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A COMPLAINT AND PETITION OF The whole Kingdome OF ENGLAND, For ſatisfaction of Conſci­ence, and avoiding Rebellion.

Printed for W. Webb. 1643.


WHereas your Petitioners having formerly contributed free­ly and liberally to the King and Parliament in conjuncti­on, do now refuſe further to contribute or pay, conceive­ing them in oppoſition; as by reaſon His Majeſties Perſon was invaded in battell at Keinton (contrary to the many Declarations of taking up Armes for the ſafety of His Majeſties Perſon) ſo in regard there is no expreſſe care of His Perſon and Honour in your late Ordi­nance, for the aſſeſſing the Twentieth part in London, nor in your De­claration for leavying of money in the Counties.

And whereas this their refuſall is meerly out of Conſcience, according to that information they have concerning the Divine Conſtitution of particular Kings in their ſeverall Kingdomes, and of ſubjection to them both Active and Paſſive, and of the damnableneſſe of Reſiſting; from

Firſt, the Word of God: Dan. 4. 17. & 25. 32. where thrice in one Chapter it is ſaid, That the Kingdomes be Gods, and he gives them to whom he will: 1 Sam. 26. 9. Who can ſtretch forth his hand againſt the Lords Annointed and be guiltleſſe? And the ſame bleſſed ſpirit which calls David the Lords Annointed, Pſal. 89. 20. doth call Cyrus a Heathen Prince the Lords Annointed alſo. Eſa. 45. 1. Rom. 13. Let e­very ſoule be ſubject to the higher Powers, for there is no Power but of God; The powers that be are ordained of God: whoſoever therefore reſiſteth the Power, reſiſteth the Ordinance of God, and they that reſiſt ſhall receive to themſelves damnation. Yea, we acknowledge in our Booke of Common-Prayer, that King CHARLES is Gods Miniſter, and that he hath Gods Authority, and ſo fighting againſt him, we fight a­gainſt God himſelfe.

Secondly, Mr Calvin and other Proteſtants, their Expoſition on Rom. 13. and 1. Pet. 2.

Thirdly, The Harmony of Reformed Churches concerning Magiſtracy.

Fourthly, The Doctrine of the Church of England in the Bookes of Homilies delivered, concerning civill obedience.

Fifthly, From the Lawes of the Land, which declare it to be Treaſon to leavy Warre againſt the King in this Kingdome, and to encounter in fight, and kill ſuch as are aſſiſting to the King, or come to helpe him, or to aid in thoſe caſes.

And the Action of the Earle of Eſſex was adjudged Treaſon, thoughIn the reigne of Q. Eliz. he pretended nothing but removing evill Counſellors from the Queene. Now that which is evill in its owne nature cannot be the ſubject of any command, nor induce any obligation upon any man by any Authority whatſoever. Remonſtrance, May 19. And we may not doe evill that good may come of it, Rom. 3. 8.

Sixthly, Alſo in regard of the late Proteſtation, relating to the ſaid Do­ctrines, and to His Majeſtie reſpectively; which Proteſtation you have bound your ſelves to maintaine, and all thoſe that doe any thing in pur­ſuance of it.

You would at leaſt be pleaſed in your preſent undertakings for Re­ligion, and for the Law of the Land, and the Liberty and Proper­ty of the Subjects, to proceed in the way of Religion without violence to the Conſcience, in a caſe that concernes no leſſe then Salvation or Damnation: (As you profeſſe your tenderneſſe of the conſcience even in matters of indifferency.) And that firſt your Authenticall Divines (Dr Burgeſſe, Mr Marſhall, &c.) may publiſh ſomething for the reſolving of Conſcience in this way clearely out of the Word of God, and home to the Action at Keinton: taking notice alſo, That His Majeſtie tooke up Armes for the maintenance of the Lawes, concerning the publike wor­ſhip of God, and for the Priviledges and freedome of Parlia­ment, notoriouſly invaded by Browniſts and Separatiſts; and that now He continues them alſo for the neceſſary defence of His Perſon, manifeſtly in danger ſince the battell at Keinton. To which (ſatisfying the Premiſes) your Petitioners (farre from con­temptuouſneſſe and obſtinacy againſt the cleare Word of God and Lawfull Authority) ſhall ingenuouſly condeſcend; and rea­dily make payment of theſe ſeverall Rates accordingly.

And pray for &c.


THE NECESSITY OF Chriſtian Subjection.

ROM. 13. 5.VVherefore ye muſt needs be ſubject, not onely for wrath, but alſo for conſcience ſake.

WOuld men but meditate, or were they per­ſwaded of the truth of the Prophet's ſpeech, (1 Sam. 15. 22, 23.) Behold to obey is better then Sacrifice, and to hearken then the fat of Rams; for Rebellion is as the ſinne of Witchcraft, and ſtubbornneſſe is as Iniquity and Idolatry. (Were they I ſay perſwaded of this truth) there would not be ſo little hearke­ning to the commands of Authority, nor ſo little obeying what they heare; nor would men runne ſo fiercely into the fearefull ſin of Rebellion, onely to maintaine and juſtifie their owne ſacrifice of fooles; which is indeed no other then theirEccleſ. 5. 1. Olympio­dor. in loc. fooliſh imaginations have deviſed, and their vaine thoughts have ſet up as an Idoll to themſelves. Or were wee not fallen into thoſe laſt and worſt of times prophecied of by the2 Apoſtle (2 Tim. 3. 1. 5. ) wherein men that make ſhew of godlineſſe (yea many that make moſt ſhew of it) have onely a ſhew, but deny the power of it, being proud, curſed ſpeakers, diſobedient to parents: Proud indeed, when they dare exalt themſelves againſt Gods Vicegerent; Curſed ſpeakers, whenHis Maje­ſties large Declarati­on, p. 12. 13. 225. 256. 257. &c. they dare libell and ſlander Prince and Prelate; Diſobedient to Parents, Naturall, Eccleſiaſticall, and Politicall; were we not I ſay fallen into ſuch times, I ſhould not need to urge the Apo­ſtles inference, which the unſeaſonable ſinnes of theſe ſea­ſons make ſo ſeaſonable: [Wherefore ye muſt needs be ſub­ject, &c.]

In which words, Infert concluſionem Principaliter intentam, Aq. wherein, Concludit Paraeneſin ſubjectionis ejuſque neceſſi­tatem, Rol. ſhewing that we muſt obey the Magiſtrate, not onely for feare of puniſhment, but much more becauſe that (although the Magiſtrate hath no power over the conſcience of man, yet ſeeing he is Gods Miniſter) he cannot be reſiſted by any good conſcience, Gen: Notes, ex Calv. & Bez. In qua duas potiſſimum urget cauſas ob quas poteſtatibus neceſſariò obe­diendum, Marlor. 1. Firſt their power to cauſe feare of wrath. 2. Secondly our conſcience to obey Gods ordinance; In reſpect of both which we muſt be ſubject not onely for wrath, but alſo for conſcience ſake:

Wherein I ſhall conſider theſe 5 particulars.

  • 1. The Illation, [Wherefore,]
  • 2. The Duty, [ſubject.]
  • 3. The Neceſſity, [muſt needs]
  • 4. The perſons obliged, [Ye]
  • 5. The Reaſons perſwading, and thoſe twofold:
    • 1. From feare of wrath, although [not onely for wrath.]
    • 2. For conſcience, [But alſo for conſcience ſake.]

1. The Illation and inference in this word [Wherefore] be­ingAquin. Lyr. Calv. Bez. Marlor. Rocello. a concluſion, wherein Quod initio praeceperat de praeſtandâ Magiſtratibus obedientiâ, nunc per modum collectionis repetit, ſed cum expoſitione: Calv. It will be convenient for concei­ving3 fully the Apoſtles meaning, and the force of his Argu­ments, and the drift of this concluſion, that we reflect backe as farre as the beginning of this Chapter; where (beſides thoſe two mentioned, verſ. 4. Of 1. Terror to the ill, which I re­ſerve to be handled under that of wrath. 2. And Reward to the good, which I referre to that of conſcience.) We ſhall finde foure Reaſons premiſed to inforce this concluſion, [Wherefore ye muſt need be ſubject, &c.]

1. Firſt,〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (v. 1.) for there is no power but of God. How much ſoever we may perhaps diſ­like them, and how ill ſoever they may ſometimes uſe their power; As Pilate did his, in crucifying him whom he ſhouldJo. 19. 20. Matth. 27. 26. have looſed, and looſing him whom he ſhould have crucified; yet our Saviour himſelfe acknowledgeth, that even this abuſed power was〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, given him from above; (Joh. 19. 11.) For miſery comes not out of the duſt, neither doth afflicti­on ſpring out of the earth: (Job. 5. 6.) But as Omne bonum deſuper, Every good gift is from above, (Jam. 1. 17. ) ſo is there no evill in the City, and the Lord hath not done it, (Amos. 3.Auguſt. de Civitat. Dei, l. 5. c. 21. 6. ) (i. e.) Malum poenae, no evill of puniſhment.

Per me Reges regnant, By me Kings raigne, is the generall ground of the Charter, both of good and evill Princes, and Nobles, and all the Judges of the earth, (Prov. 8. 15, 16.) He it is that raiſeth unto David a righteous branch, a King who ſhall raigne and proſper, and execute judgement and juſticeJer. 33. 5, 6. Hoſ. 13. 11. upon the earth, in whoſe dayes the people ſhall be ſafe; And he it is that gives an evill King in his anger, and takes a good King away in his wrath; Qui regnare facit hominem hypocri­tam propter peccata populi, (Job. 34. 30. ) vulg. So that whe­ther they be good or evill, we muſt be ſubject, ſithence there is no power but of God;〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, leſt we will be found fighters againſt God, whoſe power none is ableAct. 5. 39. to reſiſt, whether it bee for protecting or for puniſhing; [Wherefore we muſt needs be ſubject.]

2. Secondly, they are not onely not without God,〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉Citato.〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and ſo of him permiſſivè; but they are the ordinance of God himſelfe, and ſo of him poſitivè,〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,4 ordained of God (verſ. 1.) whereupon they worthily uſe in their ſtile, not onely Permiſſione Divinâ, or Providentiâ Divi­, although thoſe be good titles, taken in a good ſenſe; (yet they imply ſome intermediate meanes betwixt God and thoſe who beare them:) But Princes write Dei Gratiâ; for by the Grace of God (no favour of man) they are what they are; ſo that I may ſay of their government, as Saint Paul ſaid of his Apoſtleſhip, It is not of man, nor by man, but by Jeſus Chriſt,Gal. 1. 1. and God the Father. For, Cujus juſſu homines naſcuntur hu­jus juſſu & Reges conſtituuntur; apti his, qui in illo tempore ab ipſis regnantur. (Iren. lib. 5. cap. 24.) Which may be de­monſtratively evidenced, if we ſhall take a ſurvey of the Series, and ſucceſſion of Governours, from the firſt man that was pla­ced upon the earth, whom we finde created with an intention to make him Gods Vicegerent; (Gen. 1. 26. ) and at his very firſt ſetting foot upon the earth, actually inveſted with Mo­narchicall government: (verſ. 27, 28.) That government be­ing indeed the ſpeciall forme, whereby he could reſemble the Image of God who is in Heaven, as he made him upon Earth the ſole unequalled Monarch, from whom alone Quicquid eſtBoet. de unit. & uno. Apoc. 4. 11. Rom. 11. 36. ab uno eſt, & eſt id quod eſt; and therefore he is worthy to re­ceive glory, and honour, and power, for of him, and for him, and through him are all things.

Nor was it his intention that he ſhould onely governe the Beaſts already created. But alſo he made him to be the Mo­narch, And confirmed his Authority Jure naturali, Poteſtate patriâ, over all mankinde, which ſhould be propagated after him; Who as the Angells and thoſe of Heaven had their begin­ingTheophil. l. 2. Chryſoſt. Hom. 34. in 1 Cor. from God by Creation, and therefore were ſubject to him; ſo all the Armies upon earth were to deduce their ofspring from that one Adam by Generation, and ſo to owe to him ſub­jection; whereas had not God intended to have Principality depend onely upon his owne inſtitution, and not upon the ſub­ordinate Nobles, nor the multitudes popular election, It had beene as eaſie for him, to have Created a Company, a Colony, a Country, a Nation, a World of men upon earth, with his one faciamus, As it was, and as he did, ſo many Legions of An­gells5 in the Heavens; that ſo out of thoſe choice Colonies, themſelves might have made choice of a commaunder. But he, who found the Heavens not free from mutiny, when heApoc. 18. produced a multitude of Inhabitants there, although all were his ofspring, would not give the leaſt colour to contention for ſuperiority or equality, nor pretext of Diſobedience againſt his Monarch upon earth, whil'ſt he ſuffers no Subject to be ſet by him but ſuch as owed the Subjection and duty of a Sonne in Deſcending from him; Thereby teaching all poſterity, how the power of a Prince over his Subjects is, and ought to be acknowledged, as naturall, as the power of a Father is over his Sonne; yea and alſo thereby ſignifying, That as Naturally there can be but one Father of one Childe, So Politiquely thereTheophil. Chryſoſt. ubi ſupr. ſhould be but one Prince and Monarch of one People and Na­tion. whereupon God did not create two men (no nor Eve, but out of the rib of Adam) that ſo frō them all others ſhould iſſue, and they might rule promiſcuouſly, or that each of them ſhould rule ſuch as would make choice to be under his government, rather then under the others, (although perhaps propagated of the other) Nor that the mightieſt Hunter, he, that could getGen. 10, 9, 10. moſt, ſhould governe moſt, as afterwards it fell out in the de­generating dayes of Nimrod. But he created onely one, thereby to intimate, How far Monarchicall government is toDan. A­phoriſ. Po­lit. p. 402. 24. be preferred before any other, Aristocraticall, Democraticall, Oligarchicall, or the like. This and this alone of man on earth, being an Idea or reſemblance of Gods government in Heaven; And we pray dayly, that his will may be done on earth, as it is in Heaven; And how can it be ſo, if we reject or reſiſt thatMatth. 6. 10. forme of government? As alſo, thereby he implyes, that all o­ther formes of government are againſt the courſe of Nature, different from the patterne of Heaven, diverſe from Divine in­ſtitution, and indeed Puniſhments rather then bleſt govern­ments, If they be compared with Monarchie; Which made the wiſeſt of Kings affirme, that many Princes are impoſed for the tranſgreſſion of a Land, But that Realme onely indures long which is ruled by one man of underſtanding and know­ledge (Prov. 28. 2.) Which Doctrine ſeemes to be ſquared to6 Gods owne practice throughout all ages, whenſoever he de­ſigned any governour over his people the Jewes (after they were taken notice of for his peculiar) although for a long time he retained the royall ſupreame Title of King to himſelfe, (du­ring1 Sam. 8. which time, he oft times immediatly delivered his Regall mandates by Urim, Thummim, Viſions, Oracles, Propheſies &c.) Yet he appointed one Supreame Vicegerent over them, and not many (for as for the Sanhedrim they were but as Mo­ſes or the High preiſts privie Counſell, Or as delegated Judges becauſe of the multiplicity of buſineſſes) One I ſay and notJudg. c. 10. c. 15. many, witneſſe Moſes 40 yeares betwixt Egypt and Canaan, Joſhua neere 60 yeares ſettling them in Canaan, after them Judah, after him Othniell, then Ehud, then Shamgar, then Deborah, then Gideon, then Tolah, then Jair, then Jephthah, then Sampſon, But never above one at one time. And how la­mentable the times were when there was not one Supreame, but the multitude tooke power into their owne hands; that hideous ſtory of the licentious Danites, and the raviſhed Le­vites wife, and the revenge of one upon another may ſerve toJudg. 19. & 20. aſtoniſh all poſterity, and affright them from affecting Anar­chie; yea and when God, after that he had in mercy looked upon their miſery, ſent them new Judges, Hely, and Samuel ſucceſſively, and they not therewith ſatisfied would have a King like other nations, he doth not ſet ſeverall Kings over them, as Joſhua found 31 over the Land at their entrance, but he1 Sam. 8. 5. Joſh. 12. appointed them onely one King (1. Sam: 8. 22.) As being ſafeſt for his people, beſt reſembling his government and moſt agreable to his Ordinance; Wherefore we muſt needes be Subject to ſuch forme of government, for it is the Ordinance of God.

Oh, how much therefore are thoſe too blame who go about to alter this forme of government, and to introduce a new de­formed device of their owne ambitious invention, wherein they are not agreed, whether they ſhall be ſtiled 1. The States of England, as ſome of their Preachers (forgetting the King in their praiers) have ſycophantically phraſed them;

2. Or whether they ſhall be entituled, The Perpetuall Se­nate,7 or Aſſeſſours of the Kingdome, as ſome have endeavour­ed to derive their ſtile, as the Impreſſe of a Republick; 3. Or whether they ſhall be dignified with the Princely Attribute of Gentlemen of the Crowne of England (to which ſhould be annexed the power of electing their King although heredita­ry) as ſome of themſelves have ambitiouſly expreſſed their affectation in aſſimilation to that of Poland; onely to the end that themſelves might be ſharers in Supremacy. A Govern­ment which admitting a Monarch whom yet they dare not deny, is neither Monarchie, Ariſtocracy, Democracy, nor Oligarchie; and Anarchie, I dare ſay, they would not have it intituled; A Government which if Ariſtotle himſelf were to ſit in Councell at their cloſe Committees he could not yet reſolve what to call it, a government never grounded on the Ordinance of God, nor practiced in any eſtabliſhed Common-weale. And what fearefull effects muſt neceſſarily follow it, Beſides, that it is eaſie to conjecture when men leave the fountaines of the living waters, and take themſelves to Ciſterns of their owne digging, It may alſo be apparant to any indifferent underſtand­ingSpeed H. 3. p. 635. ex Mat. Weſt-monaſt. Martin H. 3. p. 66, 67, 70, 71, 73, 74. who reads or heares the ſtory of Hen. 3. when there was an attempt of 24. Aſſeſſours and a trayterous appointing Les Douze Piers, far ſhort of this confuſed inſolency, what Rob­beries, what Rapes, what Murthers, what Burglaries, what Extortions, what Exactions followed, (every one ſhrouding himſelfe under that Aſſeſſour, which he followed, yea and eve­ry one of the Aſſeſſours after a little time, bandying himſelfe againſt another, either for their owne faction, or favouring of their followers) is rather to be imagined then reported, yet thoſe times too really felt it, and all muſt neceſſarily taſte the like bitter fruit, who will plant and nurſe the tree of popular faction.

And alas how fooliſh and fond of flitting (to uſe King JamesVpon the Lords Pray­er. his Scottiſh Proverbe in another caſe) are thoſe people which will be bewitched to follow theſe many-headed Hydra's, be­fore the voice of the Lambe, and never conſider that old Adage Citius impletur unus ſaccus, quàm plures? hath there beene ſo much pains beſtowed in vaine, if it be in vain, (As the Apoſtle8 ſpeakes in another caſe) to bring this Kingdome from an Hep­tarchie to a Monarchie; that now one part of this Iland ſhould be turned from a Monarchie to a Roman Decemvirate, a Vene­tian Senate, a Low-countrey State, nay to a Government with­out a name, God forbid; Vis unita fortior, but a Kingdome di­videdMatth. 12. 25. cannot ſtand. I beſeech you therefore brethren marke them diligently which cauſe diviſions amongſt you, and avoid them; (Rom. 16. 17. ) for thoſe who at firſt cauſe diviſions, in Opinion, in Doctrine, and in Religion, will at the length attempt diviſions in Government, in Policie, in Countries and Kingdomes. Let us in the feare of God conſider with our ſelves, That if there be no power but of God, even the puniſh­ing and perſecuting power; and if we muſt be ſubject even to that, leſt we ſhould fight againſt God, Oh how much more then where Kings are nurſing fathers, ought we to ſhew ourEſa. 49. 23 ſubjection with all readineſſe and chearfulneſſe? If Saint Paul inforce obedience to the Prince with ſo many forcible Argu­ments, when that Tyrant Nero (who devoured Chriſtians like a Lyon) raigned and raged. Oh how ſhould we urge and preſſe this point, when a Conſtantine, a Patron of the Church,2. Tim. 4. 17. and patterne of Piety is our Preſident in religious exerciſes, aſ­well as Preſident over us with righteous government; for cer­tainely, [They that reſiſt, reſiſt the Ordinance of God] which is the third reaſon whereupon our Apoſtle grounds this infe­rence, Wherefore ye muſt needs be ſubject.

For as in his Church Chriſt gave ſome to be Apoſtles, ſome3. Prophets, ſome Evangeliſts, ſome Paſtours and Teachers, for the gathering together of the Saints, and for the worke of theEpheſ. 4. 11, 12. 1 Pet. 2. 13. Verſ. 14. Miniſtry; ſo God in the Common-weale appointed ſome to be Kings〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, moſt eminent and excellent above all o­ther, ſome to be Governours under them〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ſent by Commiſſion from them: Amongſt whom ſome are Nobles, ſome Judges, (Prov. 8. 16. ) ſome Prieſts, (for thoſe howſoever ſome conceive of them, were not incapable of go­vernment in the Common-weale;) yea, ſome things there areExod. 40. 15. Heb. 7. 1. which could not be decided without them, (Deut. 17. 8. to 12.) ſome are Governours of Cities, (Deut. 21. 3, 4) ſome9 Rulers of thouſands, ſome of hundreds, ſome of tennes, (Exod. 18. 25, 26.) and ſome live meerely in ſubjection, as the infe­riour poore ſervants, &c. whom Ariſtotle, that Linceus of Na­turePolit. l. 1. c. 3, 4. affirmeth, Nature it ſelfe framed onely to that uſe; and every man is bound in conſcience by the law of God to abide in that ſtate wherein God hath placed him, and to be conten­ted with his Vocation, Degree, and Calling, (1 Cor. 7. 20, 21, 22.) unleſſe he will be as guilty of confuſion in the body Poli­tique, or Eccleſiaſticall, as the members ſhould be in the bo­dy naturall, if one ſhould ſtrive to uſurpe anothers place; The foot the head, the eare the eye; and unleſſe we will be as guil­ty1 Cor. 14. 12. to 31. in reſiſting the ordinance of God, as they ſhould be of defor­ming the Act of his Creation.

Submit your ſelves therefore to all manner of ordinance of1 Pet. 2. 13 to 17. Matth. 20. 14. man for the Lords ſake,〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Take that which is thine owne and goe thy way. If thou beeſt a Ruler, doe it with di­ligence; If an Officer, waite on thy office; If a Teacher, at­tend to teaching; If but a Servant, doe that without ſloath­fulneſſe; (Rom. 12. 7. to 11.) If a Judge, be learned; (Pſal. 2. 11. ) yea, and upright too: (Pſal. 58. 1.) If thou art to beDeut. 17. 9 to 13. judged, be obedient, or elſe thou muſt be cut off, both for thine owne ſinne, and alſo for others example. Nor muſt thou be obedient onely when Superiours be good and courte­ous, but even when they are cruell and froward: Nor onely when they puniſh thee juſtly for ill doing, but even when thou ſuffereſt wrongfully, yet muſt thou endure for conſcience ſake; (1 Pet. 2. 18, 19.) which the Apoſtle confirmes by the exam­ple of our Saviour Chriſt, to (verſ. 25.) who when he ſuffered reſiſted not, no nor ſo much as threatned; (verſ. 23.) although he could have had more then 12 Legions of Angels; (Matth. 26. 53. ) teaching us, that wee muſt not reſiſt Authority, al­though unjuſtly oppreſſing; (much leſſe juſtly ruling, although puniſhing.) 1. Neither offending it, (Matth. 17. 27.) 2. Nor defending our ſelves againſt it, (Matth. 26. 52. ) what ſpecious pretences ſoever we may make for it. For who might have pretended fairer in that kinde, then the Primitive Chriſtians againſt Idolatrous Perſecutors? yet they profeſſe,10 that Arma ſunt preces & lachrymae; ſo that nemo noſtrum,Ambroſ. quando apprehenditur, reluctatur; nec ſe adverſus injuſtam violentiam veſtrum, quamvis nimius, & copioſus noſter ſit po­pulus, ulciſcitur: Cyprian. Who might have pretended more rightly the defence of himſelfe, of his fellow Diſciples, of his Maſter, yea of Religion, then Saint Peter? Yet heare our Sa­viours mandate, and his menace; His mandate, [Put up thy ſword into thy ſheath;] His menace, [For all they which ſtrike with the ſword, ſhall periſh by the ſword.] [All] whoſoever, Clergy or Laity, ſtrike againſt Authority, or without the li­cence of it, in what caſe ſoever, without exception of 1. SeAug. l. 22. cont. Fauſt. c. 75. defendendo, or 2. Maintenance of a Covenant, or 3. Defence of Religion. And what manner of Chriſtians thoſe men are, who dare reſiſt their rightfull, righteous, religious Soveraigne; Or what manner of Religion that is, which they pretend gives priviledge to ſuch rebellious practices, I leave to every good Chriſtian to conſider: Onely give me leave to tell you, ſure I am, it is not ſuch as was knowne to Primitive Chriſtians; It is not ſuch as was allowed by our Saviour to his Apoſtles; nor is it ſuch as the Apoſtles taught the people of their times; for they without any cloake, Sub moderamine inculpatae tutelae, (whichHis Maje­ſties Pro­clamation and Decla­ration, &c indeed never can be by Armes, but onely by Lawes:) How­ſoever Pontificians and Conſiſtorians conſpire; as Buchanan laboured to beguile his Nation, and ſome of our Countrey men have beguiled themſelves, and Jeſuites would have beguiled the whole world; and without any diſtinction of offenſive and defenſive diſobedience, the Apoſtles taught the Church of God, That he which reſiſts, (be it how it will) reſiſts the or­dinance of God.

[And he that reſiſts purchaſeth to himſelfe damnation. ]4. which is the fourth reaſon to inforce this [Wherefore, &c.] and beares a threefold reading. 1. Judicium, Judgement: Tre­mel. 2. Condemnationem, Condemnation: Beza & Tompſon. 3. Damnationem, Damnation: Vulgar & Kings Bible. All which are but the Graduations of the puniſhments, implied by the originall,〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; for not onely〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (Matth. 5. 22. ) they ſhall be in danger of the judgement of cenſure and11 condemnation of the cenſorious: Although this be a puniſh­ment which an ingenious ſpirit would willingly eſcape, which made David pray, Pſal. 39. 8.) Let me not be made a rebuke unto the fooliſh, whileſt they cenſure, reprove, condemne my actions in their Aſſemblies, much more a man that is ſhot through the head with popularity, as His Majeſtie ſaith of theLarger De­claration, p. 25. 405: then revolted Rolloc, as indeed all factious perſons in Church and Common-weale are, eſpecially if they aſpire by, or adhere to the popular faction; For ſuch, like the Cameleon, which turnes to all colours ſave white, lives onely by the aire, and de­lights rather in breath then other, Ac ſi mallet coctam quam crudam; ſo they who apply to popularity, and ſuit themſelves to all company, ſaving the innocent, can live no longer (at leaſt not with delight) then they ſucke the breath of applauſe from the multitude. But behold, not onely thoſe which ſit inPſ. 69. 12. the gate (the Rulers) ſpeake againſt ſuch diſobedient perſons, but if they eſcape the ſongs of the Drunkards (who perhaps may whoop on their ſides) yet ſhall very babes and ſucklings chant their diſloyalty, and the Vipers tongue ſhall ſlay them, (Job. 20. 16.) Thus an evill condemnation ſhall fall uponProv. 107. them, whereby their name ſhall rot, and their memoriall ſhall ſtinck, even〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, under the cenſure of thoſe who are as cenſo­rious as themſelves: Nor onely ſo, but〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, They ſhall receive Judgement, and Condemnation: 1. Both Judgement before the Tribunall of men, where the ſentence ofPſ. 41. 8. Pſ. 109. 6. Pſ. 1. 15. guiltineſſe ſhall proceed againſt them; and when ſentence is given upon them, they ſhall be condemned, for ſuch ungodly perſons ſhall not be able to ſtand in Judgement, neither theſe ſinners in the Congregation of the righteous. 2. And alſo they ſhall receive Condemnation from the Juſtice of God, whoPſ. 82. 1. ſtands in the Congregation of Princes, (as to ſurvey, ſo to aſ­ſiſt) and is a Judge amongſt the earthly Gods, yea even of thoſe whom they ſometimes cannot come by to judge according to their deſervings; who when he ſhall ariſe (as he will ariſe)Verſ. 8. to judge the earth, he will recompence ſuch wicked perſons after their deſervings; he will reprove them, and ſet beforePſ. 50. 21. them, even in Order, the things that they have done: As firſt12 their Pride, next their Covetouſneſſe to maintaine it, after that their Rebellion to declare it, then their Hypocriſie and counterfeiting Religion to vaile and defend it, and at the length he will bring Death haſtily upon them, and they ſhallPſ. 55. 16. goe downe into Hell, ſithence ſuch wickedneſſe is in their dwellings and amongſt them; and is not this a fearefull Judge­ment and Condemnation? ſo fearefull, as what can be concei­ved to be added? And yet behold, 3. 〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Rom. 14. 23. 〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Judgement, Condemnation, yea, Damnation of an accuſing conſcience ſhall conſummate their miſery, even ſuch as drave Judas to be his owne Executioner upon earth;Matth. 27. 3, 4, 5. This ſhall doe continuall execution of Gods juſt judgement upon them in Hell, by that worme that never dies, and that fire which never ſhall be quenched, where their rebellious carkaſ­ſesEſay 66. 24. ſhall be an abhorring to all fleſh; wherefore for the eſca­ping ſuch fearfull 1. Judgement, 2. Condemnation, 3. Damna­tion here, and hereafter from God and man, We muſt needs be ſubject.

2. [Subject] Which is the duty; That as the Devill over­came man by his diſobedience to God, ſo man may returne to God and overcome the Devill, by obedience to man for the Lords ſake. Chriſtianity is a Schoole of Humility, and we muſtMatth. 20. 27, 28. Philip. 2. 4 Verſ. 5. to 9. Rom. 12. 10. Matth. 18. 2. not look every one upon our own excellencies, but upon other mens; having the ſame minde in us, which was in Chriſt Jeſus, in giving (not in taking) honour, preferring one before ano­ther,〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, humbling our ſelves as little children; As they ſubmit to their Parents, ſo muſt we be ſubject to our Prince, for he is the Perſon to whom principally the Apoſtle preſſeth this ſubjection; as Aquin. Dion. Carth. Bruno. and Claud. gloſſe it. The ſubjection to others being for his ſake, as the ſubjection to him is for the Lords ſake; which that we may performe aright, let us conſider theſe three particulars:

  • 1. Qualibus, To what manner of Princes we muſt be ſubject.
  • 2. In quibus, In what things we muſt be ſubject.
  • 3. Quomodo, How we muſt expreſſe our ſubjection.

1. Qualibus, To what manner of Princes we muſt be ſub­ject. 13As the Apoſtle injoynes Servants concerning obedience to their Maſters, ſo ſay I to Subjects concerning their Sove­raignes; Let as many as are under the yoke count their Gover­nours1 Tim. 6, 1, 2. worthy of all honour, (Sive fideles, ſive infideles, whe­ther they be gentle, or whether they be cruell) that the name of God and his Doctrine be not ill ſpoken of: 1. And if they be believing, let us not deſpiſe them becauſe they are brethren, but rather doe ſervice and be ſubject, becauſe they are faith­full and beloved, and partakers of the benefit, to wit Redempti­on. 2. Or if they be unbelievers, let us not rebell, nor reſiſt them; becauſe although 1. Quidam illorum dantur ad timorem & poenam, & increpationem, Some of them are ſent meerely for a terrour and a puniſhment. 2. Yea, Quidam ad illuſionem & contumeliam, & ſuperbiam; Some of them ſet up themſelves in pride, meerely to contemne, and ſcorne, and ſcoffe at their Subjects, as the perſecuting Emperours did, when they expo­ſed the Chriſtians naked to fight with beaſts and beaſtly Hea­thens. 3. Aſwell as Quidam ad correctionem & utilitatem ſubjectorum, & conſervationem Juſtitiae; For a fatherly refor­mation of offendors, a loving protection of the obedient, and the preſervation of Juſtice for both: Yet we muſt conſider and confeſſe, that Ad utilitatem Gentilium terrenum Regnum poſitum eſt à Diabolo, qui nunquam omnino quietus eſt; Imo qui nec ipſas quidem gentes vult in tranquido agere, ut timentes regnum humanum; Earthly Kingdomes are erected by God, not by the Devill, who as he is never quiet himſelfe, ſo would he not have the people live in peace, (as appeares by his late practices) which government is the meanes to pro­cure and preſerve, preventing men from devouring thoſe that are more righteous then themſelves; And for being like theHab. 1. 13, 14. fiſhes of the Sea, or the creeping things who have no Ruler over them; for, Per legum poſitiones repercutiant multiplicem gentilium injuſtitiam, Kings and Princes by their Lawes re­ſtraine and bridle the fury and violence of our naturall corrup­tions; yea, and the worſt of Princes is never worſe then Quemadmodum populi digni ſunt Dei juſto judicio in omnibus aliqualiter ſuperveniente; Iren. l. 5. c. 24. ſuch as the people14 have provoked God to ſet to afflict them, whoſe juſt judge­ment alwayes interpoſeth it ſelfe in ſuch weighty caſes. Al­though ſometimes we know it not, oft-times we will not acknowledge it; which being ſo, may oblige every one of us to be ſubject to all powers, of all qualities, conditions, diſpo­ſitions, tempers, religions, under whom the Lord hath placed us; Sive 1. Nutriciis, ſive 2. Hypocritis, ſive 3. Haereticis, ſive 4. Tyrannis; Whether they be nourſing fathers, for whom we muſt praiſe God; or diſſembling Hypocrites, or obſtinate Heretickes, or bloudy Tyrants, for all which we muſt pray to God: Whatſoever Sanders, Allen, Stapleton, Par­ſons, Mariana, Boucherius, Santarellus, &c. on the Romiſh part: And Knoxe, Buchanan, Gilbey, Goodman, and Daneus, on the other extreame have formerly taught, Calderwood hath followed, and ſome too fiery ſpirits of late have ſeditiouſly and ſcandalouſly put in practice, of whom I may ſay in the Apoſtles language, If any man teach otherwiſe (then what I1 Tim. 6. 3, 4, 5. have affirmed) he conſenteth not to the wholſome words of our Lord Jeſus Chriſt, and to the Doctrine which is according to godlineſſe; but is puffed up and knoweth nothing as he ought to know, but doateth about queſtions and ſtrife of words, whereof commeth envy, ſtrife, railings, evill ſurmiſe­ings, froward diſputations of men of corrupt mindes, and deſti­tute of the truth, which thinke that gaine is godlineſſe, (how­ſoever they pretend godlineſſe rather then gaine) from ſuch ſeparate thy ſelfe: For howſoever we muſt performe active obedience to ſuch Princes onely ſo farre as lawfully we may, Calv. Bez. Marlor. Roloc. Genev. uſque ad aras, ſo long as Cum Deo non comparabuntur, they are not ſet in competitionScorpiac. with God: Tertul. Yet we muſt performe paſſive obedience and abſolute ſubjection, ſuffering without reſiſtance, being ſub­jectAct. 4. 19. without rebellion, even if they ſhould command the moſt unjuſt, ſuperſtitious, idolatrous, prophane, or irreligious things which can be imagined; yet I ſay we muſt not rebell, unleſſe we will renounce Chriſtianity, but we muſt let this be, Proba­tioGloſſ. in­terlin. ſubjectionis, the touchſtone of our ſubjection, even our pa­tient and conſtant ſufferings; For, Quae paſſos Apoſtolos ſci­musTertul. ubi ſupr.15 manifeſta eſt Doctrina, The truth of this Doctrine is ſealed by the Apoſtles ſufferings, who indured of Heathen Princes, and for not renouncing Chriſtianity, Carceres, Vincula, Flagella, Saxa, Gladios, Impetus Judaeorum, Coetus Nationum, & Tribu­norum elogia, & Regum auditoria, & Proconſulum Tribuna­lia, & Caeſaris nomen interpretem non habent; Impriſonment, Bonds, Stripes, Stoning, Wounds, Violence of the Jewes, Conventing before the Gentiles, Queſtioning in the Courts of Tribunes, Examinations and Anſwers before Kings, Arraigne­ments at the Tribunalls of Proconſuls, yea and could not finde an Appeale to the Emperour, any protection for their inno­cency; yet they not onely ſubmitted themſelves, and poſſeſſed their owne ſoules with patience, but alſo taught all pious peo­ple ſo to doe; as here our Apoſtle makes it apparent, and (Ti­tus 3. 1, 2.) preſſeth it to all poſterity: Put them in remem­brance (for indeed we are too apt to forget) that they be ſub­ject to the Principalities and Powers, and that they be obedi­ent, and ready to every good worke; that they ſpeake evill of no man, (much leſſe of Princes and Prelates, as ſome of late have done:) That they be no fighters, (much leſſe Armed Re­bels)His Maje­ſties De­claration ubi ſupra. but ſoft, lowly, gentle, ſhewing all meekneſſe to all men, much more to Rulers; yea, and ſuch effect did this Doctrine produce, that Sanguis Martyrum ſemen Eccleſiae; Cypr. The bloud of the Martyrs was the ſeed of the Church: The bloud, not the ſword; that were too Turkiſh. And however, Circa majeſtatem Imperatoris infamemur, Tert. ad Scap. l. 2. They were ſlandered as diſloyall to the Emperour; yet, Nunquam Albiniani, vel Nigriani, vel Caſſiani inveniri potuerunt Chri­ſtiani; Never any Albinian, who being truſted betrayed the Government; Never any Nigrian, who made Religion the ſtalking-horſe for Rebellion; Nor never any Caſſian who aſ­ſaulted his Soveraigne by Aſſaſſination, could be found amongſt the Chriſtians: Chriſtianus nullus eſt hoſtis nimirum Imperato­ris, quem ſciens à Deo ſuo conſtitui, neceſſe eſt ut & ipſum di­ligat, & revereatur, & honoret, & ſalvum velit, cum toto Ro­mano Imperio, quouſque ſeculum ſtabit, tam diu enim ſtabit; Colimus ergo Imperatorem, ſic quomodo & nobis licet, & ipſi ex­pedit,16 ut hominem à Deo ſecundum, & quicquid eſt à Deo con­ſecutum & ſolo Deo minorem; For no true Chriſtian can be an enemy to his King or Emperour, whom he knowes to be pla­ced over him by God, and therefore upon neceſſity muſt love him, reverence him, honour him, pray for him, and deſire and indeavour his ſafety as the ſafety of the Kingdome; as being next to God, leſſer onely then God, and endowed with the power which he hath from God, over all the men in his Do­minions. Hereupon was it that the Chriſtians fought ſo many valiant battels, and obtained ſo many glorious victories, even for Heathen and perſecuting Emperours, yea even for Julian the Apoſtata himſelfe; but never did they fight any Battell, pitched any Field, arraied any Army, armed any Legions, or ſo much as entred into conſultation againſt their Emperour. And thus you ſee, Qualibus, to what manner of Princes we muſt be ſubject. And I thinke all will willingly conclude, Si paren­dum eſt magiſtratui prophano, certè multo magis obedire oportet Sancto, & Chriſtiano; Bez. If Heathens were thus obeyed,In Matth. 22. 21. much more ſhould Chriſtians; If perſecuting, much more pi­ous Princes, ſuch as our Gracious Soveraigne, whoſe clemency may challenge our love, aſwell as his Power command our du­ty, whom God preſerve, and proſper long over us in honour and felicity, and give us the grace and gratitude to be ſubject, not onely for feare, but even for conſcience ſake. And ſo I come to conſider

2. In quibus? In what things we muſt be Subject? Wherein the true ſtating of the Queſtion is much differenced from the miſtaken and miſtaking Tenents of many of theſe times, who conceive and would beare the world in hand.

1. That they are bound no further to Subjection, then with a Rightly Regulated Conſcience, they may performe Active Obedience to all their Superiours Edicts, and Commands.

2. That they are not bound to Active Obedience, where they have a doubting Couſcience, although not fully informed by the right rule of Reaſon, or expreſſe authority of Gods word.

3. That the Supreame Magiſtrate, muſt have expreſſe affir­mative warrant in the word of God for all his inventions, or17 elſe the Subject needs not obey them.

Whereas the truth is.

1. Concerning the firſt, That although Active Obedience binds onely in the Lord, yet abſolute Subjection is due with­out any reſiſtance for the Lords ſake,〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, To hu­maneEpheſ. 6. 1. Ordinances (1 Pet. 2. 13.) Even when man ordaines, not the Lord (1 Cor. 7. 12. ) yet ſuch a man as is ordained of the Lord and ſo preſumed to ordaine according to the Lord, we may not in any wiſe reſiſt.

2. And as concerning the ſecond, Although when man is left to his owne liberty, The rule is to be obſerved, Quod du­bitas ne feceris, becauſe he that doubteth is condemned of his owne Conſcience, yet when we are Commanded by Authority,Rom. 14. 23. and we onely doubt in our ſelves whether that be good and lawfull which is commanded, or not, The Rule of Saint Au­guſtine muſt be obſerved Si dubitas feceris, If you onely doubt doe it, except you have expreſſe warrant out of Gods word, or the Analogie of faith, and undeniable neceſſary Conſequence to the contrary; authority muſt turne the Scale of thy doubt­ing conſcience, and weigh downe thy judgemet to Active O­bedience, ſo that

3. The Magiſtrate is not bound to expreſſe Text for war­rant of each of his particular edicts; It is ſufficient that it is contained in his generall Commiſſion Dixi Dis eſtis, I have ſaid ye are Gods, (Pſal. 82. 6. ) and therefore have commit­ted my delegated power to you, Per me Reges Regnant, By me Kings raigne (Pro: 8 15.) And therefore by my authority may lay injunctions upon their Subjects, & they are obliged to Active Obedience, except they can produce a negative Act of Parliament out of the high Court of heaven; for Princes are not only inſtead of God by repreſentation (Exod. 4. 16. ) but they have the power of God over thoſe to whom they have cōmiſ­ſion (Exod. 7. 1.) I have made thee Pharaohs God; yea & put caſe the Subject could produce a contradictory Command of God to that of his King, yet is not his paſſive obedience diſpenſed withall, nor any part of his abſolute Subjection diſſovled orAmbroſ. To. 3. Epiſt. l. 5. Orat. cancelled, But we muſt needs be Subject, (at leaſt by ſuffering18 if not by doing) in all things. even againſt the Dictate of a doubting, yea or a diſcerning Conſcience.

3. But then in the next place it remaines to be reſolved by what meanes, or in what manner this Subjection is to be ex­preſſed, which muſt be by theſe ſeaven meanes following; where there are not Jura Regni by mutuall conſent of Prince and people to ſuperſede them, or diſpenſe with any of them.

1. Firſt by praying for them (1 Tim: 2. 1. 10. 4.) I exhort therefore that firſt of all, Supplications, Prayers, Interceſſi­ons and giving of thankes, be made for all men, for Kings and all that are in authority, that we may leade a quiet and peace­able life in all godlineſſe and honeſty, for this is good and ac­ceptable in the ſight of God our Saviour, who will have all men to be ſaved, and to come unto the knowledge of the truth. Where obſerve we muſt pray, 1. To the end that we may live godly and peaceably, when we did not live ſo before:

2. That they may come to the knowledge of the truth, when they knew it not before: 3. And that they may be ſaved, when they were not in that ſtate before. None ſo bad then, to and for whom we are not to expreſſe our ſubjection by this duty

2. Secondly, we muſt ſpeake no evill of them; (Exod. 22.Et Tit. 3. 1. 2. Citat. 28.) Thou ſhalt not revile the Gods, nor curſe the Ruler of thy people. Is it fit to ſay to a King, Thou art wicked; and to Princes, ye are ungodly? (Job. 34. 18.) No certainly, no­thing leſſe; and therefore follow the counſell of Martialis, who lived in the Primitive times, learned of the Apoſtles, and taught to ſucceſſion, A murmuratione cuſtodite corda veſtra; Keepe not onely your hands from mutiny, and your tongues from muttering, but even your hearts from repining.

3. Thirdly, we muſt not diſpute their Commands; for where the word of a King is, there is power; and who may ſay unto him, what doeſt thou: (Eccleſ. 8. 4. ) (i. e.) Not publiquely and illegally to raiſe oppoſition againſt him; onely we may privately informe our owne judgement, to prepare us peaceably either for active obedience, or for Martyrdome.

4. Fourthly, we muſt expreſſe our ſubjection by doing all19 their commands, which are not directly againſt God; reſolve­ing with the Iſraelites, All that thou commandeſt us we will do, and whitherſoever thou ſendeſt us we will goe; onely theJoſh. 1. 16, 17. Lord thy God be with thee.

5. Fiftly, we muſt expreſſe it by ſuffering all puniſhments patiently without any reſiſtance; for thoſe things which we dare not doe when they command them, becauſe they appeare (not ſeeme) to be directly againſt God, (as hath beene before demonſtrated;) imitating S. Chryſoſtome, (Epiſt. ad Cyria­cum) Cum à civitate fugarer dicebam intra meipſum, ſi quidem vult Regina me exulem agere, agat in exilium; Domini eſt Ter­ra & plenitudo ejus; & ſi vult ſecare, ſecet; idem paſſus eſt I­ſaias, &c. Et ſi ſubſtantiam auferre, auferat, nudus exivi ex utero matris meae, nudus etiam revertar; If the Queene will have me goe into baniſhment, let her baniſh me; The earth is the Lords, and all that therein is. If ſhe will have me ſawen in ſunder, I ſubmit my ſelfe; Iſaias ſuffered ſo before me. If ſhe will confiſcate my goods, I am contented; Naked came I outApoc. 13. 10. of my mothers wombe, and naked muſt I returne againe. Be­hold, this muſt be the patience of the Saints.

6. Sixthly, by ſupplying meanes, Ad neceſſariae ſecundum ſta­tûs ſui conditionem; Lyr. paying due tribute to our Princes; for this is the manner, Quomodo velit te ſubjici poteſtatibus, reddere jubens cui Tributum, Tributum; cui Vectigal, Vectigal; (i. e. ) quae ſunt Caeſaris, Caeſari, & quae Dei Deo. Tertul. Which tribute muſt be paid without limitation of the quantity before, or accompt of the diſpoſing of it after payment, Gloſſ. Ordinar. If Calvin underſtand it aright, (which I dare not aſ­ſure, nor will I diſpute) for, Neque noſtrum eſt vel Principibus praeſcribere, quantum in res ſingulas impendant, vel eos ad cal­culumCalv. in ver. 6. vocare: We have no power to preſcribe to Princes what they ſhall expend upon occaſions, nor to call them to accompt for their imployment of what is expended, which I conceive to be intended where there are not Pacta inter Prin­cipem & Populum; nor fundamentall Lawes of the Land to the contrary.

7. Seaventhly, we muſt expreſſe our ſubjection by guard­ing20 of the Princes perſon, fighting for him upon occaſion, and2 Sam. 8. 11, 12. Et 10. 26. 2 Sam. 2. ſparing him from going out with us to battell, leſt he ſhould quench the light of Iſrael, (2 Sam. 21. 17.) And what kind of conſciences thoſe men have, who can let their liege Lord goe out to battell without them, (they being required) or who can2 Sam. 11. 11. leave him in his Tents in the field, when they returne to their owne houſes, I leave both to men experienced in the Word, and practiced in the Sword to conſider: And ſo proceed

3. To the third part of my Text, which is the neceſſity of this duty of ſubjection, implyed in theſe words [muſt needs.] Muſt is for the King, and ſo it is indeed; and ſo is this: And therefore implies a double duty by theſe two words [muſt] and [needs] termes of double neceſſity; Dominus opus habet,Matth. 21. 3. Our Lord the King, the Lord of us and all we have hath need, and who will not then let all goe preſently? He muſt have it: The ſupporting of His State is that Ʋnum neceſſarium for ourLuke 10. 42. ſafeties, and the ſafety of the whole Kingdome; and therefore the Apoſtle doth not onely ſay, 1. It is convenient that we be ſubject (i. e. ) for ornament ſake. 2. Or it is fit that wee be ſubject (i. e. ) for order ſake. 3. Or it is profitable that we be ſubject (i. e. ) for providence and diſcretion ſake. 4. Or it is contenting that we may be ſubject (i. e. ) for peace and quiet ſake. 5. But〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, It is neceſſary Obligationes juris & prop­ter vim coactivam ſuperioris, viz. quia tenemini & poteſtis ad hoc compelli ad profitendam veram ſubjectionem [We muſt needsDion: Carth: be ſubject] for abſolute neceſſity ſake; Neceſſitate ſalutis, Aq. even for the neceſſity of our ſalvation in Heaven, and of our ſafety upon earth. What is it but ſubjection which continues the bleſſed Harmony in Heaven amongſt the Angels? What is it but Rebellion which bred that confuſion in Hell amongſt the damned ſpirits? What is it but ſubjection which can con­tinue Peace, Plenty, Piety, Order, and Unanimity amongſt men upon earth. Whereas Rebellion brings forth Warre, Waſte, Wickedneſſe, Confuſion, Deſolation, and Deſtruction; wherefore for avoiding theſe, and preſerving thoſe, We muſt needs be ſubject. And ſo I come

4. To the perſons obliged, which is the fourth thing pro­poſed21 in my Text, in this word [Yee] 〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Theoph. And ſo Saint Chryſoſtome before〈◊〉,〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. With whom conſent Theodoret and Oecum••••amongſt the Greekes, and Greg. Mag. and S. Bernard amongſt the Latines, expreſſe themſelves both in opinion and phraſe to the ſelfe ſame purpoſe; we the Clergy, ye the Laity, we the Prieſts, ye the People; or ye the mighty Peeres, we the many multitude. 1. For neither are Peeres excepted and reſervedCalv. Inſt. l. 4. c. 20. like the Lacedemonian Ephori, Roman Tribunes, or Athenian Demarchi, to reſtraine the inſolencies or exorbitances of Prin­ces oppreſſions. 2. Nor are the Prieſts exempted like the Ro­man Hierarchie, to be inſolent and exorbitant in the Common-weale. 3. Nor are the People priviledged (as is pretended by ſome Schiſmaticall Demagogi) to carry all by force of theirBuchanan. collective body; But we and ye, 1. Peeres, 2. Prieſts, 3. Peo­ple, muſt all needs be ſubject: And that

5. [Not onely for feare, but even for conſcience ſake. ] which is the laſt member propoſed for proſecution. [Not onely for feare] And yet we muſt be ſubject for feare too, which, Co­git vel invitos, Marlorat. Compells thoſe that have no con­ſcience; Imo & poſſunt poteſtates etiam ſine cauſa iraſci, Hieron. Theophy­lact. Lombard.And yet we muſt feare and be ſubject too (though they op­preſſe our tender conſcience) for feare of puniſhment from God, and from the Prince.

1. From God, who will not ſuffer his Ordinance to be con­temned; Non enim privati eſt hominis abrogare imperium ei quem Dominus cum poteſtate nobis praefecit. Calv.

2. From the Prince; for, Ʋltionem repoſcerpoſſunt magi­ſtratus ob dignitatis ſuae contemptum. Idem. They may juſtly avenge the contempt of their Authority. 1. Either by their Lawes, by which In legum tranſgreſſores & inobedientes ſeve­riter animadvertunt: Marlorat. Or elſe by Armes; for, Por­tat gladium, He beares the ſword, (verſ. 4.) And if He draw it againſt Schiſmaticks, Hereticks, or Rebellious perſons, Ma­giſtratusLib. 1. & Parmen. c. 7. juſtè punit gladio, Aug. They muſt not caſt off feare, and incourage themſelves and their company againſt His com­mands,22 as if reſiſting for the cauſe of God (as they pretend) they were to be accounted Martyrs; for they are no more ca­pable of Martyrdome, dying in contempt of lawfull Magiſtra­te then the Idoll Prieſts, or the Devils themſelves were by the ſubverſion of their Temples, or ceaſing of their Oracles, by vertue of our Saviours Incarnation; or by the command of the Emperour, converted to Chriſtianity: Aug. ubi ſupra. But on the contrary it may be verified, that they who under the royall command of a rightfull King, obediently, conſcionably, zealouſly, and couragiouſly fight againſt a Schiſmaticall, or He­reticall Rebellious people, (who make Religion the pretext for Rebellion) if they die, they die Martyrs; if they live, they live Confeſſors: and therefore we muſt feare even the Princes ſword. That I may not inſiſt upon loſſe of favour, friends, honour, credit, and the like; Although a wiſe man will conſi­der even in this, that the indignation of a King is as the roaringProv. 20. 2. of a Lion; and if this Lion roare, who can but be afraid? for he that provoketh him to anger, ſinnes againſt his owne ſoule;Amos 3. 8. and what then ſhall become of his body? Or if any be ſo fool­hardy as not to feare, yet muſt he be ſubject nevertheleſſe, Not onely for feare,

[But even for conſcience ſake.] Non ſolùm, quia reſiſtere potentioribus & armatis impunè non liceret, quemadmodum to­lerari ſolent injuriae quae propulſari nequeunt; Sed ſponte docet obeundam hanc ſubmiſſionem, ad quam verbo Dei obſtringitur conſcientia: Calv. Not onely becauſe they are armed and can over-maſter us, for ſo men ſuffer injuries from private men, be­cauſe they cannot withſtand them: but the Apoſtle teacheth, that a Chriſtian is bound to ſubjection to his Soveraigne by the Word of God; and the tye of conſcience more firme and cloſe, then by a Souldiers Belt, or Jaylors Bolts and Manacles: So that, Etiamſi certò conſtaret nos manus illorum (alioqui valdeAmbroſ. Theophy­lact. longas) poſſe effugere; Marlorat. Although we were aſſured that we could eſcape their reach, or oppoſe their power: Yea, Etiamſi exarmatus eſſet magiſtratu quem impune laceſce­re, & contemnere liceret, nihilo magis id tentandum quàm ſi poenam ſtatim imminere cerneremus. Although the MagiſtrateCalv.23 had neither Armes, nor Armies, ſo that men might provoke〈◊〉contemne his power in reſpect of puniſhment, yet muſt〈◊〉not preſume to neglect him any more, then if we did ſee A••••and Armies, Racks and Gibbets, and all Engines for exec•••••prepared before us; Quia niſi omnino ſubjiciamini Princip••polluta eſſet conſcientia veſtra obvians divinae ordinationi Bruno. Becauſe unleſſe we be abſolutely ſubject to our Prince, (pre­tend what purity we will) our conſcience is defiled, and every ſtep we march againſt him, we ſet our ſelves in battell array a­gainſt the Ordinance of God: And indeed I cannot but won­der what hard hearts and cauterized conſciences thoſe men have, who doe not preſently ſmite themſelves, and their hearts die within them like Nabals, when they finde themſelves guil­ty1 Sam. 23. 37. of ſubtracting ſubjection from their Prince, (a greater in­gratitude then which cannot be excogitated, and ingratitude is one of the greateſt ſinnes;) for Subjects are obliged,

1. By the rule of right Reaſon, to obey him, without whom we cannot be ſafe; but without the King the Com­mon-weale cannot be ſafe, no more then a ſhip without a Pi­lot in a ſtormy Ocean; and therefore by the rule of right rea­ſon we muſt obey him.

2. By naturall equity, which bindes to doe good to them which doe good to us, but Kings and Princes doe good to us; for by their meanes we obtaine great quietneſſe, and by theirAct. 24. 2. providence many worthy things are done to our Nation: By them we receive honour, enjoy riches, peace, plenty, and free­ly profeſſe and practice piety; and therefore even for naturall equity, We muſt needs be ſubject, which is the leaſt good we can doe to them.

3. By morall civility we are bound to be ſubject to him who protects us; But Kings and Princes protect us from evill doers, who would violently take away our lives, inſolently uſurpe our lands, prodigally miſpend our goods, laſciviouſly deflowre and raviſh our wives, & mercileſly ſlave our children; yea, they are the Protectors and Defenders of our faith, and therefore we are bound at leaſt not to rebell, ſithence all theſe miſchiefes24〈◊〉beene, are, and will be the effects of ſuch diſobedience,〈◊〉which, Good Lord deliver us.

By Chriſtian Religion and conſcience, which enjoynes,〈◊〉we muſt not reſiſt the Ordinance of God; but Kings and Princes are the Ordinance of God, and therefore we muſt not reſiſt them. verſ. 1, 2.

And doe 1 Right reaſon, 2 Naturall equity, 3 Morall civi­lity, 4 Chriſtian Religion and conſcience oblige us to ſubje­ction? Oh then take heed, and never truſt any (though never ſo faire profeſſors) who pretend conſcience to countenance diſobedience, at leaſt to caſt off ſubjection, as it is hard to diſ­obey and not to rebell. Yet ſuch alwayes have beene the faire pretences of the fowleſt practices. Thus the colour of the com­mon good to free the people from Subſidies, Taxes, and Op­preſſions (which then ſeemed by their Governours to lie upon them) led the people of the Jewes, yea and ſome Romanes too,Ioſeph. An­tiq. Iudaic. l. 18. c. 1. & l. 20. c. 6. Saluſt con­jurat Ca­tilin. Speed. to follow Theudas, Judas of Galile, Catiline, and their com­panions. Thus the Rebels of elder times in this Iſland chriſt­ned their Inſurrections, the Army of God and the holy Church, making Religion the Patroneſſe of their impiety. Thus Jack Straw, Jack Cade, Wat Tyler, Fryer Ball, alias Wall, and ſuch others, made 1 The oppreſſion of the Commons, 2 The in­ſolency of the Nobility, 3 The covetouſneſſe of the Prieſts, and the inequality of men of equall merit, the vaile of all theirHollinſhed Rich. 2. p. 429. Grafton p. 330, 331 violence and villany. Thus the Rebellions in the North, Lin­colnſhire, and Norfolke, were raiſed under pretence of 1 Refor­ming Religion, 2 Freedome of Conſcience, and 3 Bettering the Common-weale; yea, and they are alwaies masked under the vizard of, 1 Pro Lege, 2 Pro Grege, 3 Pro Rege; whereas indeed they are againſt the King, breake the Lawes, and make ſpoile of the People, as Joſephus relates the ſtory of the Rebel­liousL. 2. de Bello Iu­daic. c. 16. Jewes; pretending onely againſt Florus harſh, unjuſt, and cruell uſage, and not againſt the Romanes: But as King Agrip­pa cleares it by his Remonſtrance, They did but onely ſay ſo;Naucler. for their actions were ſuch as worſe could not have beene done by the greateſt Enemies of the Romane Empire, for they ſacked the Townes, robbed the Treaſuries, burnt the Houſes,25 waſted the Fields; neither were they the Townes, the Treaſuries, the Houſes, the Fields of Florus, but of the Roman Emp••••I will not make Application, but ſithence theſe things〈◊〉ever beene ſo, I will onely conclude with Solomons Admonition: My ſonne, feare God and the King, and meddle not〈◊〉••ov. 24. 〈◊〉, 22.them that are ſeditious; for ſuddenly ſhall their deſtruction c•••and who knoweth the ruine of them? Yet cetaine it is that•••ned they ſhall be, and perhaps when themſelves leaſt ſuſpect it, ſuddenly as with the Arrow of Lightning ſhot from the Bow of God, which may ſerve as a Corollary to our Apoſtles premiſes to inforce this concluſion, [Wherefore ye muſt needs be ſubject, not onely for wrath, but even for conſcience ſake.] Which God grant us all grace to be, for Jeſus Chriſts ſake, the Patterne and Patron of perfect obedience; to whom with the Father and the Holy Ghoſt, be all honour, glory, power, might, ma­jeſtie, and dominion, from this time forth for evermore. Amen.



PAge 2. lin. ult. Margin: for Rocoll. reade Rolloc. pag. 4. lin. 12. for regnan­tur, reade regantur. pag. 16. lin. ult. for inventions, reade injunctions. pag. 20. lin. 15. after theſe words [He muſt have it:] adde, in caſe of true ab­ſolute, imminent neceſſity, to ſave our ſelves and the publique, according to the Lawes of the Land. pag. 21. lin. 1 & 2. for〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, reade〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉in all three places,

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TextA complaint and petition of the whole kingdome of England for satisfaction of conscience, and avoiding rebellion.
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Bibliographic informationA complaint and petition of the whole kingdome of England for satisfaction of conscience, and avoiding rebellion. [4], 25, [1] p. Printed [by H. Hall] for W. Webb,[Oxford] :1643.. (Publisher's name from Madan.) (Place of publication from Wing CD-ROM, 1996.) (Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, England.)
  • Royalists -- England -- Early works to 1800.
  • Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1603-1714 -- Early works to 1800.
  • Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800.

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