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CONSIDERATIONS UPON the Preſent State of the UNITED NETHERLANDS, Compoſed by a Lover of his Countrey, For the encouragement of his Countreymen, in this trouble­ſom time.

Exactly tranſlated out of Nether-dutch into Engliſh, By a moſt cordiall Lover of both the Nations.


Printed in the Year 1672.



WHoſoever will take a narrow inſpection into the begin­nings of the State of the Ʋnited Netherlands, and atten­tively obſerve the Hiſtories thereof, conſidering by what means the Structure of the ſaid State is riſen from the lowneſs of its original to it's preſent height, muſt needs acknowledge, that the Divine Providence, which is not always evident before the Worlds eyes, (though it move all things by ſecret wheels and engins) hath ſo clearly ſparkled forth in the building up and heightening of this State, that they may upon good grounds averr, that God Almighty hath been apparently and manifeſtly the Builder of this praiſe-worthy Commonvvealth.

It is novv juſt an**100. years. Age ago, ſince that, vvhen the Land, through the unhappy Government of that time, vvas fallen into a lamentable confuſion, William Earle Vander Mark, Lord of Lume, Admiral of the Fleet of the Prince of Orange, being, through a hard and sharp order of the Queen of England refuſing to permit his abode, or the ſupply of his Mariners vvith neceſſaries in her Lands, enforced to leav England, vvas, beyond his deſign, through a contrary vvind, but indeed a vvind of Gods direction, brought before the Bril, vvhich he took in vvithout much trouble, not vvith intention to hold the place, but onely to plunder it, and leav it again: Nevertheleſs being informed of the convenient ſitua­tion2 and importance of that City, He brought it into a poſture of defence, and kept it for his Principals and Commanders. And on this wiſe is the firſt Stone of this excellent Building laid, or rather caſt by accident, in regard of the outward inſtruments, but in truth through the direction of the higheſt Maſter-builder, in whoſe Al­mighty hands men are often as blind work-tools of his wonderfull determinations.

It is not my intention here to make a relation of the progreſs of our affairs, and in what manner our Anceſtours have wreſtled through the miſchiefs and misfortunes, and mounted up to the height of the proſperity, which we at preſent through the goodneſs of God enjoy: but my deſign is onely in this short diſcourſe to perſuade my worthy Countrey men to truſt, that that God who hath raiſed us up from a low condition to ſuch a State, as hath now for a great while procured through its welfare ſo much envy, as it did before compaſſion through it's miſery, will graciously preſerve the work of his Almighty hand: whereupon, after the example of our An­ceſtors, we do in this ſeaſon jointly propoſe two things which are never to be ſeparated: That is, a perfect reſignment and yielding ourſelvs up to the Divine providence; and an undaunted mind, & valiant couragious reſolution, for the performance of ſo much in this troubleſom time for our preſervation, as our Anceſtours have don for their firſt deliverance. And I deſire my Countreymen, that in comparing and likening our preſent incumbrances, with the perplexitie of our Anceſtours, and the dangers which have been in our days, they would look back into the Hiſtories, from the firſt times of our Anceſtours, and into their own knowledge of things ſince that time, which to this day we have retained in our memory.

In the Hiſtories they shall find, that the affairs of our Ance­ſtours were reduced in their firſt riſe to ſuch inconvenience, that the conſideration thereof prevailed upon the greateſt Man of that time, who had with an indiſſoluble bond linked in his own wel­fare with the lot of theſe Lands, to give that hopeleſs counſel of breaking open the Banks and Damms, to cauſe the Land to ſink3 into an irrecoverable lake, and caſting themſelvs on the meer mercy of God with the ſmall remainder of a ruined Fortune to ſeek out ſome other Lands beyond Sea, where they might either live more happyly, or die leſs miſerably. We shall paſs by, how often that the Commonwealth, after it was by the hand of God freed out of that deſperate eſtate, hath shak'd and trembled, both through fear of an enemy from Without, and of confuſion from within. The Hi­ſtories will tell us, that not alone the State of the Ʋnited Provinces, but all the Netherlands, who where engaged to each other, though not in ſo ſtrict a bond as thoſe called The Ʋnited, vvere ſufficiently reduced to the utmoſt extremity by the unfaithfulneſs of the Duke of Anjou Brother of the King of France: and that af­terwards The Ʋnited Provinces were got into a heavy confuſion, and in a poſture wholly deprived of defence through the artifices and ambitious deſigns of the Earl of Leicester ſent hither for our defence by the Queen of England. We shall alſo in ſilence paſs over the time in which many of ourſelvs have liv'd, when the whole Land was through a ſudden ſurprize upon the Veluwe, and the taking in of Amerſfoort, ſo alarmed, as Rome was, when they ſaw Hannibal before the Gates.

And for ſo much as is within our own memorie, we have yet a fresh remembrance of the Warr with the Protector Cromwel, wherein we were by a certain fatality, and an intereſt without our intereſt entangled, in a time when the Land through want of ships and Canon, was brought into a perplexity, of which we cannot think without alteration of mind.

We are now through Gods grace wreſtled through thoſe diffi­culties, and innumerable more, and had wished by a long-during Peace, which is the true and harmleſs Intereſt of our peace-loving Commonwealth, to taſt the fruits of our ſorrowfull labour; but it hath otherwiſe pleaſed God, who by his righteous & ever to be adored Judgements neerly approaching us, makes us to ſee, that we now ſtand need of his protection ſo much as ever, ſeeing we find ourſelvs at preſent put upon the neceſſity of reſiſting the utmoſt4 violence of the greateſt power of Europe, and that with a force, which indeed is contemptible in compariſon of that of our enemies, by which ne'retheleſs we deſpair not of being able to ſubſiſt; for that we truſt that God will look upon the juſtneſs of our innocent cauſe with the eyes of his Righteouſneſs, and on our ſins and weakneſſes with the eyes of his Compaſſion. And in truth, if ever the ſword were drawn for the neceſſary preſervation and blameleſs defence of our worthy Countrey, it is ſo at this time, wherein the mighty Potentates of the World ſeem to have con­cluded the ruin of our Ʋnited Netherland in the councel of the powers of darkneſſe, in which they have engaged with them all thoſe who regard Chriſtian bloud no more than the bloud of Sheep and Goats; and who delight their eyes with the laying waſt of Lands and Cities as they uſe to do at a Stage-play, where themſelvs are at once both Actours and beholders.

And for as much as the fundamental knowledge of the righteous­neſs of our cauſe, as wel as the dreadfull intention of our Enemies, may ſo much the more forcibly animate the inhabitants of our Countrey, as the inward perſwaſion, and the conviction of a well­informed mind yields more courage than the looſsneſs of an igno­rant or doubting Soul, it will not be unuſefull, to the end that thoſe of our Countreymen who live without encumbering them­ſelvs with the publick affairs, and therefore 'tis likely live not the unhappilyer, may have a little knowledge of what for ſome former years hithero hath paſſed between theſe States and other States, to give them information of the juſtice of our dfenſive Arms.

The King of France begun before May in the Year 1667. while we were yet engaged in the Warr with England, ſtrongly to drive on his pretences to a conſiderable part of the Spanish Netherlands, devolved (as he maintained) upon his Wife, the Queen of France, being a Daughter, and the onely ſurviving Child by the firſt Marri­age of Philip the fourth, with Queen Iſabella: cauſing a certain Trea­tiſe by his command compiled in the French and Latin Tongues for the juſtification of the ſaid pretended right of devolution,5 to be given over by the Lord Ambaſſadourd 'Eſtrades to the States Generall, as alſo by his Miniſters to many other Courts in Europe: againſt which by printed Treatiſes alſo on the behalf of the King of Spain was shown before all the World that the right of devolution had no place in reference to Soveraignties.

Furthermore that when the Queen enter'd upon her marriage with the King of France, she having in the moſt effectuall terms, and with the ſeals of moſt ſolemn oaths, for her, and her Heyrs, re­nounced all that whatever she at any time could or might pretend, by vertue of inheritance of ſucceſſion, upon any State or Lands from the King of Spain her Lord and Father (which renunciation was confirmed by the King of France himſelf by an oath upon the Croſs and Holy Goſpel) with that fidelity and righteouſneſs, which ought in an eſpeciall manner ſplendidly to appear in illuſtrious per­ſons, it could not be conjectured, that ſuch pretences againſt Word and Oath should be brought forth, and for want of true reaſons (as they ſaid) upheld by the ſword.

Mean while the King of France moſt forcibly driving on his writ­ten and printed Deductions with the ſtrength of his Weapons, which from elder times have been the moſt efficacious arguments of Princes and Monarchs, falls with a conſiderable Army into the Spanish Netherlands, and daunting the courage of the people with the terrour of his name and might, in a short time carries the moſt important Cities of Flanders, and that (as he would make the Queen of Spain beleev) without breaking the Pirenean peace.

The States of the Ʋnited Netherlands, whoſe great intereſt is the tranquillitie and Peace of Chriſtendom (happy Intereſt of a Chri­ſtian State!) not being willing to determin whether the foreſaid pretences were grounded on right and reaſon, or that they muſt be lookt upon as the ſpecious pretexts of a Conquerour, have from the inclination of a peace-loving mind, and the apprehenſion of a dangerous neighbourhood, uſed all poſſible endeavours to unite the high contending parties by way of accord and transferring their caes, and by that means to extinguish the flame of Warr, which6 they feared would conſume the Lands and Cities which laid neer them, and ſinge thoſe that were at a diſtance and laid further off.

And in this affair have the States Generall been ſo farr ſucceſſe­full, that the King of France, apprehending that through a jealouſy grounded in the neighbouring Princes and Potentates, they might croſs, and haply fruſtrate his deſigns, preſented, that He should in reference to his pretences hold himſelf contented with the Cities and places, which He had now during the Campaign or expedition of his army in the Year 1667. gained and poſſeſſed from the King of Spain; or, in exchange of them, at the choice of Spain, with the Dukedom of Luxemburgh, or in place of that, with the French Compte viz Burgundy, together with Kamerick, Kambreſis, Doway, Aire, St. Omer, Bergen St. Winox, Furne, and Linck, with their depen­dencies.

Nevertheleſs, for as much as the Kingdoms and States herein in­tereſſed could not, in regard of the altering and changeable will, which, in Princes and Potentates eſpecially, is moved upon the leaſt appearance of Succeſs, be aſſured, whether the King of France would continue in making the foreſaid proffers, or that Spain would incline, by the accepting of the ſame, and ſo by the chuſing of one or both the alternative members included in the foreſaid pre­ſentation, to make peace, the Kings of Great Britain, and of Swe­den, and the States Generall made a contract together, which, from the number of the parties originally contracting, is commonly called the triple league or alliance, whereby they bound each other to work out the peace between France and Spain upon the fore­mentioned preſentation, and by the ſaid peace to enſure the reſt and tranquillity of Chriſtendom: promiſing to each other for the faſter eſtablishment of the foreſaid league, That between themſelvs there should always be and abide a ſyncere peace and correſpondence for the promoting with all their heart and in all faithfullneſs the profit, utility and dignity of each other, and to do their beſt to keep of all that might be oppoſite againſt the ſame; and in caſe it should come to paſſe that this their friendly undertaking should be in a contrary ſenſe and7 ill interpreted, and it should fall out that an untimely revenge or warr by one of the contesting parties, or any one of their ſide, should be acted upon any one of theſe confoederates, that in ſuch caſe they should faith­fully aſſiſt one another.

This is the ſubſtance of the ſo called Triple League: Et hinc illae lachrymae; an alliance which France hath lookd upon as a bridle to the greatneſs of his deſires, and which the unbyaſſed part of Chri­ſtendom beheld as the onelyeſt preſerver of the Peace and reſt of Europe: an alliance whereby we in purſuit of our intention have ſtirred up the love of all peaceable-minded people, and beyond our intention the undeſerved choler of a mighty Prince, who at pre­ſent eyes us, his old allies and confoederates, as the chiefeſt objects of and perſons deſigned to receiv his hatred and diſdain: but an al­liance whereby we shall procure the alliance of the Prince of Peace, who hath promiſed to the peacemakers the peaceble poſſeſſion of what he hath affoarded them here on earth, through which alliance being mightily ſupported we may eſteem as a ſmall matter the loſs of the Alliance of the King of Great Britain, who was the principal counſellour and directer of the foreſaid Triple Alliance, who in ſtead of affoarding us the aſſiſtance promiſed in the ſaid league, for the which onely we are threatned, falls himſelf upon us, that through the advanceing of a Warr he may not onely free himſelf from performing to us the limited ſuccour, which by the force of the defenſive Alliance, and the unlimited aſſiſtance, which in purſuance of the aforeſaid Triple league he is obliged to do, but moreover with the help of a Prince mightyer than himſelf may overpower and tread us under foot.

We shall not meaſure out the injuſtice of theſe dealings accord­ing to their merits, not onely for that we deſire to contain our ſelvs within the bounds of moderation and modeſtie, but alſo be­cauſe we deem that evill-ſpeaking is a wrong way of requiting evill-doing, and a defence which will not ſecure us from the ſword of our enemy.

This how ever the truth enforceth us to ſay, that there can no exam­ple8 of a breach of truſt be brought out of any hiſtories, that can pa­rallel the example of the forementioned illuſtrious King in this caſe. We have with him and by his perſuaſion and the King of Sweden made the aboveſaid Triple Alliance, whereby we have promiſed each other to help to bear off all the miſchiefs which thereupon might fall upon us: and making a difficulty of engageing ourſelvs to Sweden, in regard of the ſubſidies, without an aſſured indemnitie on the ſide of Spain, we yet upon the inſtances of the King of Great Brittain, ſtepping over all ſcruples, concluded the Triple league.

Now the King of England knows in his heart, though he diſſem­bleth and clokes that knowledge by his words, that we are threat­ned for the Tiple Alliance with a danger which he ought to help to defend us from: And all the world knows that all that France pretends beſides the foreſaid league is but a diſguiſe of the right cauſe of his anger, which he hath by his Miniſters clearly diſcover'd to all Courts. No man that hath with due obſervation read the Contract between France and this State, can be ignorant of this, that we might as freely forbid the bringing in of French Wine and Brandewine, as the King of France might ſurcharge and overbur­den our wares, as the prohibitions of thoſe are extended and ſtretched out (and ſo indeed the ſaid prohibitions are) the ſame oblig­ing our inhabitants, as wel as the French: ſo that the inaequality alone being forbidden by the foreſaid contract, the contractors in regard of the foreſaid extenſion, have preſerved their naturall free­dom: And conſidering this, every one can eaſyly apprehend, that as the impoſitions and prohibitions of the foreſaid extended things were not done againſt the forementioned contract; ſo there do really croſs it, not onely the gratifications done by the King of France to the Northern Companie, whereby with a ſubtilty and artifice, the foreſaid Contract in reſpect of the aequall burthening, is eluded, but alſo and eſpecially the prohi••tion ordered by the King, in reference to our inhabitants, againſt the bring­ing in and carrying out of any wares in and out of his Kingdom.


And indeed the threatnings that France made againſt us before the concluſion of the foreſaid Triple Alliance, With no other deſign than to ſmother it in the birth, ſuffer us not to be ignorant of the true ſubject of the indignation of the King of France.

And if it were ſo that the King of England should be unacquaint­ed (Which yet he is not) with the right cauſe of the diſpleaſure of the King of France, he nevertheleſs knows that by vertue of the defenſive Treaty made with this State in the Year 1668. he is bound, when the States Generall shall be attacqued by any Prince or State, upon whatſoever pretence it may be, to furnish them with forty Ships of Warr, ſix thouſand footmen, and four hundred horſmen, upon promiſe of refuſing to accept any thing of charges for performing the ſaid aſſiſtance, three years after the ending of the Warr. The King of England now well knowing, that he should, in caſe of an hoſtile onſet, be ſummoned by the States Ge­neral to perform the ſaid Treaty, and accordingly the promiſed re­lief, hath in a wonderfull manner undertaken to free himſelf from the band of the foreſaid Alliance, ſo ordering the matter, that when France should fall upon us, He should not ſtand in a ſtate of con­foederation and alliance with us (which is by the foreſaid Treaty praeſuppoſed) but in a ſtate of Warr, which for that very reaſon he hath advanced and haſtened, imagining with himſelf that he there­by had found out two great things, to wit, to diſſolv the Sinews of the foreſaid obligation, and withall by conjunction with the redoubted and terrible might of France utterly to rout us out. Honeſt and honourable deſigns indeed of a Chriſtian Prince, of a defender of the Faith, of a man who having been diſciplined by the correcting hand of God Almighty, might have been taught not to wrong a man as himſelf, nor to trouble the world! to break his Al­liance, before the time of performing it be come, and of a confoe­derate to make himſelf an enemy, that he might not be bound as a friend, to take hold of an occaſion to ruin his former allies, upon the rubbish-heap of their ruin to ſett up the ſtructure of an unbound­ed Dominion, to offer up the bloud of his ſubjects upon ambi­tious10 deſigns, and to ſtirr up tumults in the world; he that can re­concile all this with the duty of a Chriſtian and Evangelicall Prince, muſt have another Goſpel, than that of meekneſs and Peace.

And that our inhabitants and the unbyaſſed World may clearly ſee, that the Warr, which the King of Great Britain at preſent maketh upon us, ariſeth from no other cauſe but the above-men­tioned inclination, it may be ſerviceable, that we diſcover the mind of the King out of his own Manifeſto, which conſiſts of nothing elſe but an unto ward diſſembling of a wicked deſign.

We shall for ſome reaſons diſpenſe with our thoughts about the introduction to the ſaid manifeſto, not ſpending many words upon that, which contains nothing but the Kings boaſting of his peace-loving mind, and ſcrupulous conſcience: of which becauſe he calls the world to witneſs, we shall leav the judgement thereof to the im­partiall world, beleeving that there shall not be one found among that innumerable number of unbyaſſed witneſſes, who having knowledge of the affairs of the world, shall not acknowledge that the King of England is one of thoſe peaceable men, who calls that Peace when they lay all waſt, and ſo deſire the World that they may have no body to contend with, but to live in outward Peace without any enemy, if they could but otherwiſe live in Peace who have their own conſcience for their Enemy, ſo that the little World, that is themſelvs, becomes too ſtraight for them.

Neither shall we at this time rip up what paſſed before the Warr of the Year 1665, and who gave the occaſion of and begun the ſame: for that it is ſufficiently known to all the World, that the ſubject of that Warr was on the King of Englands ſide as unright­eous, as it's beginning was in a way of piracy, without any other denunciation of it, than what was don by the Canon. We shall alſo not ſpeak of the ſucceſſes of that Warr, over which the King of England ſo highly vaunts on his ſide, but concerning that we shall onely ſay, that we should have matter enough to give thanks to God Almighty for, if the concluſion of the preſent Warr should11 not be unhappyer for us, then was the end of that in the time aforeſaid.

Proceeding then to the examination of the ſubſtance of the De­claration itſelf (if there can be any ſubſtance in ſenſible untruths, evil-minded ſurmiſings, and groſs impertinencies,) we shall briefly run over all the points over which the King of Great Britain shows, or at leaſt feigns his diſcontents; and for the ſatisfaction not onely of our inhabitants, and all unbyaſſed perſons, but of thoſe of his own nation alſo, we shall demonſtrate that the foreſaid pretended reaſons have not been the moving cauſe of this Warr, but onely pretexts and ill cemented covers of an intention which is older than the invention of the pretended motives, which are no cauſes, but contraryly are effects and products of the deſign of making warr upon us.

Firſt the King complains, to wit feignedly, as we have formerly ſaid, that the States Generall by force of one of the Articles of the Breda's treaty (as he holds it forth),, being obliged to ſend Com­miſſioners to London, there to regulate the trading in Eaſt-India, should ſo farr have failed therein, that they could not, by a three years urgency of his Ambaſſadour, be prevailed upon, to acquit themſelves of their word and promiſe given on that behalf, and fur­ther to give the King ſatisfaction for the injurie which thoſe of his nation in Eaſt-India should have ſuffered from ours. Where­unto we shall not otherwiſe anſwer than shortly thus, That we moſt exceedingly wonder, that the pennner of the manifesto, who doubtleſs is no ſmall perſwader of the Warr, should ſet forth a De­claration, which muſt come under the eyes of all the World, having not once beforehand taken the pains to look over the treaty, in which there is not found one article that obligeth the States General to ſend Commiſſioners to London for the end aforeſaid; but an ar­ticle indeed there is, viz the third of the appendix of the ſaid treaty, mentioning the commerce and navigation, whereby it is ſet down that the King of England and the States General should with all ſpeed by Commiſſioners on both ſides form an expedient for12 regulating the navigation and Commerce, and that mean while and by proviſion they should be ruled by that which was agreed on by the King of France and the States General on that behalf; the Maritin treaty between the King of England and this State being principally ſince that concluded in the Year 1669.

Hence now can the World ſee, haw farr the deſire of Warr, an affection of all other the moſt irregular, the moſt inhuman, the moſt accurſed, darkeneth and deſtroyeth the underſtanding: but praiſed be God Almighty, who through his All-wiſe direction confound­eth and ashameth the wickedneſs, and clearly diſcovers, that the Authors of this Warr are inſpired and blown up by the Spirit of him, who is a Liar, and a Murtherer of mankind from the be­ginning.

That which is ſaid of the wrong, that the English nation should have ſuffered by ours in the East-Indies, is of the ſame nature, that is, untrue and Calumnious; and should there alſo be made a ſpeci­fical and particular expreſſion of the ſaid unjuſt things, as they call them, 't would make the dictatour of the manifeſto ashamed, who makes his complaint in General terms, to deceiv the World, which the English Courtiers (I ſpeak of thoſe who are councellours of the Warr) judge to be as ſottish, as themſelvs are both ſottish and wicked.

Touching the work of Syrinam (Which is the ſecond pretended grievance in the foreſaid declaration) 't is in the firſt place very re­markable on that behalf, that the ſaid work concerns the King whol­ly not at all, but is onely taken up by him to ſtretch out a matter of quarrell: which that the Reader may ſo much the aptlier appre­hend, be pleaſed this to know, that the foreſaid Colonie of Syri­nam having been in March in the Year 1667. overmaſterd by one Abraham Crijnſen of Zeeland with the Weapons of the State, and in this manner by a certain capitulation brought under the ſubjec­tion of the ſame, was by the Engliſh in the month of May next following retaken; but that it was by vertue of the 6th. article of the treaty of Breda, requiring that all Lands, Cities, ſtrong holds13 and Colonies taken by one of the conteſting parties from another during the Warr, and retaken after the 10 / 20 of May 1667. should be reſtored to the firſt taker, again put into the power of the State.

After the ſaid reſtitution, complaint was made by the King of England, that the effect of the capitulation made with the fore­named Crijnſen was not made good to the inhabitants of Syrinam, for that the in-dwellers of the ſaid Colonie (as they gave it out) were denyed permiſſion to depart with their perſons and tranſportable effects otherwhere.

Now what right was the King of England ever born to, to capa­citate him with any reaſon to further the accomplishment of the capitulation, made with the inhabitants of the ſaid Colonie, who by the right of the Warr are become ſubjects of the State?

What doth the foreſaid Capitulation concern the King of Eng­land more than the King of Spain? Do the inhabitants of Syrinam even after the conqueſt of the ſaid place by vertue of the capitula­tion continue ſubjects of the King of England? Hath any man ever heard, that by a capitulation, the jus imperii, and the old right of the firſt Lord is continued over thoſe who are conquered by Weapons, onely becauſe they capitulate and make conditions upon their giv­ing over? it is certainly notorious and beyond all controverſie that conquering is a lawfull title, which altereth the places and goods from the owner, and the ſubjects from the Soveraign; which right is eſpecially eſtablished by the 3d. article of the Breda's Treaty, whereby it is agreed, that each party should with an abſolute right of lordship, propriety, and poſſeſſion continue to hold all the Lands, Iſlands, Cities, Colonies, and other places by them taken in and maſtered during the Warr.

'Tis indeed true that through the capitulation the right of the abſolute diſpoſition of the conquerour is circumſcribed; but noound reaſon can be brought that the juriſdiction of the formerord should thereby be preſerved over the capitulating ſubjects: Ist ever com'd, into the thoughts of the King of Spain, that the in­habitants14 of Maſtricht, the Boſch, and Breda, who with their Ci­ties by the right of Arms were renderd upon capitulation to the States General, should by that capitulation continue to be his ſubjects? Or pretends the King of England the right aforeſaid in reference to thoſe of English Colonies becauſe of the nation and their birth, as if for that they did remain his Subjects after their being conquered? Who will ſay that the birth and language can produce ſuch effects, contradicting the received and by all people acknow­ledged effects of the Warr, whereby the conquered is ſubjected to the conquerour without conſideration of birth or language?

Are then the inhabitants of Syrinam, notwithſtanding the fore­ſaid capitulation, become ſubjects of the State, and hath the King of England by the right of the Warr loſt his imperium dominion over them, ſo that after the conquering of them they remain no more his ſubjects and his people, (as he terms them in the foreſaid Declaration) whence hath he the right of complaining that we have not permitted the inhabitants of Syrinam as his ſubjects to obtain the effect of the forenamed capitulation? Is it not beyond diſpute and all imagination that the foreſaid inhabitants should thereupon have addreſſed themſelvs to this State, and not to the King of England, as to their lawfull Soveraign? that not meriting any conſideration on the contrary, which hath formerly by or on the behalf of the King of England been objected againſt the ſub­ſtance of what hath been before produced in the caſe of Syrinam, and is again not obſcurely ſtirred up in the foreſaid Manifeſto, to wit, that the words, in ſuch ſort as they had poſſeſſed the ſame on the 10 / 20 of May, ſtanding in the end of the 3d. article of the Treaty at Breda, should limit the power of the States General in favour of the King, and for the preſervation of his old dominion over the inhabitants of Syrinam: obſerving the connexion and the true ſenſe of the fore­mentioned article, 'tis eaſy to apprehend, that the foreſaid words, in ſuch ſort, do not limit the dominion over that which is taken, but onely the further extending of the poſſeſſion: ſo that the15 meaning was not by thoſe words to expreſs, that each party should continue to hold what they poſſeſſed no otherwiſe than with ſuch a limitation of dominion, as they had got it by capitulation, but onely that the right of the conquerour should not be extended wider, that is over no more Land, than was in his occupation the 10 / 20 of May; beſides that, if yet from thoſe words, there should be any reflection upon the limitation of the dominion, and that upon the foreſaid capitulation (of Which we ſay abſolutely no) it cannot at the higheſt be otherwiſe conſtrued, then that the thing by which the imperium ruledom of the conquerour should be ſnubbed, muſt be left in his keeping, and that for thoſe who should have acquired any right by the ſaid limitation, that is for the inhabi­tants who made the capitulation, and in no wiſe for their old Lord.

Though this defence Was indeed of that force, that the King of England might thereby be taken off, yet have the States Generall further, out of a ſingular eſteem of his ſaid Majeſty, in whoſe friendship they always accounted themſelvs highly intereſſed, de­bated with the Lord Ambaſſadour Temple upon the execution of the 15 and 19 Articles of the foreſaid capitulation, touching the point of the departure of the inhabitants of the ſaid Colonie with their goods, and in conſequence thereof, by an expreſſe miſſive enjoined the Commander of the forementioned Colonie fully to execute that which was agreed upon, without ever having coun­termanded that command (as in the foreſaid Declaration is ca­lumniously ſaid) by any ſecret orders; which alſo hath never hither­to been don in the caſe of Pouleron.

We could here in particulars shew the faithfullneſs performed by the Commander in the effectuall execution of the ſaid charge in Syrinam, and withall the perverſeneſs of the Commiſſioners of the King of England about thoſe caſes; but we shall (that we may not be too long in this short diſcourſe) with the Readers permiſſion, diſ­penſe therewith, and delay the giving ſatisfaction in the curioſity16 thereof till the contra-manifeſto of the State shall come abroad, which undoutedly will contain a circumſtantiall declaration of this caſe, with documents and demonſtrations adjoined.

The King proceeds from complaining of the work of Syrinam to a complaint touching pretended affronts, and ſmall things, which he gives out to have ſuffered from the State, both in making and showing (as he ſaith) of Pictures, Medalls, and pillars, and alſo in refuſing to ſtrike the Flagge: declaring that the firſt alone, to wit, the making and showing of ſome Pictures and Medalls, were a ſuffi­cient cauſe of his diſpleaſure, and of the reſentment of all his ſubjects, that is in a word, of the Warr. God preſerve the World from ſuch Chriſtian Princes who for a Picture, and a Medall will not ſtick to bring Chriſtendom into uproars, and to shed ſo much innocent bloud! and I pray for what Pictures, and What ſort of medalls? for a Picture made for the honour of a Burgermaſter, or Alderman of a City, Who out of a generous mind hazarding himſelf for his Coun­trey, acquired the honour of an heroicall and vertuous exploit; and for a Medall, wherein the Warr is pourtrayed with the annexion of a Pious Wish, that that Beaſt (viz the Warr) might be farr from all Kingdoms.

Is it then ſo offenſove in the time of Peace to make a token of re­membrance of a ſucceſsfull action in a foregoing Warr? which was therefore the happyer becauſe it was crowned with peace. Are there not in all Lands and Cities pourtraitures of victories, and painted Tables of triumphant atchievments? Are there not in our land many memorials of renowned conqueſts? Of proſperous field-battels, and very ſucceſsfull beleaguerings? Are not all ſuch badges of honour pricks and ſpurrs to generous actions? What noble-minded Prince can attract to himſelf an occaſion of Warr, from that which every one ſo eaſyly paſſeth by? We can well permit that the King cauſe ſuch a Picture to be made of the burning of our unarmed merchant-Ships in the Flie and of the Houſes of the poor Fishers on the Schelling for the renown of thoſe who projected that illuſtrious deſign, and an everlaſting honour of them who effected it.


That which is ſaid of columns and pillars is either falſy feigned by the inditer of the Manifeſto, or at leaſt lightly taken up; for that ſuch pillars are nowhere ſave in the forging of his brains, or in the gazets of the Engliſh court.

In reference to the right of the Flagge, in the firſt place it is to be obſerved, that out of the foreſaid Declaration it appears and that not obſcurely that the King by the ſame underſtands the dominion over the Sea: For that ſpeaking of the ancientneſs of the foreſaid right, he therewith adds,that it is an unthankfull inſolency, that we will contend with him about the Dominium lordship of the Sea:Whence it is clearly evident, that the right of the Flagge, and the dominion of the Sea, are indeed words of a different ſound, but, ac­cording to the Kings meaning of one and the ſame ſignification: So that it is from thence now eaſy to apprehend, that the difference between the King of England, and this State, about the aboveſaid pretended right of the Flagge, (which by thoſe of that Nation is made a concernment of the moſt important ground of quarrel, in which the glory of the people should be intereſſed) is not a contro­verſie about the ſalutation and ſtriking of the Flagge, and therefore no quaeſtion touching the right underſtanding of the 19th. article of the Breda's treaty, but onely a conteſt about the dominion of the Sea, which the State attributes onely to God Almighty, and the King to himſelf, though haply per Dei gratiam, by the Grace of God by which alſo the moſt abſolute Princes govern their Lands and Kingdoms: And in conformitie to the foreſaid meaning, hath the Ambaſſadour Dowing, by a memorial delivered over, in the name of the King, deſired of the State a round and clear acknow­ledgement of the foreſaid pretended dominion of the Sea.

Now may every one of our inhabitants, and the impartial World certainly ſee, that 'tis not the denying to ſtrike the Flagge in purſuance of the forementioned Treaty (which is by the State done to the full, as will be shown in what follows) but onely a re­fuſing of the foreſaid acknowledgement, that is the ſubject of the complaints of the King of England; and it may alſo eaſyly be ap­prehended18 that the ſame acknowledgement is urged upon the State in this time, not out of a conviction of the right of the pretended buſineſs, buonely out of a formed deſign to make warr upon us; which deſign could not be brought to execution otherwiſe than by the demanding impoſſible ſatisfaction: for which cauſe alſo the Ambaſſadour Downing propounded to the State nothing elſe, but onely the fore-mentioned acknowledgement, fearing that if he had propoſed other caſes, he might touching them have obtained ſatis­faction for his King, who he well knew would not be ſatisfied. Well do all the ſubjects of this State, whoſe onely ſubſiſtence is com­merce, and conſequently the freedom of the Sea, know of what im­portance the foreſaid ſo much urged acknowledgement is: I beleev not that thre shall be found one ſingle Fisher in our Countrey, let him be as ſimple as one can imagine, but he will apprehend the intereſt of his very being to be herein included, and cannot but underſtand that thoſe people would fetch the forementioned acknowledgment out of the throat, and thereupon cauſe the effects of the pretended dominion to follow, or bind up their throats, which is one and the ſame caſe; really that there is no other difference between both, than is the difference between a haſty, and a lingring, but indeed a certain death; for that upon the foreſaid acknowledge­ment, there were at the higheſt no other to be expected of the fa­vour of the King of England, than the wish and choice of a ſpeedy end, or of a conſuming ſickneſs, which is worſe than a haſty death.

And although the King of Englands pretended juriſdiction ex­tends not further than over the British Sea, yet is it notorious that the limits of the ſaid Sea are by the King ſo wide ſtretched out, that there would not be left to us the leaſt part for a paſſage out of our Land, which should not be ſubjected to the King, in reſpect of his praetended Lordship according to his own ſentiment, it being ob­ſervable that the King of England doth not onely hold the Channell for the British Sea, but alſo the North Sea, and a very great part of the Ocean: So that we should not be able to uſe the Sea without our Land, otherwiſe than upon the mercy of the King of England, of19 which we could leſs aſſure ourſelvs than we can now be ſecured upon his Faith and word.

We shall not at preſent enter upon the confutation of the foreſaid pretence of the dominium maris dominion of the Sea, not onely becauſe that would be too long for a short treatiſe, but alſo and eſpecially for that it cannot be accounted needfull to refute that, which all the World holds to be irregular except the King of England, who will ſo little be convinced with arguments, as he Will be ſatisfied with reaſonable praeſentation; we shall onely ſay, that it is untrue, and can never be made evident, that we have ever fished in the Sea with a Licence or Permiſſion from the Father of the King of England, and that (as is ſaid in the foreſaid Mani­feſto) upon a tribute. We do well acknowledge that in the Year 1636. ſome Ships of Warr of the King of England fell upon our defenceleſs Hering-boats, and that by meer violence they forced ſome money from them, to which they gave the name of impoſi­tion-money; but we diſon that from thence any right can be drawn: not onely becauſe force can make no right no not by the continuance of it, but alſo for that the foreſaid violent exaction was not continued: ſith that upon complaint made in England of the foreſaid exorbitance, the ſame hath not been any more committed ſince that time.

We shall then, with permiſſion of the benevolent Reader, paſs­ing over to the buſineſs of the Flagge ſo as it is regulated by the 19th. article of the Breda's treaty (which article muſt be deciſive in this controverſie) briefly show, that there was nothing done by the Lord van Gent in the ſo much talked of encounter againſt the fore­ſaid treaty; and moreover that what hath been by the State without and beyond the obligation of the ſame treaty preſented to the King of England, is a yielding ſo abundantly convincing, that we should not fear to abide the judgement of the English Nation itſelf there­upon, as promiſing ourſelvs ſo much from the diſcretion of the ſaid Nation, that they ſeeing that the State hath in point of their20 honour given abundant ſatisfaction, will with us deteſt and abo­minate the demand of the acknowledgement of the dominium ma­ris dominion of the ſea, proceeding out of a deſire of warr.

It is well known, and beyond diſpute among all ſorts of Na­tions, that the ſalutation which is given on the Sea, whether by the Canon, the ſtriking of the Flagge, or letting down a certain ſail, muſt not be accepted for a mark of ſubjection, but onely for an outward token of reſpect, civility, and courteſie, which is thereupon anſwered with a contra-ſalutation of the like civility: And for ſo much as relates to the ſalute or firſt greeting, of which onely we shall here ſpeak, it is generally ſo received, that, ſith commonly they who give the firſt ſalutation, acknowledge them­ſelvs in rank and worthynes to be inferiour to thoſe whom they meet, though they be not ſubjected to them, the ships of Common­wealths meeting upon the Sea the Ships of Warr of crowned Heads, muſt give the firſt ſalute with one or other token of outward reſpect. Which reſpect (like as all other courteſie) although it should come from a free-willingneſs, and an unconſtrained will of thoſe who show it, yet have we often ſeen it come to paſs, that the ſtronger on the Sea have conſtrained the weaker to the tender­ing of that honour, and that alſo ſomtimes the neceſſity, and the form thereof, is conſtituted by a contract.

So is it then concerning that alſo agreed between the King of England and this State by the 19th. article of the Breda's Treaty, in conformitie with former Contracts, made both with the pre­ſent King, and with the Protector Cromwel, that the Ships and Seafaring veſſells of the Ʋnited Provinces, ſo well thoſe of Warr, and ſuch as are raiſed for defence againſt the might of the Enemy, as others, which shall come to meet any Ship of Warr of the King of Great Britain in the British Sea, shall ſtrike the Flagge on the top of the maſt, and let fall the Mars-ſail, in the ſame manner as hath at any time formerly been uſual.

That the right ſenſe of this Article may be well apprehended, the Reader may pleaſe to obſerve, that the ſame originally pro­ceeded21 from the Treaty made between this State and the Pro­tector Cromwel in the Year 1654. and that the ſame was not at that time concluded in ſuch terms, but upon a heavy debate upon ſome words*Sintve ſingula ſive in claſſibus, wheter they be ſingle Ships or ranked in a Fleet. , which the Protector Cromwel would have to be there with joined, not onely thereby to oblige ſingle Ships but the whole Fleets of the State unto the foreſaid ſalutation, in caſe of meeting any Ship of warr of England: which words afterwards upon the earneſt inſtances of the Miniſters of this State were left out of the foreſaid article; and ſo muſt the 19th. article be taken out of the 10th. article of the Treaty of the Year 1662. which 10th. article was granted on the Kings ſide from the 13th. article of the Year 1654. not to be ſo underſtood, that a whole Fleet of the State should by vertue of the foreſaid Treaty be bound to give that ſalute for one Ship of England: but the article aforeſaid muſt be taken for a Regulation, according to which the ſingle ships and ſea­faring veſſels of the State muſt deport themſelvs in regard of the ſa­lutings towards the English Ships of Warr.

Now for to apply the foreſaid article according to it's true meaning to the inſiſted on caſe of the Lord van Gent, this is

First remarkable that the Yacht of the King of England (being ſuppoſed that in reſpect of its mounted guns it might paſs for a Ship of Warr, which we will not diſpute) not having met one ſingle Ship or ſea-faring veſſel of the State, but being ſailed into a fleet, then lying at anker, doubtleſs with an evill deſign for to ſeek matter of quarrel, the King can have no foundation whereon to maintain that the Lord van Gent was bound to ſtrike by vertue of the foreſaid article.

The ſecond thing is aequally conſiderable, that the foreſaid ar­ticle ſpeaking of a meeting, is not applicable to the making of a quarrel upon a formed deſign by the requiring civility and reſpect, upon the uncivilleſt manner in the world.


And laſtly it is ſufficiently ly known that the foreſaid occaſion paſſed in the North Sea, not farr from our coaſt; being aequally evident, that the North Sea is not the Britiſh Sea: not onely for that the ſame is in all Sea-charts or maps, even thoſe of the English themſelvs, diſtinguished from the other, but alſo and that eſpecially (which is in this caſe an invincible argument) for that they are in the 17th. article of the foreſaid Breda's Treaty diſtinguished from each other; where 'tis expreſsly ſaidthat the Ships, and Mer­chandizes which within the time of Twelv days after the Peace, are taken in the British Sea, and in the North Sea, shall abide in the propriety of the conquerour:whence then certainly it clearly appears, that according to the King of England his own ſenſe, the North Sea is truly not the British Sea, and vice verſa ſo reciprocally: but that the North-Sea is made the Britiſh-Sea, and conſequently diſtinct caſes are confounded, when men are enclined to embroil and trouble the world.

And although hereby the States Generall had right to abide by the 19th. article of the foreſaid treaty, according to the foreſaid genuine interpretation, yet have they over and above declared to the King of Great Britain, that upon the foundation of a ſolid friendship, and being aſſured of the reall, and upright performance of the fifth article of the Triple alliance, in caſe th' exceſſive ar­mature of France should come to fall upon this State, they would willingly cauſe even their whole Fleet, as they come to meet any Ship or Ships of Warr, carrying the Standart, or the Pavilion of his Majeſty, to ſtrike the Flagge, and let the Top-ſail fall, for an exuberant proof of the reſpect, and honour which they upon all occaſions will openly show to ſo truſty a friend, and ſo great a Monarch; ſaving, that from thence no occaſion may be taken now, nor hereafter, neither thereby any the leaſt introduction may be given for hindering, or in any part incommodating the inhabitants and ſubjects of theſe Ʋnited Netherlands Provinces in the free uſe of the Sea. Which declaration the King of England takes ill, becauſe that by the ſame he should be bound to the upright performance of the23 Triple Alliance, that is, to take heed to his honour and word, toge­ther with the aſſurance of doing no prejudice in regard of the free uſe of the Sea; being an infallible argument, that the King of England is as little enclined to let us have the free uſe of the Sea, as to perform his word.

Here have you, worthy Countreymen, a short confutation of a Declaration, which refutes and shames itſelf, and by the Bell-mans noiſe as that of Drums and Trumpets, not onely upon the open places and ſtreets of London, before the ears of the Nation, but before all the World cryeth out a deſign of Warr; which will be as dreadfull in it's execution, as it is unrighteous in its under­taking, and hath without doubt in it's contrivance no other end than the limits of a boundleſs ambition, of an endeleſs coveting, and of an unappeaſable wrath. We ſee the fire of Warr kindled about our coaſts and borders, a fire whoſe flame will conſume the Chri­ſtian World, if God diſappoint not the undertaking of our enemies, and extinguish not the flame in its riſing up. All Lands and people (except haply the Barbarians of Africa) may well shake and tremble, and from henceforth with terrour behold devaſtion coming upon their Lands and Cities, if the troublers of the World be as proſperous in their proceedings as they are wicked in their deſign.

Let every one look himſelf in the glaſs of our example, and well think, that if we be unhappy, his turn shall be to be unhappy alſo.

And you ſubjects of the King of England, to whom we are bound by the bond of Chriſtian Love, and a higher than an earthly intereſt, pour out your tears over the diſtreſs that threatens us, and the mi­ſery which draws nigh to you. We wage no Warr with the Na­tion, but with your King, and his Courtiers, who have valued your bloud at ſix Millions, a ſorry price of the bloud, for which our and your Saviour hath shed his deareſt Bloud: We ſigh over our common miſerys, and from henceforward dread, when we conſider what may be the ſucceſs of an enterpriſe, which goes further than to the deſtruction of our temporall welfare. Your King, a defender of the Chriſtian Faith, hath made peace with24 the Turk that he may make warr upon Chriſtians, and to have his hands free againſt thoſe, who hold the Prince of Peace for their Saviour and Meſſias: Pour out your Prayers to God, that his Goodneſs would either change the Heart of your King, or diſap­point his undertaking; and let us jointly pray for the proſperity of our common cauſe, which we judge to be the cauſe of God.

We doubt not but God will graciously hear our Prayers, and by his Divine power show that he is our common Father, unto which hope we are born up by the fore-tokens of his Divine goodneſs, who hath not been pleaſed that the Ships, which were commanded home from the coaſts of Barbary, after a ſcandalous Peace with the unchriſtian for the plaguing of the Chriſtians, should have their share in the laſt robberie of our Merchant-men who could not ima­gine that they should meet the rovers of Tunis and Algiers in the Channel.

And although the World might not be apt to be moved, as indeed the greateſt part is not, either through a fearfull affrighted­neſs, or through a deep ſleep, yet muſt not we for all that be inſenſi­ble in this troubleſom time.

We dwell in a Land, a little but a bleſſed part of the World, a Land full of plenty, overpoured with the fulneſs of God Love, a true Canaan, and a Land of Promiſe. And in this ſo worthy a Countrey we enjoy above the abundance for our body, ſo much for our Soul, the immortall part, as we could deſire of God, to wit the food of his word, whereby we refed to a never-failing life, of which we may here in our Countrey enjoy the fore-taſt with ſo much ground of contentment, as a Man can deſire, who ſeeks not a Heaven here upon the earth.

The freedom, that unvaluable good, the reward of the labour of an Age, the recompence of much Bloud-shed, do we enjoy under our free government, an Enemy of tyranny and tyrants, in ſuch perfect quietneſs, and ſatisfaction of our Soul, that we cannot without the movings of our affections think upon the greatneſs of our happineſs.


Happy people, if we rightly underſtand our welfare, and ſeriouſly bethink how unhappy we should be if we were bereaved of all theſe advantages and benefits. Our Countrey hath hitherto been a re­fuge, and a Harbour for all banished and miſerable ones; and as God hath richly poured out the treaſures of his goodneſs upon our inha­bitants, ſo have they, of their abundance, bountifully dealt out to thoſe whoſe part and lot was unfortunate in the World: but, worthy Fellow-Citizens, where would be our Harbour if we were banished? Where should be our abode if we muſt forgoe our Countrey? Where should we find our ſubſiſtence, & the freedom of our mind? Dear God how unhappy should we be if we were unhap­py! The ſerious meditating on all this, muſt double our zeal for the preſervation of our welfare, what ſay I double? yea make it ſo great as our miſery would be great, by the overturning of our happy ſtate.

Two things muſt help us, Confidence and truſting upon God, and Vigilance: Vigilate Deo confidentes, Watch truſting in God.

The confidence on God muſt be upheld by the amendment of our lives, for that God hears not ſinners.

And truly we muſt confeſſe that we have deſerved the wrath of God, becauſe we have neglected his grace, a mercy which he hath not shown in ſo high a meaſure of love to any nation that ever the Sun shone on. We muſt all with ſighs acknowledge, that the luxu­ry, the pomp, the grandour of the World, and all what ever the abundance and plenty brings ſliding in with it, when the fear of God, and the apprehenſion of the ſlipperyneſs of wordly proſperity bridle not the souls, have provoked the indignation of God, and the jealouſie of our Neighbours.

In reſpect of our manners we are gone at leaſt ten Ages from the firſt time of our anceſtours, if we go on accordingly then are we neer the end.

Let us turn betimes, and reduce all again to our firſt beginnings, to wit, to the frugalitie and lowlineſs of our fore-fathers, vertues which are the more acceptable to God when they proceed from the motions of a Chriſtian Soul in the midſt of abundance and26 plenty:et not the wind of proſperity make our minds ſwell, but let us al­ways think of the uncertainty of outward happineſs, lighter and unſteadyer than the wind, and with ſuch thoughts arm our Souls againſt the overturning of the affairs of the World.

Let us further to our Confidence joyn Watchfullneſs; and ſith God works not here on Earth without means, uſe the means which his goodneſs hath given for our defence, with a certain expectation that he will help us if we truſt in him, and ſet all a work, which may in reaſon be expected of thoſe who have ſo much to loſe.

Our money and goods, which we ow to the Bleſſing of God and the Wel­fare of our Countrey muſt we plentifully beſtow to the preſervation of the ſame, and for the preſent root out of our hearts the niggardlyneſs, which is the weakneſs of our nation, and a fault in our temperament; let's come forth to help the preſent neceſſity of our Land, with theſe thoughts, that what we give thereto, is ſpent for ſecuring of the reſt, which can in no part of the World be ſo ſecured as in this our Land, where every one hath the peaceable and aſſured poſſeſſion of his honeſt part. The Rulers muſt go before the ſubjects in this caſe and give double out of a double obligation.

The Union muſt further bind our Souls to a joint-defence of our honeſt cauſe; faction which unluckyly parts and divides affections, muſt be banished. Concordiâ res parvae creſcunt, Where Concord is things grow from ſmall beginnings. Union makes ſtrength. The ſubject of the diviſion is out of our Land, and at preſent we fee as the Head of our Army a deſcendant from that great William that great inſtrument of our precious liberty We expect from him all that we can in reaſon from one of the poſterity of ſuch an illuſtrious Man, and we truſt that he shall not onely fulfill our expectation, but even exceed it, and make account of no kinship with the Kings of France and England to the preju­dice of the State: the firſt proofs of his courage will double the affection towards his perſon, and the evidence of his upright inclination for our State shall give to them who have otherwiſe judged and ſpoken, a generous and honourable occaſion of ſelf-contradiction. Here is matter of glory for him, and an aſſured means for eternizing his name, and for being known to poſte­ity by the glorious Title of Preſerver of our Liberty, as his Great-Grand-Father deſerv'd to have the name of the Founder of our welfare.

Againſt the Manifeſto or the Declaration of the King of France, which is com'd to my hand, ſince theſe conſiderations were fully compoſed, I shall ſay nothing elſe, but that it is from thence viſible, that the Warr of the fore-men­tioned Illuſtrious King, proceeds not from any thing elſe, ſave a formed deſign, for to ſtretch out the bounds of his command ſo farr, as is his ambition extended; but that we hope that God Almighty by the ſame arm, by which he hath hitherto preſerved us, will fruſtrate the undertaking of the King.


About this transcription

TextConsiderations upon the present state of the United Netherlands, composed by a lover of his countrey, for the encouragement of his countreymen, in this troublesom [sic] time. Exactly translated out of Nether-dutch into English, by a most cordiall lover of both the nations.
Extent Approx. 62 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 15 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images.
SeriesEarly English books online.
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(EEBO-TCP ; phase 2, no. A80373)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 171998)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2607:2)

About the source text

Bibliographic informationConsiderations upon the present state of the United Netherlands, composed by a lover of his countrey, for the encouragement of his countreymen, in this troublesom [sic] time. Exactly translated out of Nether-dutch into English, by a most cordiall lover of both the nations. [2], 26 p. s.n.],[London :Printed in the Year 1672.. (Signatures:) (Reproduction of original in: British Library.)
  • Dutch War, 1672-1678 -- Early works to 1800.
  • Netherlands -- Foreign relations -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800.
  • Great Britain -- Foreign relations -- Netherlands -- Early works to 1800.

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Publication information

  • Text Creation Partnership,
ImprintAnn Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2013-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 2).
  • DLPS A80373
  • STC Wing C5925A
  • STC ESTC R174169
  • EEBO-CITATION 43665042
  • OCLC ocm 43665042
  • VID 171998

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