Articles of Impeachment propoſed by the Army, under command of His Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, againſt Eleven Members of the Houſe of Commons read in the ſaid Houſe, June 17 With their An­ſwer to the ſaid Charge.

FOR yours which I rec•ived, I thank you; and for the Armie, to ſatisfie you in what you deſire to bee reſol­ved in, in thoſe two great points of Mona•chie & J•­ſtice. I ſhall tell you my opinion of them. They take not Holland, but Gods Word for a Rule to walk by, & to looke•n Monarchie, ſhall we think our Neighbors the Hollan­ders more kind or leſſe cunning then States are wont to be that thus by way of Empreſſe, they publiſh to the World the well-ſpring of their own proſperitie, and the grand root whereby all other States may both perpetuate and enlarge themſelves. I believe rather, that as Phiſitians make not nice to give a receipt which they thinke ſome others know, and thoſe that do not cannot procure the ingredients ſo the2 Hollander conceiving this Benedictum medicamentum, ſuch as Common-wealths cannot be ignorant of, and Kingdoms hardly make uſe of, have bin willing to boaſt this Motto, as the honour of Demacracies, and the reproach of Monarchies. The firſt of theſe have no being without it, ſince by con­cord, I ſuppoſe is here underſtood, a unanimous conſent of the parts to purſue one and the ſame end, that is the good of the whole; and what conſtitutes a Weal-publike, but this? Whereas in Monarchies (I ſay not what ſhould be, but what is) the two conſtitutive parts thereof, the King and People, have ſtill ſuch oppoſite intereſts, the one of more libertie, the other of more abſoluteneſſe, that it is hard to aſſigne an object proportionate to both their happineſſe wherein to reconcile and concentricate their aimes. I erre to ſay, it is hard to aſſigne ſuch an object, ſince the happineſſe and flou­riſhing of a Kingdome in generall, is confeſt by that where­in both Prince and Peoples felicitie conſiſts; but the diffi­cultie lies in engaging both parties, in ſuch zeale and ar­dence to promove that one and common end, as may over­bear the more ſenſible intreſts of their own individuals that ſhall urge them contrarie wayes.

The difficultie of kindling on both ſides this uniting and evertuating ardour proceeds principally from three cauſes, one peculiar to each, and a third common to both.

Firſt, that Princes ſeldome or never reflect upon the ori­ginals of their authority and preheminence.

Secondly, that the people think as rarely of the reaſons of their ſubjection.

And thirdly, that neither do rightly conſider themſelves in their nobleſt condition of relation to the whole, but in the abſtractedneſſe of their inferiour and perſonall beings.

For did Kings but remember how they became ſuch, by the peoples confidence in their vertue, and why that fee'd,3 as it were by dignity and honour above all, they might make the tranquility and comfort of all their care; and did the people weigh the voluntarineſſe of their own ſubjection how their Votes were given for Monarchie in their prede­ceſſors aſſents, or the motives thereunto, their own greater quiet and ſecurity, by conferring more cares then honours on their ſuperintendent. Or laſtly, did both but ponderate what a ſuperiour thing in nature to either of them, is that reſult from them both which we call a Kingdome; and of what greater dignity even they are, as co•ſtitu•ive parts of that whole, then as headleſſe or bodileſſe ſubſiſtents of themſelves, it were unpoſſible but both Prince and people muſt flame into as ſtrict an union of affections to advance that excellent end, as we ſee all parts of nature it ſelfe com­bind in for the preſervation and ornament of the univerſe. In God, Unity and E•ernity are convertible, in nature, the beſt imitation of his perfection, union, and duration, are un­ſeparable, and in States permanence without u•animity imp•ſſible.

And for Juſtice and Righteouſneſſe, to ſatisfie you in that alſo as concerning the execution thereof, they defire the ex•end•o all perſons, and in all caſes. But to give you accompt to that which you deſire more particularly, in re­lation to charge againſt Members; it is thus.

For the ſetling and ſecuring of the common right, freedome, and peace of the Kingdom, wher­of the Army have a ſhare: they have received ſuch informations as have been brought to them concerning divers perſons, ſome of whom are perſons of eminency: yet they have proceeded to a charge, which they have drawn up, and ſent3 to the houſe of Commons againſt 11 of their own Members.

• I. The Army hath charged them in a generall way to appear.
  • 1. To have a will, confidence, cre­dit, and power to abuſe the Parliament.
  • 2. To have the like will, confidence, credit, and power to a­buſe the Army.
  • 3. To be unjuſt and high in the proceedings againſt the Army.
• II. The Army hath ſent up a particular Im­peachment againſt them, conſiſting of ſeverall heads, As acting things tending to the ſubverſion of the Lawes and Rights of the Subject To ſtirre up perſons againſt the Parliament. To hinder the buſineſſe of Ireland, and other generall things Signed by John Ruſhworth Secretary, by their appointment, expreſt in their papers ſent to the houſe of Commons.

If theſe Gentlemen, upon tryal, ſhal appear in­nocent, then it will juſtly appear, that the Armies deſignes are dangerous, and that bee cleare which now is made an obſtruction.

As for the Lords, there are no Members of the houſe of Pieres charged by the Army, as yet, nor any Citizen of London But the Army have ano­ther Propoſition concerning the houſes, and that5 is to have them purged of ſuch Members as they ſhall make appear to be Delinquents, &c. Some­thing alſo they have to bring, Deputy Lieute­nants of Counties, Members of Country Com­mittees (and others who have beene entruſted with the States Money) to accompt: And the proteſt, the uttermoſt of their ends in all this to b•chiefly for Gods glory, and for juſtice and Righ­teouſneſſe. God grant a firme peace, and prevent further bloud-ſhed: ſo prayes,

We wayt in great expectation of the City Com­miſſioners.