſet can command Armies. I would be ſilent in many things concerning the Count Duke, if I framed a Poem, but I relate them, becauſe I write a Hiſtorie. The former makes uſe of what is likely, though falſe, the later leaves not out that which is unlikely ſo it be true.
Be it then granted mee to prove the truth of the moſt unlikely thing. I can ſpeake in the commendation of this great man, to honour my Hiſtorie by the Letter he writ to Marquis Spinolis. I will ſet183 ſet down a true copy of it word by word, without adding or diminiſhing. I ſhall ſecure my ſelfe from the blemiſh of infamy, if not amongſt ignorant and malicious men (the praiſe and diſpraiſe of whom I equally contemne) yet amongſt underſtanding and well minded folk ▪ who alone can commend and diſcommend.
SIR, There arrived here this morning a letter from the Marquis of Villa Franca dated the 29 of the laſt month, and one incloſed from your Excellency of the 27. I confeſſe that if the advices your Excellency writes of, are thoſe which you expected for certaine, I find my ſelfe disburthened of three quarters of the cares I tooke. An Army which hath two deſignes, doth much weaken the action with the diverſity of two intentions, whereas having but one it may doe much, there remaining no appeale to the ſecond. I will now diſcourſe with your Excellency upon your letter to the Marquis after I have curſorily touched ſomething concerning the time given for the yeilding of the place, it being judged to be ſomewhat long; and though here others conſider other points of the capitulation184 I only inſiſt upon that of having water in the dike, which being ſo extravagant and new to me, maketh mee ſuſpect (finding no other reaſon for it) they deſired it, to th'end they might have water to drinke; and if they wanted water (ſeeing thirſt cannot be endured two dayes,) I would by no meanes have made any agreement with them, but for a very ſhort time. And if this bee a cuſtomary clauſe, and there be other reaſons to enforce it, I referre my ſelfe to experience, which though it cannot hinder the prefixed time from being thought long, may ſatisfie the ſtricteſt difficultie, and chiefeſt ground. Now comming to your Excelencies Letter, wherein you relate the enemies twofold deſignes, I will ſpeake what I thinke of it.
As for the firſt to force the out-works, I aſſuredly believe that after ſo many moneths time they are ſetled in very good forme, and that by that meanes, and with the helpe of the Cavallerie, it will be more then difficult for the enemy to force thoſe workes in ſuch ſort as to enter them with their Horſe and Ordnance, which not comming to paſſe, it will bee185 impoſſible for him to obtaine his deſire, which I fear the leſſe, becauſe I know thoſe two thouſand men are making ready for your Excellencie, which I ſuppoſe you onely wanted to ſecure the Workes; As for the hindering you from victuall, if I may ſpeake the truth, I hold it impoſſible, your Excellencie hath within your Trenches proviſion ſufficient for twelve dayes at the leaſt, according to the reiterated orders, and peradventure for longer. They who muſt hinder them, muſt return back to take the way of Eſtagel, and conſequently muſt paſſe under your Excellencies Canon, whereby beſides the diſcouragement an Army receives by going back, you may have them purſued in the reare; and if that ſhould not hinder their good order, yet might you keepe backe their reliefes and proviſions, in thoſe rough, and narrow waies, and provide as is fitting for Perpignane. Out of which in my opinion it would bee good to leave ſome Commanders of Horſe and Foot, who uniting themſelves with the men of the Province might upon any occaſion either obſtruct the enemies proviſions, or bring him in between thoſe Troops and186 your excellencie. For as it may be believed and as upon the laſt Orders advice is given, that the Catalanes were raiſing forces, whereof the fainteſt part, increaſing the bulk, and the beſt, ſtrengthening Perpignane, would make the enemies intentions exceeding difficult, if not impoſſible. Beſides, I hold it very painfull, there being no proviſions ready upon the Frontiers the 24th day, to bring all neceſſary proviſions from Sicas, to Rivas altas for an Army (which ſtands in want of it) by reaſon of the great compaſſe which by reaſon of the ill way they muſt fetch, and the ſhort time of ten dayes, which they have to worke in, your Excellencie being abundantly ſtored with every thing for above twelve. If the enemy ſhould make his attempt by the way of Rivas altas your Excellencie would not have ſo much time as I think of between the one, and the other action. But before any ſuch, paſſage could bee made, you would have had it, by that which I have ſpoken of Perpignane, and alwayes cut off the enemies Convoyes, they being at ſuch a diſtance, or burne their proviſions in their Magazines. For it is impoſſible and187 not to be imagined that he can keep ſuch a guard upon his proviſions and other places, and ſecure himſelfe.
Whence ſhall he provide ſuch a ſtrong Army both in quality and quantity as might ſtand for ſeaven whole leagues in every place ſtronger then the body of your Excellencies, to ſecure him from receiving a blow, which may diſorder him, and utterly overthrow his deſigne?
I beſeech your Excellencie to pardon me, as Don Pietro de Toledo was wont to ſay, if I ſouldiour it with ſo great a fouldiour, who am altogether inexpert in that art. I conclude Sir, that we are and ought to be Gods; hoping he will not forſake his cauſe. I ſend your Excellency money.
I will alſo rehearſe the circumſtances; they will ſeeme weake but they are neceſſary to lay open the great ones; they will abaſe my ſtile, but what is that to the purpoſe, ſo they doe exalt anothers glories. He did not elaborate this letter with his pen, he did dictate it without any intermiſſion, not when he was quiet and farre from any noiſe, ſitting188 at his desk, but in his coach running, not imparting it to any, onely dictating it to Don Antonio Carnero one of his ſecretaries, a man of great underſtanding and knowledge, of moſt unſpotted fidelity, and cleane hands, in ſervice attentive and infatigable.
I beare with them who ſet me out for a flatterer. They ſee me rewarded, they examine my talent, and becauſe they find no great worth, they blemiſh it with a great vice. They find me a writer of great actions, they examine what they can doe, and becauſe they find it come ſhort, they call my relations fables. The conciouſneſſe of what themſelves would doe, cauſeth them to thinke ill of him that writes, & that which they cannot do to miſunderſtand him that doth it. An Hiſtorian of underſtanding flatters himſelf if he imagines he can avoid ſlanders. He hath ſomewhat within him which he concealeth, a great vertue and a great vice, which being hid from the eyes of the vulgar, when it comes to be manifeſted, it ſeeming he addeth it of his own (becauſe that though it were ſo, it was not knowne) they call him, if he writes189 of excellent good ones, a flatterer, if of exceeding bad ones, a malicious perſon.
I would be pleaſing to heare vice reproved, but with modeſty, and vertue extolled, but with moderation; and its diſpleaſing to have the ſecrets of vertues and vices diſcovered. They would be willing to embrace the one, and not have it knowne, and to not labour for the other, and yet have it imagined that they have it. They heare the writers expreſſions blame vice wholly, but in vertue praiſe onely the greateſt, and men having commonly of the one and the other, and few of the latter exceſſively, participating of the reproof, which extends it ſelfe even to mediocrity, and not of the praiſe, which goeth onely upon the extreames, on the one part they remaine ill ſatisfied, on the other offended. Upon the report of the reliefe comming out of France, his Majeſties Army was increaſed by a conſiderable number of Catallanes (who in this occaſion carried themſelves cunningly) and by many ſouldiours who having recovered their healths went to employ it in their maſters ſervice.
Above all others remarkeable was the190 arrivall of the Duke of Naccara and Maccheda not ſo much becauſe he brought three hundred of the choiceſt muſquettiers of the Fleet with him, as for the perſon of ſo compleate a Gentleman, who not through any other perſwaſion but of his own well-guided courage, voluntarily came to increaſe it in that Army; and whereas before he without feare ſtood expecting the enemy, now feareleſſe came to challenge him. He put himſelfe in the regiment of the Count Duke, under the Command of the Field Marſhall Don Iohn de Arze, to make himſelfe famous with his pike in his hand.
Let it be a ſufficient atteſtation for the nobility of his bloud, that I have named him; Of the great endowments of his perſon, the relation of this action. In the former are rehearſed the memories of his many illuſtrious forefathers, and a perſon is ſet forth in whom is made the union of all thoſe greatneſſes; in the latter ſhines, modeſty, wiſdome, valour, and devotion to the King, and gallantneſſe in ſerving him.
Th'intelligences which many wayes191 came out of France were, That the moſt Chriſtian King was reſolved to have the Fort relieved. That to that purpoſe came cut of Paris, Monſieur de Poncourle Marquis ▪ of Coaſtin ▪ Nephew to the Cardinall of Richelieu. That the old and new Forces of Languedock were appointed for that purpoſe, ſoure companies of forraign Nations, the Regiment of Lionnois, the Regiment of guards, eight which came out of Lorraine downe the Rone, all the Cavallerie that was in pay, the bound Nobility which was bound to come, and that which came voluntary; and becauſe they ſhould be enow for ſuch a great enterpriſe, there being a ſcarcitie of them in France, they reſolved to remedy it by the ſame way as it came, taking the Baron of Baſſompier out of priſon (for ſo they write him) that hee might with the Duke of Luin, and Marſhall La Force, goe to the reliefe.
All this rumour ended with the approach of the Vanguard within foure miles of the place, the day before that which was agreed upon for the yielding of it; And to th'end the default might be imputed to want of time, or peradventure192 to the Governour, becauſe it was not then relieved, and for the former time to the Generall, becauſe he could not relieve it. They did nothing at all, and left it to be doubted what they would have done if they had fought. But what they would have done, may be knowne by what they did, when they did fight before. The time was long enough being foure moneths; the Governour deſerved commendations, having (before he yeilded) ſuffered long famine. deadly diſeaſes, and great mutinies. The Generall was juſtified by the two reliefes which he attempted, and by this third which was not attempted.
The Governour came out of the Hold according to the agreement the day of the Epiphanie.
The Lord would not have our King want this place to offer up that day wherin other Kings preſent their gifts unto him. And becauſe it ſhould bee manifeſt what his Majeſties directions doe operate in all enterpriſes, what the Princes hopefulneſſe begins to operate, and what the Count Dukes advice had operated, this could not happen upon a fittinger day then this, which is his Majeſties day193 by his preheminencie amongſt Kings, The Princes by his name of Balthaſar, and the Count Dukes by reaſon it was his birth day. The Sunne ſhines not upon the birth-day of him who was borne for the greatneſſe of this Monarchie, nor returnes not to the place where hee was on that day, or celebrates the feſtivall of it, with a leſſe favourable aſpect, then the conqueſt of a place regained with ſo much valour and glory.
There the world being ſpectator, beheld as on a Theatre too great and terrible Provinces, Spaine and France fighting a Duell, not for their ſtates, but for their reputations, expecting, as the reward of victory, the renowne of being the moſt valiant.
There with foure thouſand foot, and two thouſand five hundred horſe was the enemies whole forces ſet upon in their own quarters, and routing them, they were faine to be beholding to the darkneſſe of the night, to not have it knowne whether they retreated or fled.
There in little more then an hour, were aſſaulted gained and throwne downe their Forts, halfe Moons, Trenches, and194 what ever elſe in ſo many dayes was ſet up about that place by French art, and underſtanding to ſafeguard him from the the Spaniſh valour.
There a few forces tired with want, and ſickly by reaſon of the unſeaſonableneſſe of the aire, defended a large and weak circuit of trench, againſt a moſt powerfull Army of the King of France increaſed in great number by the Souldiers, & Gentry of the adjoyning Provinces, and by old regiments from far parts much reinforced.
There along the Poole with weake Barkes was overthrown a Convoy, and a great aide overcome, which the enemy had embarqued to relieve the place with victuals and Ammunition.
There after they had gathered, together all the power of France, they durſt not appeare in the field, being diſheartened by the horror of ſeeing their dead companions, and diſcouraged with the remembrance of the overthrowes they had there received.
Finally the Spaniards have there been alwayes conquerors, a foot•a horſe-back, by land, by water, in open field or intrenched, in aſſalting, or in defending trenches;195 Let it be knowne that nature on the one fide raines downe plenty, on the other it inſtilleth valour, to ſome it gives number, to others ſolidneſſe and hath imprinted the character of ſuperiority in the breaſt of them who exceed in valour, not in number.
Articles of ſuſpenſion of Armes between the two Crowns. The Lady Dutcheſſe, and the Lords Princes of Savoy, from the 14th of Auguſt, to the 29th of October, 1639.
IT being judged neceſſary for furthering the Propoſitions made betweene the Dutcheſſe and the Princes of Savoy, and to prevent the ruine of Piemont, to have a Suſpenſion of Arms betweene the two Crownes the Dutcheſſe and the ſaid Princes, as well in Italy, as in all other her highneſſe of Savoys Dominions; The ſaid Suſpenſion was agreed upon, for the publick good and quietneſſe and in regard of the good offices done by th'Archbiſhop of St. Severina, Apoſtolicall Nuntio ▪ untill the 24th of October next of this preſent yeare 1639. to give their196 Majeſties notice thereof in the meane time, and to receive an anſwer concerning their pleaſures therein. During which time, all manner of hoſtilities ſhall ceaſe on all ſides, and that upon the conditions following.
That the Cittadell of Turin ſhall remaine in the Dutcheſſe and the Frenches poſſeſſion, and the City of Turin in the Princes of Savoy and the Spaniards poſſeſſion, as they are at this preſent with ſuch numbers of men as ſhall bee judged fit for the guarding of the ſaid places.
That they both may work within the ſaid places during the time of the ſaid ſuſpenſion, or as it may be agreéd between them, as ſhall bee appointed for the ſaid purpoſe, and as it ſhall bee ſet downe in the Covenants made and confirmed this preſent day.
The two Armies ſhall retire each to the Provinces and Townes of their owne ſide, and into their ſeverall Holds, (as more particularly it hath been covenanted and agreed in another writing beating date with theſe preſent) without making any incurſions, or doing any other acts of hoſtility. And if any thing197 ſhould happen contrary to this Article, the dammage ſhall be made good againe; and ſatisfaction given upon the complaint without any breach of this ſuſpenſion thereby.
That in ſuch places as are poſſeſſed by the two Crownes, the Dutcheſſe, and the ſaid Princes of Savoy, none of their officers, nor any other perſon of their partie, ſhall without a Paſſport goe to places belonging to the other party, nor into their Armies, or much leſſe into any ſuch places, as is covenanted they ſhould retire into.
As concerning Caſal, things ſhall remaine in the ſtate they are at this preſent, and no act of hoſtility to be done on either ſide.
It ſhall be lawfull for the Field Marſhalls and Officers of Juſtice, and treaſure and other Officers of the moſt Chriſtian Kings Armies, to goe and returne to and from the ſaid Caſal, and other places of Monferrat, where the ſaid moſt Chriſtian King hath any Garriſon, as likewiſe thoſe as ſhall bee ſent by his Majeſties Generalls and Officers, or ſuch as ſhall be within the ſaid places, with198 Paſſes from the moſt Chriſtian Kings Generalls, or the Governours, or any other perſon as ſhall have the command of the place from whence they ſhall come, which Paſſes being ſhewne both at going and comming to the Governours of ſuch places as ſhall be held by his Catholick Majeſtie, and the ſaid Princes of Savoy, they ſhall bee tied to ſuffer them to goe and come freely without any lett on either ſide.
All Officers which doe not belong to the ſaid Garriſon of Caſal, and are not at this preſent in it, and ſhall goe into it during the time of the ſaid ſuſpenſion, ſhall be tied to come forth againe before it be ended, according to the order which ſhall be given them ſo to doe by the moſt Chriſtian Kings Generalls upon paine that all Officers as ſhall herein offend, ſhall be dealt with as breakers of this ſuſpenſion and Treaty. That the ſicke and wounded of the Spaniſh Army may freely be carried and conveyed from Turin into the State of Milan along the River Po, with Paſſes from the Governour of the City of Turin, together with ſuch as ſhall conduct the ſaid ſick and wounded men,199 their goods and baggage, ſhewing the ſaid Paſſes to the Governours of Caſal and Civaſco. And the Boat-men may likewiſe: returne to Turin with their empty Boats, wherein they ſhall have carried the ſaid infirme men, without needing any other Paſſes then ſuch as they ſhewed at their going, which they ſhall againe ſhew to the ſaid Governours of Civaſco and Caſal at their comming back, without any moleſtation on either ſide.
As for the Garriſon of the ſaid Caſal, it may be renewed to the quantitie of ſix hundred men, during the ſaid ſuſpenſion, taking out as many of them that are in it, in the preſence of a Commiſſary of each part.
The moſt Chriſtian Kings Officers may cauſe any goods as they deſire to bee brought out of the ſaid place, and carried to what place they pleaſe.
The priſoners of both Crownes ſhall for this time be exchanged; Captaine for Captaine, and other Officers, for Officers of the like qualitie, and ſouldier for ſouldier. And in caſe there bee a greater number of priſoners one the one ſide200 then on the other, they ſhall be freed, paying for their ranſomes one moneths pay, and their charge, excepting Collonels, whoſe ranſomes ſhall be agreed upon by the Generalls; And as for the priſoners of war, who are in the Dutcheſſes hands, and the Princes of Savoy's, of either Armies belonging to the two Crownes, they ſhall be included in the precedent Article. And as for other priſoners which are in the Dutcheſſes or Princes hands, they ſhall be exchanged one for another, and being more of one ſide then the other, they ſhall be particularly treated of between the Dutcheſſe and the Princes.
And upon the ſaid Articles the ſaid Suſpenſion hath been agreed upon, beginning from this preſent day the 24. of October this yeare 1639. Which ſhall begin in Turin the day of the date, and in Piemont and Monferrat, foure dayes after, and in Nizza and Savoy ſix dayes. Meaning that it beginning from this day, the Armies which are in Turin ſhall not doe any acts of hoſtilitie on neither ſide to any place whatſoever, and if they doe, ſatisfaction ſhall be given.
For the fulfilling and performing wherof201 the under written Lords, doe faithfully and ſincerely bind themſelves, and it witneſſe thereof have bin ſubſcribed two copies, the one in Spaniſh by the moſt Illuſtrious Prince Thomas and the moſt Excellent Lord Marquis of Leganes; And the other in French, by the Cardinall of Valletta, and the Duke of Longueville the 14. of Auguſt 1639.
Articles agreed upon in the treaty of ſuſpenſion of armes between the two Crowns, the Dutcheſſe, and Princes of Savoy, concerning the places of Piemont which are to remaine at the diſpoſall of each party.
FIrſt all the lands of the territorie of Aſti, betweene Po and Tanaro, to the lands of Monferrat, ſhall remaine at the diſpoſall of the ſaid Princes beginning from Santena, Caſanova Ternavas, Pralormo, la Monta St. Damian and Gouon unto the Tanaro, together with St. Steven where neither ſhall lye; and the Inne which is on this ſide of the Po ſhall remaine neutrall. And all the land from the ſide of Cheraſco and Carmagnuola ſhall202 remaine in the Dutcheſſes diſpoſall. All the lands of the territory of Aſti on the other ſide the Tanaro toward Nizza della Paglia and of the mariſh ſide ſhall likewiſe be at the Princes diſpoſal beginning from the way to Aſti, to Ceva ▪ Coſtigliole, Collozo, St. Steven of Belbe Coſſano, Caſto, Mombarche, M•llazano, Ceva; And Caſtagnola ſhall remaine neutrall, and all the other townes on the ſide of Alba. And from the aforeſaid Townes to the Tanaro, they remaine under the Dutcheſſes command. And likewiſe it is agreed that the ſaid Coſſano, and the fort of it ſhall remaine neuter, becau•e of the paſſage from Alba to Bobbio, & Veſme. The towns going from Ceva to Conio on the mountain ſide ſhall be likewiſe at the diſpoſing of the ſaid Princes; beginning from St. Michaell Villanova Morrozo, Margarita, Montaner, Caſtelletto and Conto. And to goe from Conio to Revello, Buſca ſhall likewiſe belong to the Princes; and Carde ſhall remaine neuter for the paſſage. And likewiſe to goe from Conio to Dromero, and Valle di Maira; Bernez and Carallio ſhall in the foreſaid manner remaine at the Princes diſpoſall.
203And all the townes, except the aforeſaid of St. Michael, Margarita and the other which are mentioned being on the ſide of Bene, Foſſano, Savigliano and Saluzzo, together with the Vallie of St. Paire, ſhall be at the Dutcheſſes diſpoſing, with the reſt of the Townes of Piemont.
And all the townes to goe from Jurea to Maſſe, and from Maſſe to Flet by the way of the mountaine, which remaine betweene the Dora Baltea, and the river Orco ſhall be at the ſaid Princes diſpoſing. And to goe from the ſaid Maſſe to Turin; Follizo and Leini ſhall remaine neuter; as alſo Borgaro, and Settimo to goe from the Cittadell of Turin to Civaſco. And all the other townes from Maſſe to Civaſco, and from thence to Flet, with thoſe of the river Orco to Suſa ſhall be at the Dutcheſſes diſpoſing, as alſo Cimena and its territorie, St. Raphael, and Caſtanetto.
And along by the vale of Lanzo, beginning from the ſaid place, the country ſhall be free without any quartering, onely it ſhall contribute to the Dutcheſſes horſe which ſhall lie in Viu, becauſe the204 ſaid Vale may provide, and carry proviſion to the City, and Cittadell of Turin, whither the Inhabitants of the ſaid Vally ſhall be ſuffered to goe and ſell the ſaid proviſions at their pleaſures. And it is further agreed, that in the places belonging to the Abby of St. Benigno, none ſhall quarter unleſſe they be paſſengers.
And in the Lands of Beinaſco, Grogliaſco, Cogliegno, and Alteſano, none ſhall quarter, nor much leſſe ſhall any quarter neer to any of the ſaid places where there is a Garriſon of the one or the other ſide, by two miles.
Articles agreed upon between the moſt Excellent Lords, the Marquis of Balbaſes, and the Count of Santa Colomba Geneneralls of the Armies of Cantabria, and Catalonia. And Monſieur d'Eſpinan, Field-Marſhall of the moſt Chriſtian Kings Armies, and Governour of the Caſtle and Fort of Salſas, this Friday 23th December 1639. in the Leaguer under Salſas.
FIrſt, it is agreed that the ſaid Monſieur d'Eſpinan ſhall come forth of the205 Caſtle and fort of Salſas with all the Garriſon, Chieftaines, Officers, Souldiers, and Perſons of what condition ſoever, the ſixt day of January next at nine a clock in the morning punctually, in caſe the place be not relieved the ſame day; at the ſame houre. By relieving is meant, if the moſt Chriſtian Kings Army doth force the outward Trenches, and the Army which beſiegeth the place to retreat; or doth relieve the place with proviſions as much as it wants: ſo that there being any of thoſe things wanting ▪ the Place ſhall not be underſtood to be relieved; and the beſieged ſhall be bound to yeeld it up at the appointed houre, though they might bee relieved within a moment after it.
The beſieged ſhall come out ſecure in their lives and perſons, without any diſtaſte or grievance, with all their Armes and baggage, Drums beating, Colours flying Matches lighted at both ends, and Bullets in their mouthes.
They ſhall likewiſe have one of the French peeces of Ordnance which are in the Caſtle with its Carriages and other inſtruments, and Ammunition ſufficient to make twenty ſhot.
206The beſieged ſhall be conducted to Narbona; the ſhorteſt and directeſt way, and ſhall goe away the ſame day, and houre as is agreed upon, and ſhall march that night to Sixa•, to which place they are to be convoyed, that they may arrive thither ſafely. And the next day being the ſeventh of January, though the Convoy returne, they ſhall depart to Narbona, unto which place they ſhall carry the Hoſtages. And word is given, that they ſhall paſſe to the ſaid City with the ſame ſecurity.
The beſiegers ſhall furniſh them with Waggons as many as ſhall be needfull to carry away their unable men, their baggage and Armes if they bee laid on, and Monſieur d'Eſpinan, and the Captaines ſhall have horſes.
The beſieging Army doth covenant, that the water ſhall runne into the More on both ſides, the ſame day as Hoſtages ſhall be given. It lying at their diſcretion to turne it away again, foure dayes before notice of the reliefe bee given: the beſieged being not to hinder them from doing it, by no way nor meanes.
In caſe the reliefe ſhould appeare in ſight on the eve of the day, the Truce207 ſhall bee broken on either ſide, and all manner of hoſtilitie ſhall bee allowed, which till then ſhall have ceaſed, as likewiſe all manner of offenſive workes ſhall ceaſe till that time on both ſides, and the beſiegers ſhall not worke but onely within their Trenches; nor the beſieged ſhall, much leſſe, make any Workes, either within, or without, whereby the beſiegers may be endammaged. And in caſe the reliefe be beaten back, though it ſtand in ſight without doing any thing at the appointed houre, the capitulation ſhall bee kept, and the place yielded up, all the Articles here rehearſed, being obſerved:
It ſhall be lawfull for Monſieur d'Eſpinan to ſend one of his men to his Generall, to give him an accompt of this preſent Treaty, Conditionally that the perſon who goeth from the ſaid Monſieur d'Eſpinan ſhall not return again into the place, but may return as far as the Leaguer, and ſpake with Monſieur d'Eſpinan in the preſence of ſuch perſons as ſhall bee appointed for that purpoſe by the Generalls Excellencies, or ſhall write his mind to him, the Letter comming open into their Excellencies hands. Giving the perſon208 which ſhall come forth a paſſe & a trumpetter, as farre as the Cavagne of Palma:
And for the more aſſurance of this treaty; Hoſtages ſhall be given on both ſides. Namely a Captaine of the army of that guard which is commanded by the Marquis of Mortara, and another of a Tercia of Spaniards, another of th'Italians, and another of Walloons. And on Monſieur d'Eſpinan his ſide ſhall be delivered, two Captaines of the regiment of the Duke of Enguien and two more of the other two regiments that are in the hold. Which hoſtages ſhall be kept on both ſides untill this treaty be accompliſhed, and the horſes and carts which ſhal have conducted the beſieged being come to Narbona, ſhall be ſent back againe, and the hoſtages likewiſe, all which things being arrived to the army, their hoſtages ſhall be ſent away ſafe, with a trumpetter.
For the performance of which treaty it ſhall be ſubſcribed by the moſt Excellent Lords Generall of the beſiedging army, and by Monſieur d'Eſpinan, and the heads of the regiments which are within Salſas. Given at the leaguer before Salſas the 23. December 1639.