A DISCOVRSIVE Conjecture upon the Reaſons that produce a deſired event of the preſent troubles of Great Britain, different from thoſe of Lower Germany.

THE Hope that theſe ſad and deſtru­ctive diſtem­pers, may now have a more deſired end, than the world of wiſe men could lately beleeve, puts us on2 beyond our feares to produce preg­nant grounds, to make good what we have laid in about this buſineſſe; as it is now tranſacting in happy hands. Which Worke (in all Poli­tique probability) will give a great advance to his Majeſties honour, and render Him conſiderable abroad, and like Himſelfe at home; the bleſ­ſed Fountaine of juſtice, peace, and plenty; that His ROSES and LILLIES may not grow, or rather be blaſted in his Peoples blood.

We doe not adventure to run up this diſcourſe ſo high, as the originall cauſes of theſe troubles, either in re­ſpect of the States principles, or di­vine providence; that I hold hard, and high worke, wherein latitude, and liberty of Divination is as dan­gerous, as difficult, and ſo leave it to time, and thoſe that ſhall be truſted to draw up, and Commentary theſe three yeares affaires in an Heroicall hiſtory, for his Majeſties honour and3 uſe both in the State Eccleſiaſtique, and Civill: and I cannot but con­clude it the choiſeſt piece in a pra­ctique way, that hath ever paſſed the Preſſe,Pancerol. de Reb. Invent. 122. ſince the Sword-man devi­ſed Printing, or the Gown-man con­jured up Gunning.

It is not to bee denyed, but that there is ſo much ſimilitude betwixt theſe Brittiſh troubles, and the be­ginnings of the ſtirres and ſtorms of the Belgique Provinces, (before they ſetled into a ſolemne War) that wee had great ground to feare the ſame cruell Calamities, had not God grati­ouſly ſupplied his Majeſty with theſe preſent Counſels. Yet now we be­leeve, that not only out of a fond fa­cilitie, becauſe we wiſh it, that there is no ſuch reaſon to fix the ſame infe­licity, as a fatall period, the remedie being proper, powerfull, and not Poſthumum. Now to make this come hot to honeſt hearts, with great and growing comfort; Let us4 conſider the occaſions that caſt the Low-countries into confuſion, and allow how far we are gone in thoſe wayes, and then truly take up, and ſee with what variety of better circumſtances we may qualifie our feares, and quicken our hopes of a more happy event.

My deſigne is but to point at thoſe paſſages that may be diſcovered in a Tranſit, without pretending to reach the reaſon of State in the non-com­municable conveyances and nego­tiations of either ſide; ſuppoſing them fundamentally of force to pro­duce a difference falling in with my propoſall. Before we pitch any par­ticular, the generall conſideration of the curſed conſequences, of the Bel­gique confuſions, muſt needs worke ſtrongly with all wiſe men, eſpecially upon his Majeſty, who is highlieſt intereſted, cauſing him to caſt his provident eye upon the ſeat of thoſe civill cruell wars, as an example of5 caution; as a Rocke covered, with the remaines of a wrecked Spaniſh Carrack, floating about it, ſinking a whole Navy, to ſave that which was ſcarcely conſiderable, if wiſe men had had the valuing of it, who uſe to rule by remitting, when Sub­jects cannot obey with ſubſiſting; Alas, that poore patch and ſpot of his patrimony is turned into a common Golgotha, to bury all Spaniſh great­neſſe of a Fever In ſpiritualibus, which every Spring is ill Phyſick for an olde State to graft a new Monarchy up­on, and all this by Eccleſiaſticall Or­der, and ſolemne Proceſsion, as they are the Heraulds and Maſters of his Ceremonies. This were Item enough (too dearely bought) for us to ſteere another courſe, and not to truſt ſhifting Sands, with Caeſar, and all our fortunes.

But to come cloſe to the bare bu­ſineſſe, the firſt conſideration wee ſhall propoſe in this worke, is the6 Time and Manner of the riſing of theſe Troubles in both States. Now though Belgia began firſt to feele theſe growing Diſtempers, upon King Philip the Second his perſonall taking Poſſeſsion of that governe­ment, by ſolemne inveſtiture, upon his father Charles the fift his Reſigna­tion: and the preſent Troubles of Scotland firſt appeared upon his Ma^ties making his Royall reſidence and Actuall aſſumption in his ſacred Inauguration; yet this holds but lightly, with Wiſe men, either in mo­rals or Politiques, to produce the ſame event, if duly conſidered. For indeed there is a vaſt and operative diſtance, in the concurrent circum­ſtances of their royall journies: be­cauſe K. Philip came into Belgia, not as K. of England, but K. in England, or onely the Queenes husband (as hee complained to his Father,Strada, de Bell. Belg. Lib. 1. that the Engliſh called him, which was one argument, to obtaine a reſignation of7 ſomthing) who dying in his abſence, he remained onely the bare Dominus, not Rex Belgiae, and ſeeing all his other Dominions, both hereditary, and Feudall paſt and poſſeſt in a monarchique way, this temper of go­vernment, in his other territories, tempted him to try concluſions, againſt his truſt, even to trouble thoſe provinces, and his owne conſcience, by attempting to turne them in­to a Kingdome, contrary to his oath ſo lately taken; which deſire though Charles the fifth had in his heart,Lud. Guic. Comment. de Belgi, 1554. yet his well tempered head, held him from driving it to a point. Knowing full well, how ill it would worke, being alwayes under ſeverall Lords and Lawes, pitched into Provinces,Grot. Apol. C. 1.2. under particular Proceres, who had more than a meere Simulachrum pote­ſtatis, eſpecially being that Flanders was but lately coldly relinquiſht by the French King Francis the firſt,Sleid. de-reb. Illuſtr. Gal. up­on an unequall Treaty, when Charles8 had him priſoner at Madrid: and ſo this could not come well from Philip In novo, nutanti, & quaſi praecario Do­mino: Thus was his way. When as his Majeſty came into Scotland ſole and ſupreme Potentate, of all Brittiſh Dominions, not to turne a Repub­lique, or an Ariſtocracie, into a Mo­narchy, but tooke ſolemne poſſeſsion of an unqueſtioned Crowne, and his Nobles of England were welcome Witneſſes, and Attendants of this roi­all Worke, without any interruption from any ſuppoſed Inter-Regnum, or pretenſions of diminuſion whatſo­ever. So that the nature of the buſi­neſſe and the ends of the Princes bee­ing ſo divers, muſt needs produce va­rious events; and it were a wonder in government if they ſhould not; eſpecially if in the next place you con­ſider the proceedings iſſuing from theſe Royall Preſences, and you will finde them concluſive for his Maje­ſties honor, and the publique peace.

I will not deny, but there was ſomething propoſed, and put on by ſome, that in good time may have little thankes for their paines; which in the State Eccleſiaſtique drive to a change; but that was not his Maje­ſties deſigne, but as it was repreſent­ed to him as a Nationall queſtion, to be determined by his Wiſdome. But Philip raiſed the queſtion, and was warme in the Worke; as ſee it in a particular: The firſt offence given and taken in both States, was about fourteene Biſhops, with their Ca­nons, the one of Trent, with Regall limitations; and the other of Eng­land, with mitigating variations; the Inquiſition to execute the one, and the High Commiſsion the other, but in far different waies. Meteran. hiſt. Belg. li. 2.For Philip did erect de novo 14 Biſhops, out of Abbots ruins & revenues, and in a Re­publike, againſt an expreſs priviledge in termes, with the ſcandall of the Nobility, who well underſtood,10 that ſo cautious a Prince would ne­ver ſo provoke ſuch jealous Peeres; but that he conceived the creating of theſe new Miniſters an aſſured meanes to tie them ſhort, and ſilent in all their State-aſſemblies, as over­awed by their preſence, and ſo in event reduce the force of ſuch free­dome into forme, that they might waxe weary, and be content to want them, and ſo he worke his will; eſpecially conſidering, how this notorious Innovation was tranſacted at Rome, by a Bull of Fa­culty from Paul the fourth;Thuanus hiſt. lib. 33. which muſt needs be carried with great power, and privacy, becauſe Philip was at odds, and odious to the Pope about the preſent buſineſſe of Na­ples: It was to be beleeved, that ſome great matters were to be ma­naged by this new engine, procured with ſo much care and coſt, both of time and treaſure, with ſuch a daſh of reputation, and danger of re­bellion,11 and the States being not ſo ſleepy, as to ſuffer themſelves to bee ſupplanted by a cunning conſequent of a pernicious and unpleaſing Pre­ſident, could not but ſtirre. Now take up theſe circumſtances, and they quite change the caſe; for it is one thing to erect 14. new Biſhops, ther­by laying the foundation, for ſetling of a Faction, and ſhaking the pre­ſent Government, by mixing inſtru­ments diſtributed into all Provinces, as dependants at abſolute devotion; one thing (I ſay) to erect 14 new Biſhops, another to protect 14 olde Epiſcopall Sees; repreſented to his Majeſty as a neceſſary, ancient, uſe­full State in that kingdome: and the manner of compoſing the queſti­on, falls in much with the maine,Inchoavere ſibi annum ultimum, Reipub. pro­pe ſupre­mum, Tacit. hiſt. lib. 1. Philip maintaining thoſe moderne Prelates beyond all moderation: his Majeſty relinquiſhing theſe, as not ſtanding with the preſent State of affaires. For though he hath done12 much for them, yet he will not un­doe his State Civill, to ſupport the Eccleſiaſticall in accidentals. So that in Politique poſsibility we may hope a correſpondent event to the reall difference of theſe proceedings.

And now wee have ſeen a diffe­rence in the deſigne, and the maine meanes to compaſſe it; in the next place let us conſider the inſtruments, how they were called, or thruſt themſelves into the affaires of the State; and with what ſucceſſe they fell in with their Maſters Counſels, or furthered their owne upon his greatneſs & goodnes. Now you ſhall finde Philip the ſecond, for atchie­ving of his end forenamed, choſe himſelfe inſtruments fit for uſurpati­on of abſolute dominion, and with­out doubt was the leader of theſe Miniſters, eſpecially at the firſt. For Archbiſhop Cardinall Grandvell was truſted in traverſe worke, by Charles the fifth, not taken for an13 ambitious piece of aiery, aſpiring timber; but this Auſtrian Eagle, propoſed ſuch glorious objects to theſe Harpies, as pleaſed his eyes, and cared not, if it burnt their feathers. Yea, he was ſo radically reſolved, that when his prudent ſiſter,Thuan. hiſt. lib. 38. Mar­garet of Parma, moderatrix of Belgia, propoſed waies of moderation; his nature, ſeconded and ſet on by his ends, boldly broke through all her mediation, and ſome of his owne promiſes and proteſtations which were wrought out of him by preſent importunity, and impoſsibility to proceed. True, he went ſeverall waies, but alway to the ſame ends, which was to make an end of all thoſe Provinces, rather than hee would miſſe of his minde, though he found it Duriſsimam Provinciam: therefore concluded her removall, and to ſend the daring Duke of Alva in her place. Now there is an infi­nite diſtance, and muſt needs have14 ſucceſſe in ſutable way, for a Maſter upon ill ends to imploy bad ſervants, and uphold, and hold them to it, as his buſineſſe, upon judgement; and for a prudent Prince, not uſed to vi­cious waies, and ſo not jealous, to bee miſinformed by Miniſters that thruſt themſelves upon odious un­warranted actions, ſuppoſing that his Majeſty muſt owne them and their proceedings; it is true, that ſuch a gracious Maſter merited to have better ſervants, or by this time to have made them ſo: but this caſe will infallibly afford a more bleſſed concluſion, both in the judgement of God, and man, than where indiffe­rent inſtruments were driven to de­generate, to ſerve one mans will, and lay the foundation of all mens mi­ſery.

And it were not amiſſe to make this evident by the ſeverall carriages of theſe Princes towards their Mini­ſters; as to inſtance only in two15 grand Creatures of King Philips, compared with the ambitious im­bracers of his Majeſties affaires, (ſo far as they are diſturbed) not to ſpeak of their Collaterall auxiliaries of State. Take Archbiſhop Grandvell a forreiner, yet making an imbrace­ment of all the buſineſſe of Belgia, firſt, or laſt all touched upon him; and joyne to him the Duke of Alva, a great Commander in the conquered kingdome of Naples, and compare them with whom you ſee cauſe, and then take a view how their Maſters dealt with them; and it will be the ſhorteſt and the ſureſt rule of the uſes they meant to make of them. Few without an Italians cunning, and a Spaniſh Ieſuited conſcience, could ever have gotten leave of themſelves to put in practiſe ſuch falſe and fatall Counſells as Biſhop Grandvell exe­cuted; for grant, that as a great Church man, of vaſt deſires, and de­ſignes, he had over-acted in the pro­poſall16 of the project of fourteen new Biſhops, ſupported with the new Inquiſition and Canons: ſure hee would never have ſet himſelfe to make good his miſtake by ſo much miſchiefe, as a Civill war, if King Philip had not put him on, to aſſure his fraud by force, in the promiſe of Alva his Army (as you find theſe two men ſhifting intereſts, and cruſhing all oppoſites by Combination) ſure theſe Dominationum Proviſores (as Ta­citus) Purveyors of Tyrannie, that proceeded againſt the Law of Nati­ons, Arms, and Leagues; whoſe tru­ces, Treaties, Pacifications, had all Treachery under them, had in reaſon of ſtate (in which King Philip ſeldom erred) been diſcarded as deſtructive diſturbers, if they had not bin much wrought, and upon meere motion firſt warranted for their humorous undertakings: without doubt this Prelate, the chiefe Augur of Auſtrian Tyrannie, that had more of the Di­viner17 than the Divine in him, had been ſoone baniſht as a miſchievous State-Mountebanke, and not beene truſted as a faithfull Foecialis, if there had not beene ſome diſorders to bee acted In Ordine ad Spiritualia, there­by to ſerve his Maſters Temporall turne. Elſe would Philip never have withſtood ſo many Complaints of the whole State, with the aggrava­ting letters of humble Information, from the chiefe of the Nobility, a­gainſt this odious inſtrument, that the Prince of Orange (whom the cunning Prelate called Taciturnus) ſhould ſo ſpeak out, to ſuch a Prince, and yet Philip owne him, ſure there was more in it than ever ſaw day, or can endure it: eſpecially when the Governeſſe, his wiſe wel-tempered ſiſter, ſignified the ſame, and deſired his diſplacing; yea and ſome of the Nobility of Spain at home,Strada li. 2. that were not of the Cabinet Councel, fully vo­ted to diſplace him: only Alva ſtuck18 cloſe to his Eccleſiaſtique friend: and when by univerſall hatred hee began to totter, the king did not then remit him to the ſtate, for the triall of his pretended integrity; onely caſt a jea­lous eye upon him, not as one groſly evill, but as too great, too able, abſo­lute, and ſomething inſolent an In­ſtrument; ſuſpecting and ſuppoſing his owne ſupreme abilities eclipſed by his ſo neere, ſo high advancing: ſo that all hee did with him, was to lay him by for a time, lodged under a cloud of perſonall diſplea­ſure, to make him paſſe lower, and come leſſe in the worlds eſteeme; not that hee had any diſpoſition of doting indulgence, beyond reaſon of ſtate, to reverence his office or order, being he immediately caſt him upon hard, rough, and rocky work, cut out of purpoſe to breake him, or that hee might break the wilde,Thnan. hiſt. lib. 1. unbackt, un­bitted Neapolitan Courſer, which Tolitomus had heated into a ſedition,19 by ſeeking to hamper & halter them with Inquiſition. Sure the moſt the King diſliked in him, was a buſie boldneſs to over-do the buſineſſe; as whē he was his Vice-Roy of Naples, he preſently fel foul with the Biſhop, poſſeſſed his temporalls, and caſt him into priſon. Wiſe Princes long reliſh not thoſe Miniſters, that will needs be not onely executioners, but Au­thors of their Maſters Counſels; be­ing they love to ſerve their own wils with their owne wits; and inſtru­ments muſt know no more of buſi­neſſe, than they think good to reveal, eſpecially if it be ſuch as wil not en­dure the light: rightly concluding, that all openings are weakenings both in buildings and in buſineſſe, as well in Factions as in Fabrickes: therefore this Prelate being privy to ſo much, Philip did wiſely, not to change his fortune by diſ-favour, leſt he ſhould change his faith to his diſ­advantage; holding this falſe Princi­ple,20 not to permit the moſt perniti­ous Miniſter to ſinke or ſuffer; and therefore gave an expreſſe to the Go­verneſſe,Strada li. 5. that ſhee ſhould never call an univerſall Aſſembly of the States; and when, upon an exigent, by pri­vate inſtruction ſhee aſſembled a Se­nate, it was with a deſigne to diſſolve it; being not intended ſo much to have their advice and aſsiſtance, but to feele their Pulſe, and finde by their affections, whether the worke was a poſsible pull;Thuanus hiſt. lib. 40. exploring their ſtrength, or rather their weakneſſe, putting them into paſsion in provo­king waies, that there might be more colour, to embrace, or cruſh the grea­teſt, as they ſaw occaſion. Now what needed all this ſhifting, & ſhuffling, if the dealing had been faire, and above-board, in the view of the bo­dy of the Councell of State And that his Majeſty goeth no ſuch waies to ſhelter his miſchievous Miniſters, let the preſent proceeding diſcover;21 though more might be ſaid in ex­cuſe of our Eccleſiaſticall inſtru­ments, being not beaten to buſineſſe of State, to conſider conſequences in long winded workes, good only at quicke turnes, hints, fits, ſtarts, and onſets of actions, out of ambition, envy, and humorous intereſts, being ſubtile, yet ſhallow, concealing a bottome not worth the owning, wanting both patience, and experi­ence, heated with paſsion into a Ca­lenture; whoſe power wiſer, yet worſer men, Ieſuited Statiſts, have abuſed to doe more miſchiefe than they ever meant. But further let us conſider, how Philip dealt with his ſecond Miniſter, the great Duke of Alva; and ſee his Majeſties carriages towards the like man, of prodigious pride and parts. When Philip called Alva out of Italy, into Belgia, having no minde either to goe himſelfe, or make good the pacification; and pretended only the diſtemper of a22 tertian Ague, as a fit divertive, to de­ny his Royall preſence; though he was aſſured by good hands, that an Emplaſter applyed by any other hand, would be taken for a cutting Corraſive,Strada li. 5. and breed ill blood; Yet by Alva's perſwaſion at the Coun­cell-table in Spaine, upon a private Item of his owne, brake through all, and concluded upon his advice, with a Royall Army to make good all his demands;Meteran. hiſt. li. 2. (which counſell was Treaſon in Belgia, being the forces were forraine) now if this Duke had only acted his owne nature, and not tooke theſe hints from the K. ends, ſure Philip would have uſed him according to the event of his unhap­py ſervice, and not only have made a relegation and faire confinement of him to Vzeda,Confinatoe perele da Corte. Coneſtag. da Portogalliae Iſtorza. li. 3. five and twenty miles from it, as a reſervation to his owne uſe, till time, and occaſion ſhould call him home, and no neigh­bour uſe him in the interim, nor cor­rivall23 envy him, for favour obtained upon ſuch foule, and fatall under­takings. Sure had he not performed the maine, Ex praeſcripto Regis, Phi­lip would have laid a damning de­portation upon him,Stradali. 7. or at leaſt have left him at a loſſe, and never have called him home, to paſſe with an Army into Portugall, ſetting him at liberty, to chaine them ſhort. In­deed his ill ſervice, when all was paſ­ſing along to peace, and his Majeſties owning, or not openly deſerting of him, ſoone turned the worke of War, in the progreſſe and proceſſe of it, from a defenſive, into an offenſive, on the States part; and it is likely ſo to continue,Idem li. 6. being caſt into ſuch a way of ſubſiſting, that what goeth out of the doore in expence of armes, commeth in at the window in ex­ſiſe and ſucceſſe. As ake a view of his particular proceedings; after the breach of the pacification,Plus ſignifi­cat, quam lo­quitur. and the Prince of Orange his relinquiſh­ing24 Belgia, upon the tender of a new oath to the Nobility, and ſo avoiding his treacherous hands; Alva by private, pocket warrant, pro­cured by whiſpering Counſell, up­on halfe a word from his Majeſty,Hippol. à collib. conſil. q. 2. cut off chiefe of the Nobilities heads who ſet their hands to the complaint againſt ill Counſellors, and petitio­ned for compoſing all in honorable, ſafe waies;Thuan. li. 41. and that for crimes ne­ver publiſhed, and therefore for ever ſuſpected, which raiſed ſuch a miſ­chievous mixture in mens mindes, as fixed a reſolution, to have Spaniſh blood pay the arreares for ever: that he was held up to goe on at this rate, hath caſt downe the power of the elder houſe of Auſtria in lower Germany, whence the Eagle firſt tooke his flight,Comineus Com. li. 8. to mount to the top of the Capitol, upon the malicious miſtake of Lewis the eleventh. Now let us reflect a little, and ſee how his Majeſty carrieth the like proceedings25 to a more proſperous point, giving full way to ſequeſtre and puniſh all malignant delinquents; wherein his Highneſſe holds cloſe to his own prudent principles, to rule by Coun­ſell, eſpecially in extraordinary con­founding cauſes, when the ordinary private, ſet Councell of Princes is concluded too ſhort, and inſuffici­ent, as never intended for univerſall advice in ſuch domeſtique deſignes, as worke upon the body and ſoule of a State; eſpecially if ſome of thoſe Counſellors, who have pulled hardeſt to be intereſted in publique affaires, be found faultieſt, and the fomenters of the diſſentions,Pet. Mat. hiſt. pacis l. 6. n. 3. driving the intereſts of a falſe and forraine friend,Opes factio­nis. Saluſt. Bell. Iugur. long ſince ſworne Protector Regni Angliae, and hath ever ſince beene ſo wiſe, as to have Penſioners at devotion; knowing that ſediti­ons make Conqueſts eaſie, where he hath a party.

This indeed is the root of all theſe26 ruinating courſes; which is the next conſideration to be examined for a hoped different event, and will ſa­tisfie all rationall, diſingaged Statiſts, concerning his Majeſties deſerting many of his Miniſters, as Piaculares publiciodii victimae (as Pliny perſwa­ded juſt Trajan)

Now to make this manifeſt, wee muſt lay downe what principles ne­ceſsitated Philip irrecoverably to cor­reſpond and ſupport ſuch kinde of inſtruments,Meteran. li. 1. eſpecially his Spaniſh tooles of State, croſſe to his Fathers laſt adviſe, and you will finde it to be the making himſelfe head of the ho­ly League concluded in the Councel of Trent, upon his owne conditions to make the Weſterne world his ho­ly Land, and a fifth Monarchy; then he began to execute the Canons of the Councell, with a Writ, De ex­communicato capiendo, farming all the Popes Fines at a quit rent of his own rating, making this a Title, to have27 footing by a faction, in all Domini­ons he aimed to embrace; now for this worke he was to have Miniſters that muſt live in the bowels of neigh­bour kingdomes, to be their death. Witneſſe the Guiſian faction that wrought ſo malignantly upon Scot­land, with reference to England. When they perſwaded the Queene Regent to get a guard of Italians;Thuan. li. 23. this engine had the maine ſpring turned by Spaniſh reaſon of State. Sure the performing of this pleaſing truſt caſt him upon many moſt unpleaſing paſſages, which were too ſutable to his diſpoſit•on, (as well as his de­ſigne) which was ſevere, even to cruelty. For I cannot beleeve that Q. Maries temper, notwithſtanding all provocations by her Mothers di­vorce, and her danger of diſinheri­ting by the Proteſtant party, did put her into ſuch waies of waſting her Countrey, and Conſcience, if King Philips company and counſels had28 not engaged her, neither was it a paſſage of pitty, but policy, that made him mediate for Queene Eli­zabeths life,Repraeſent. pacis general. ca. 6. being he had no hope of Iſſue, and meant to marry her, and would not in any caſe ſhe were re­moved, becauſe the French King, Francis the ſecond had obtained Mary Queene of Scotland, the next heire to the Crowne, and hee was wiſer than to let ſo conſiderable a Kingdome (that moderateth Chri­ſtendome) fall into French hands: ſo that to returne, and leave digreſ­ſing, this ſervice of an Eccleſiaſtique voluntiere, filled his head and hands full of bloody buſineſſe; as ſee how he ventured all, to ſettle that Coun­cell in theſe petty Provinces; what waies he went to extirpate the Pro­teſtants of France. Inſtance the in­terview of Baion, when Alva went in his roome, attending his Queene, to give the French King and their Mother Katharine de Medices a meet­ing;Thuan. l. 37.29 when Alva had Plena mandata à Philippo, to communicate in Arca­no; and all was covered and colou­red with his preſenting his Majeſty with the order of the golden Fleece; when the maine deſigne was the propoſing of a plot for the Pariſian Maatins, in imitation of the Sicilian Veſpers; which hee delivered as a Maſter-piece from King Philip,Io. Baptiſta. Hadrian. apud Thuan. li. 37. Fazellus de rebus Siculis li. 8. Dec. 2. who communicated it to the Pope Grego­ry the thirteenth, to beg a benedicti­on for a curſed Conſpiracy; for which invention, or rather imitati­on of his predeceſſor Peter of Arra­gon, Philip well merited to have his name written in Rubricks, in the Gregorian Kalender, Stylo no vo refor­mato, not as a Saint, but ſanguinary hater of reformation. Yea, further, it may bee Phyſically conjectured, that the ſame blood begat that cruell Counſell, which put him upon de­liberation, againſt his owne beſt blood, Charles his brave eldeſt Son;30 who upon Spaniſh reaſon of State,Pet. Mat. hiſt. pacis li. 6. nar. 14. and no other ground rendered, but feare of his Religion, muſt die, and have only the favour to chuſe his death. Yea, this politique zeale worked to the laſt gaſpe with him; as that free, faithfull Author teſtifi­eth,Idem nar. 16. Philippum animam agentem, filio ſuo, ſummo ardore, bellum in Haereticos commendaſſe: and to make it impoſ­ſible ever to meete in medium waies of moderation,Mariana de los yerros del govier de los Ieſuit. cap. 10. he made choiſe of the Ieſuits for his conſcientious Caſuiſts, which cunning Confeſſors have compoſed a Somma poenitentiale, according to the compaſſe of their Grandizing Maſters conſcience, croſſe to the quiet of all Chriſten­dome,Hiſpaniam pari juſtitia continuit, major priva­to viſus dum privatus fuit, & omnium conſenſu ca­pax imperii niſi imperaſ­ſet. Tacit. hiſt. 1. and the good of humane ſo­ciety, which they keepe as Caſes re­ſerved, Inter arcana dominationis. So that all the world may ſee how King Philip and his ſucceſſors are held to it, to ſtand by their Miniſters, with­out they will lay down their deſigne31 of enlargement of Dominion;Antonio Pe­rez. part 2. cart. 33. but while that humour reigneth, they muſt be unjuſt, if it be for a king­dome, and ſhall have uſe of ſuch in­ſtruments that they dare not remove but by ſudden ruine. Whereas a mo­derate Prince who hath no ſuch ſer­vice, and Miniſters burne not with black ſecrets, to make themſelves deare, and over-awe him; may with honour, ſafety, tranſcendent juſtice, and great content bequeath notori­ous ſuſpected ill Counſellors, to a ſo­lemne publique triall; being not neceſsitated, either to protect them for ever, or, without Proceſſe, to ruine them in a moment. De Clem. li. 2. cap. 5.Serious Seneca adviſing two waies of Cle­mency (a vertue of as much policy as piety in a Prince) ſeaſoneth that ſweetning, with mixing Salutares ſe­veritates. Yea, where he is moſt ju­diciouſly angry with Anger, he en­tereth a Caution, that ſometimes,De Ira. li. 1. cap. 9. Optimum miſericordiae genus eſt occidere;32 eſpecially ſuch as are blood-thirſty, & deceitfull men, who ſhould not live out halfe their daies: Atrocium mi­niſtri, Contrivers of miſchiefe and miſery, whom no neceſsity, or ſtraights of State can excuſe. For there are Foeda,Decius de regul. Iuris l. 122. n. 2. falſa, & flagitioſa, quae pa­triae quidem cauſa facienda non ſunt; eſpecially being waies againſt their King and Countrey upon a true in­terpretation, and a neceſsity of their owne procuring, to the States undo­ing, by their making the worſt of that, which at the beſt was no bet­ter than nought; having concluded it good counſell to bring both king­domes neere to ruine, that they might rule thē with more eaſe, when they are poore & paſsive; a moſt con­founding courſe in a free Monarchy.

And let no obnoxious diſturber that hoped to eſcape in a ſmoke, thinke to ſtop, or divert this pre­ſent courſe for the common good againſt the common enemies; by33 making it a queſtion whether a Prince ſhould ſuffer Miniſters, of his owne making, bee publiquely pu­niſht for ill execution of their offices? I refer them to their friends,Teſaur. polit. parte terza diſ. 55. Italian and Spaniſh pens, that have fully diſ­cuſſed this quaery, to their deſtructi­on; only let us repreſent the ſtate of the queſtion, and leave it to rationall men to conſider.

The inquiry is not whether it be ſafe, or ever ſeaſonable by a civill ſword of Iuſtice, to cut off multi­tudes of men, though guilty of diſtur­bance, ſo as to make a conſiderable party in State an example, having been miſſed by a few; when the way ſhould be to give ſuch time to repent, and come to themſelves, and mitigate; as men only bitten by a mad dog, a Moone will aſſure them that are only lunatique for a fit: ſuch epidemicall executions proceed as a worke from theſe publique enemies, ſutable to their natures, rather than34 from our neceſsity; theſe are they that value their owne ſweat in ill ſervice, above the blood of the beſt of men: this is not that we aime at, either as juſtifiable, or plauſible; but what we propoſe, ſtands thus; and we may ſtand to make it good to the whole world: that it is moſt ho­nourable, juſt, and ſafe for a ſupreme Potentate, who hath the ſole power of chuſing his owne ordinary Mini­ſters, in exigents of State to give up notorious and manifeſt Miniſters of ill Counſels, to his owne extraordi­nary, ſupreme Councell, both of State and Iuſtice,Extraordina­riae perſecuti­ones in ani­madverſione capitalium Vid. Briſſon. de verb. ſign. as to them that can­not be miſtaken in domeſtique af­faires; having power not only to proceed by Preſident, but alſo occa­ſionally to create them, as reaſon of State,Legge piu dannoſa Re­pub. che ri­guarda aſſa tempore in­dietro. Ma­chiavel. hiſt. Fieront. li. 3. for full, ſafe, ſecret, and ſudden diſpatches ſhall require; that they be not foiled in their deliberations, by over-punctuall, paedantique, lite­rall interpretations; as full, Ariſto­craticall35 bodies move many times ſo ſlowly in ſolemne waies, that their dangers prevent them, eſpecially when all affaires are in ſtatu pertur­bato, & quaſi in maligno poſita,Clapmar de Arcanis Do­minat. li. 3. cap. 2. then by a tacite conſent of States, there be la­titudes allowed, and variations, by way of relaxation from common courſes, to ſerve and ſecure the King and State. And if private men may upon favour procure a privi­ledge above, at leaſt beſides Law, as in omitted Caſes; ſure the State for the avoiding of preſent preſsing evils, and the obtaining of future good, may aſſume the power, as ſuppoſed, to goe the Kings waies, and gates, upon ſufferance, to meete with thoſe common enemies that keep no com­paſſe; but have well digeſted, that they loſe not reputation, nor abuſe their offices, ſo they get their ends, though by moſt high offences Now that theſe men be let fall, as the pro­poſers, as well as the executioners, of36 ill advice, againſt the fundamentall Lawes, and univerſall wel-being of his Majeſties Dominions,Media conſi­lia in medi­um prolata ſunt à prava diſpoſitione, vel quia ne­gotium non probe intelli­gitur, ut Guiccard. hypomneſes Politiae 142. and ac­cordingly proceeded withall by the Parliament, more majorum, as being neither novum, nor nimium, may very well ſtand with his Majeſties honor, and ſettle him in his native glory, with this Motto, Carolum hactenus vixiſſe, & imperâſſe, nullos, niſi boſtes Reipub: poenitere. (as was ſaid of Charles the fifth) Indeed there can be no colour of cruelty, covetouſ­neſſe, or inconſtancy caſt upon this courſe: For when upon further tri­all, and advice with his great Coun­cell, they are diſcovered as falſe, their diſcarding is no inconſtancy, but fals in with his Ma^ties own principle;Fredericus Furius idea confiliarii in qualitate 11. that they ſerve him beſt, that ſerve him with moſt honeſty. Neither is it any defect of prudent circumſpe­ction in their choiſe; for when one Miniſter of State is truſted to com­mend another, & the choiſe be bad,37 the Supreme Maſter is only miſin­formed, not miſtaken; and ſo the firſt error remedied will rectifie all the reſt, who were wrought and brought in, as ſecondary ſupports and ſupplies to make a Party,Campanella in Atheiſmo triumphato, cap. 6. and raiſe a fortune by a Faction, as men bred, and fed for any ſervice: and if a King ſhould chuſe any upon his owne judgement, he may as a man (and above the baſe flats of flatter­ing ſpirits) by gracious Royalneſſe be taken off from the ſecurity of ſuſ­pecting men, ſo bad as they be;Ore probi, ſed animo in­verecundi, Saluſt. and it may be they were much better when their Prince firſt pitched upon them, before the poſſeſsion of pow­er, and ſecret practiſe with worſer men, rendered them as bad, or diſ­covered their diſpoſition:Alfonſus de Azevedo de ſyndicatori­bus Hiſpaniae ſo that nothing of moment can be alleaged againſt his Majeſties way of leaving them to his ſupreme Senate, being he doth not deliver them as devoted to deſtruction upon his own private38 ends, intereſts, or diſaffections; but hath owned them more, and longer than ſuch a good Maſter, ſo free from their guilt, needed ever to have done: it was meere neceſsity of State, pro­duced by their Counſell, that cauſed his goodneſſe to ſuſpect their bad ſervice.

And ſure I am, the want of this now, when the eyes of all the world are opened, and ſet upon them as Peſts and Vipers,K. Iames his ſpeech in Parliament. 1609. perfidious enemies of mankinde, both as he is a ratio­nall, and religious creature, taking up, or ſhaking the foundations of Church, and State; if now Iuſtice ſhould not proceed,Spes & prae­mia in ambi­guo: certa funera & lu­ctus. Tacitus hiſt. 61. much diſhonor, and more danger would ariſe out of it: if we ſhould now undergoe the worſt of Government (Civill War) under the beſt of Princes, it were the depth of miſery; which God and man forbid, and this courſe is the on­ly way to prevent it.

Rewards and puniſhments hold39 up all rationall orders, and operati­ons, and have immediate influence upon the well-ſtanding of a State: now if the worſt of men ſhould not only have immunities, & impunities, it were puniſhment unjuſtly inflict­ed upon the beſt; but much more provoking, when they reape and re­ceive the chiefeſt rewards, and have the favour, though they want the faithfulneſſe, to diſtribute the reſt.

Well it were,Paucis chari­or fides quam pecunia. Sa­luſt. de Bello Iugur. if ſuch men as live againſt the rules and maximes of mans well-being, that make Mono­polies, and ſo ſcarcity of neceſſary commodities,Crimina ex­traord. arbi­traria & capi­tali poena co­ercentur. Veſembec. in paud. de cri­min. extraor. which the God of na­ture hath made common, ſhould not be permitted to poſſeſſe a porti­on in the earth, or to breathe in the aire, but be interdicted fire and wa­ter, as thoſe that ſtop, turne, or cor­rupt the courſe of the Fountain, & his Majeſties high waies of Iuſtice, and by a Law fiction ſinke the Land to ſerve the Sea, and yet trouble all40 Traffique; theſe are to be proſecu­ted as enemies of Civill ſociety, be­ing de jure proſcribed by the Lawes of Nature, and Nations; who to make good their miſchiefe,Clapmarius de flagitiis Domination. lib. 5. would make the head of a State, the top of a Faction, and provoke a juſt Prince to be a Party, when his office is to be a Iudge, and charge the diſtur­bance upon ſuch Miniſters as ſought to worke a diſtance, and by degrees a defiance with thoſe Subjects that endeavour to deſerve his Majeſties favour, and are moſt faithfull to his Crowne and dignity: theſe men have wrought in ſo many obnoxi­ous under-inſtruments, as their Mi­niſters and Minions, that there will be roome time enough to exerciſe royall clemency towards them, when the State is ſafe, and ſtrongeſt humours purged; Then it will bee a naturall, non-neceſsitated work, of higheſt humanity, when there is a true temper held, betwixt formall41 refining, reall reforming, and utter ruine of all that deſerve it.

Oh how much honour, and com­fort well underlaid, which enemies would envy, but could not hinder, would come to his Majeſtie, if out of theſe troubles, and travels of his three Kingdomes, with falſe concep­tions and monſters, a deliverance might be obtained by an univerſall reformation. Sure (with Gods bleſ­ſing) we are very faire for it.