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From the third of November, 1640, to this inſtant June, 1641.

Collected into One Volume, and according to the moſt perfect Originalls, exactly publiſhed.

LONDON, Printed for William Cooke, and are to be ſold at his ſhop, at Furnifalls-Inne-gate, in Holbourne, 1641.

The Contents.

  • HIS Majeſties firſt ſpeech, Novem. 3. 1640.
  • His Majeſties ſecond ſpeech, Novem. 5. 1640.
  • His Majeſties third ſpeech to both houſes, Jan. 25. 1640.
  • His Majeſties ſpeech, at the paſſing of the Bill for a Trieniall Parliament.
  • His Majeſties Letter ſent by the Prince, in the behalf of the Earl of Strafford to the Lords.
  • The Lords Anſwer.
  • That Biſhops ought not to have voyce in Parliament.
  • Lord Keepers ſpeech in the upper houſe of Parliament, Novem. 3. 1640.
  • Maſter Speakers ſpeech. Fol. 1.
  • Lord Digbyes ſpeech, Novem. 9. 1640. concerning grievances and the trieniall Parliament.
  • Lord Digbyes ſecond ſpeech for trieniall Parliament, Fol. 12.
  • The Honourable Nathaniels Fynes his ſpeech, Fol. 22
  • Maſter Rous his ſpeech before the Lords againſt Doctor Couſins, Doctor Mannering, and Doctor Beale Fol. 45
  • The ſecond ſpeech of the Honourable Nathaniel Fynes Fol. 49
  • Lord Dgbyes ſpeech, concerning Biſhops London petition, Feb. 9. Fol. 65
  • Lord Finch his accuſation Fol. 76
  • Lord Falklands ſpeech after the reading the Articles of the Lord Finch, Fol. 83
  • Sir Edward Deering firſt ſpeech, Fol. 88
  • His ſecond ſpeech, Fol. 90
  • His third ſpeech, Fol. 93
  • His fo th ſpeech, Fol. 97
  • Mſter Bagſhawes ſpeech concerning Biſhops and the London petition, Fol. 99
  • Sir Benjamin Ruddyers firſt ſpeech, Fol. 103
  • His ſecond ſpeech, Fol. 110
  • His third ſpeech, Fol. 113
  • Maſter Pyms Meſſage, for the commitment of my Lord Straf­ford, Fol. 116
  • Articles againſt the Lord Strafford, Fol. 117
  • Further impeachment of Thomas Earl of Strafford, Fol. 120
  • Earl of Briſtows ſpeech, Dcember 7, Fol. 143
  • Maſter Mynards ſpeech in reply to the Lord Strafford, Fol. 145
  • The Earl of Briſtows ſpeech upon the delivering of, by him the Scottiſh Remonſtrance, Fol. 150
  • His Majeſties ſpeech to both Houſes, Feb. 3. 1640. Fol. 159
  • Londoners fiſt petition, Fol. 161
  • Their grievances by the Prelates, Fol. 162
  • Reſolution of the ſixt demand by the Commons, Fol. 171
  • The Scots Anſwer to the reſolution, Ibid.
  • The Peares demand upon the foreſaid Anſwer, Fol. 172
  • The Scots Commiſſioners Anſwer, Ibid.
  • Articles againſt Secretary Windibanck, Fol. 174
  • A ſpeech made by the Lord Finch in the Commons Houſe, Nvem. 21. 1640. Fol. 169
  • Maſter Grimſtons ſecond ſpeech, Fol. 179
  • A meſſuage ſent by the Queen to the Houſe of Commons, by Maſter Comproller, Fol. 185
  • The report of the Kings meſſuage by the Lords, to the Houſe of Commons, Jan. 29. 1640. Fol. 184
  • Sir Thomas Rows ſpeech, Fol. 185
  • Lord Falklands ſpeech, Fol. 188
  • Maſter Pyms ſpeech after the Articles of Sir George Ratcliff, Fol. 198
  • His ſecond ſpeech after the reading of the Articles, Fol. 202
  • Maſter Speakers ſpeech preſenting theſe Bills for ſhortning of Michaelmas term, preſsing of Maryners for the remainder of ſixe Subſidies, Fol. 204
  • Maſter Pleadwels ſpeech, Fol. 206
  • Sir Thomas Rowes reports to the Committe, Fol. 209
  • Mſter Rigbyes anſwer to the Lordineb his laſt ſpeech, Fol. 221
  • Master Wallers ſpeech, Fol. 224
  • Maſter Hollis his ſpeech delivered with the Proteſtation, Fol. 232
  • Orders for the taking of the Proteſttion, Fol. 236
  • Maſter Grimſtons third ſpeech, Fol. 205
  • Lord Digbyes ſpeech upon the Bill of attainder of the Lord Strafford, Fol. 213
  • Lord Straffords ſpeech on the Scaffold,
  • Sixteen queres, Fol. 233
  • Captain Audleyes Mervirs ſpeech, Fol. 237
  • His ſpeech at the peachment of Sir Richard Boulton Knight, and others, Fol. 249
  • Articles againſt Sir Richard Boulton, 256
  • Sir Thomas Wentworths firſt ſpeech, March 22, 1637, His ſecond ſpeech, April 21, 1628. Fol. 259
  • A petition to the Lord Deputy, Fol. 262
  • A ſpeech against the Judges, Fol. 267
  • A diſcourſe concerning the power of Pears in Parliament, Fol. 275
  • Sir John Hollands ſpeech, Fol. 281
  • Sir Edward Hales ſpeech, Fol. 284
  • Sir Johns Wrayes ſpeech concerning the Commons, Fol. 288
  • Sir John Wrayes ſecond ſpeech, Fol. 290
  • Preamble with the Proteſtation, Fol. 300
  • Bill of Attainder againſt the Earl of Strafford, Fol. 303
  • Vicount Newarks fiſt ſpeech, for the right of Biſhops, Fol. 305
  • His ſecond ſpeech for their Temporall affaires,
  • Maſter Peards againſt the oath Exofficio, Fol. 313
  • Maſter Speakers letter to Sir Jacob Aſhley, Fol. 315
  • Articles againſt the Biſhop of Bath and Wells, Fol. 318
  • Sir B. Ruddyers ſpeech, Fol. 36
  • His Speech concerning the Queenes Joynture. Fol. 317.321
  • Lord Andevers ſpeech concerning the Star-Chamber,
  • An order May 10, 1641. that no Engliſh ſhall frequent the Ambaſſadors to hear Maſſe.
  • Lord Finch his Lletter to the Lord Chamberlain, Fol. 324
  • Lord Keepers ſpeech to his Majeſty, in the name of both the Houſes. Fol. 325
  • Declaration of the Scots, touching the maintenance of their Army. Fol. 326
  • The humble Remonſtrance delivered by the Lord Keeper, Fol. 528
  • The Earl of Straffords Letters to his Majeſty. Fol. 332
  • E••l of Straffords Petition before be died to both Houſes. Fol. 225
  • The Lord Falklands firſt ſpeech in Parliament. Fol. 336
  • Sir Jo. Culpeppers ſpeech Fol. 342
  • Mr. Bagſhawes ſpeech, 7 No. 1640. Fol. 545
  • Petition of the Earl of Straf for examination of witneſſes. Fol. 343
  • Order concerning the prices of Wine. Fol. 350
  • Sir Tho. Rowes ſpeech concerning Baſſe mony.
  • Remonſtrance of the Parliament in Ireland. Fol. 321
  • A Meſſage from the Houſe of Commons to his Majeſty;
  • His Majeſties anſwer. Fol. 328
  • Vote concerning the Cannons. Ibidem.
  • Order concerning Monopolies. Fol. 329
  • Order againſt Monopolies. Ibidem.
  • The Scottiſh Commiſſioners thanks to his Majeſty. Fol. 330
  • The humble Remonſtrance of the Mr. Wardens of Vintners. Ibidem.
  • Petition of Oxford. Fol. 383
  • Sergeant Glanvils ſpeecd. Fol. 388
  • Secretary Windebancks Letter to the Lord Chamberlain. Fol. 393
  • Lord Andevers ſpeech concerning pacification. Fol. 327
  • An Order againſt drinking on the Sabbath day. Fol. 401
  • Sir John Wrayes occaſionall ſpeeches.
  • 1 Concerning Religion. Fol. 401
  • 2. Ʋpon the Scottsſh treaty. Fol. 403
  • 3. Impeachment of the Lord Strafford. Fol. 404
  • 4. Ʋpon the Strafford〈◊〉knot. Fol. 406
  • 5. Ʋpon the ſame〈…〉.
  • 6. A ſeaſnable〈◊〉or a loyall Covenant. Fol. 408
  • Mr. Hid••Argument. Fol. 409
  • Mr. White c••cerning Epiſcopacy. Fol. 417
  • Cities ſecond••tition.
  • The Kentiſh Petition
  • Sir John Wrayes ninth ſpeech.
  • Lord Digbies ſpeech. Fol. 455
  • Mr. Pyms ſpeech. Fol. 458
  • Sir Thomas Barringtons ſpeech.
  • Accuſation of Sir George Ratcliffe. Fol. 504
  • The charge of the Scottiſh Commiſſioners againſt Canterbury. Fol. 505
  • Sir Henry Vanes ſpeech againſt Biſhops.
  • The Charge of the Scotch Commiſſioners againſt the Lievte­nant of Ireland Fol. 519
  • The Scotch Commiſſioners demand concerning the ſixh Ar­ticle. Fol. 525
  • The Engliſh Peeres demand concerning the preceding Ar­ticles. Fol. 531
  • The Scotch Commiſſioners anſwer to the demand. Ibid.
  • Captain Audley Mervins ſpeech concerning the Judicature of the Parliament.
  • The Speakers ſpeech at the preſenting of the bill of Tunnage and Poundage.
  • His Majeſties ſpeech concerning it.
  • Mr. Pyms Relation of the whole matter of my Lord of Staf­ford.
  • Mr. St. Johns Argvment.

The KINGS Majeſties Firſt Speech in Parliamentthe third of November, 1640.

My Lords,

THe knowledge I had of the deſires of my Scottiſh Subjects, was the cauſe of my calling the laſt Aſſembly of Parliament, wherein had I beene be­leeved; I ſincerely thinke, that things had not fallen out as now we ſee: But it is no wonder that men are ſo ſlow to beleeve that ſo great a ſedition ſhould be raiſed on ſo little ground. But now my Lords, and Gentlemen, the honour and ſafety of this Kingdome lying ſo neerely at the ſtake; I am reſolved to put my ſelf freely and cleerly on the love and affections of my Engliſh Subjects, as theſe of my Lords that did wait on me at York, very well remem­ber I there declared. Therefore my Lords, I ſhall not men­tion mine own intereſt, or that ſupport I might juſtly expect from you, till the common ſafety be ſecured; though I muſt tell you I am not aſhamed to ſay, thoſe charges I have been at, have been meerly for the ſecuring and good of this Kingdome, though the ſucceſſe hath not been anſwerable to my deſires. Therefore I ſhall only deſire you to conſider the beſt way both for the ſafety and ſecurity of this Kingdome, wherein their are two parts chiefly conſiderable. Firſt, the chaſtifing out of the Re­bells. And ſecondly, that other, in ſatisfying your juſt grievances, wherein I ſhall promiſe you to concurre ſo4 heartily and cleerely with you, that all the World may ſee my intntions have ever beene and ſhall be, to make this a glorious and flouriſhing Kingdome. There are only two things that I ſhall mention to you; Firſt, the one is to tell you that the Loane of money which I lately had from the City of London, wherein the Lords that wai­ted on me at Yorke aſſiſted me, will only maintain my Armie for two monehs from the beginning of that time it was granted. Now my Lords, and Gentlemen, I leave it to your conſiderations, what diſhonour and miſ­chiefe it might be, in caſe for want of money my Armie be disbanded, before the Rebells be put out of this King­dome. Secondly, the ſecuring the calamities the Nor­thern people endure at this time, and ſo long as the treaty is on foot. And in this I may ſay not only they, but all this Kingdome will ſuffer the harme; therefore I leave this alſo to your conſideration, for the ordering of theſe great affairs whereof you are to treat at this time. I am ſo confident of your love to me, and that your care is for the honour and ſafety of the Kingdome, that I ſhll freely and willingly leave to you where to begin: only this, that you may the better know the ſtate of all the Affairs. I have commanded my Lord Keeper to give you a ſhort and free accompt of theſe things that have happened in this in­terim, wih this Proteſtation, thaif this accompt be not ſatisfactory as it ought to be. I ſhall whenſoever you deſire, give you a full and perfect accompt of every parti­cular. One thing more I deſire of you, as one of the greateſt means to make this a happy Parliament; That you on your parts, as I on Mine, lay aſide all ſuſpi­tion one of another, as I promiſed my Lords at Yorke; It ſhall not be my fault if this be not a happie and good Parliament.


The Kings ſpeech in Parliamentthe fift of November, 1640.

My Lords,

I do expect that you will haſtily make relation to the Houſe of Commons, of thoſe great affairs for which I have called you hither at this time, and for the truſt I have repoſed in them, and how freely I put my ſelfe on their love and affections at that time; and that you may know the better how to do ſo, I ſhall explaine my ſelfe concerning one thing I ſpake the laſt day. I told you the Rebells muſt be put out of this Kingdome; it's true, I muſt needs call them ſo, ſo long as they have an Armie that do invade us; and although I am under treaty with them, and I under my great Seale do call them Subjects, and ſo they are too, but the ſtate of my Affairs in ſhort is this. It's true, I did expect when I did will my Lords and great ones at Yorke, to have given a gracious anſwer to all your grievances; for I was in good hope by their wiſedomes and aſſiſtances to have made an end of that bu­ſineſſe, but I muſt tell you that my Subjects of Scotland did ſo delay them, that it was not poſſible to end there: Therefore I can no wayes blame my Lords that were at Rippon, that the treaty was not ended, but muſt thanke them for their pains and induſtry, and certainly had they as much power as affections, I ſhould by that time have brought theſe diſtempers to a happy period; ſo that now the treaty is tranſported from Rippon to London, where I ſhall conclude nothing without your knowledge, and I doubt not but by your approbation; for I do not deſire to have this great work done in a corner, for I ſhall lay4 open all the ſteps of this miſ-underſtanding, and cauſes of the great differences between Me and my Subjects of Scotland. And I doubt not but by your aſſiſtance to make them know their duty, and alſo by your aſſiſtance to make them return whether they will or no.

The Kings Speech to both the Houſes,Ianuary 25. 1640.

My Lords,

THe Knights, Citizens, Burgeſſes; The principall cauſe of my comming here at this time, is by rea­ſon of the ſlow proceedings in Parliament, touch­ing which is a great deale of inconvenience.

Therefore I think it very neceſſary to lay before you the ſtate of my affairs as now they ſtand, therby to haſten (not interrupt) your proceedings.

Firſt, I muſt remember you that there are two Armies in the Kingdome, in a manner maintained by you, the very naming of which, doth more cleerly ſhew the incon­venience thereof, then a better tongue then mine can expreſſe.

Therfore in the firſt place, I ſhall recommend unto you the quick diſpatch of that buſineſſe, aſſuring you that it cannot reſt upon me.

In the next place I muſt recommend unto you the State of my Navie and Forts; the condition of both which is ſo well known unto you, that I need not tell you the particulars, only thus much; they are the Walls and de­fence of this Kingdome, which if out of order, all men may eaſily judge what incouragement it will be to5 Our enemies, and what diſheartning to our friends.

Laſt of all, (and not of the leaſt to be conſidered) I muſt lay before you the diſtractions that are at this pre­ſent occaſioned through the cauſe of Parliament; for there are ſome men that more maliciouſly than ignorantly, will put no difference betweene Reformation, and al­teration of government.

Hence it commech that divine Service is irreverently interrupted, and Petitions in an ill way given in, neither diſputed nor denied. But I will enter into no more parti­culars, but ſhew you a way of remedie, by ſhewing you my cleer intentions, and ſome marke that may hinder this good worke.

I ſhall willingly and cheerfully concur with you for the Reformation of all Innovations both in Church, and Common-wealth, and conſequently that all Courts of Juſtice may be reformed according to Law. For my in­tentions is cleerly to reduce all things to the beſt and pu­reſt times as they were in the time of Queen Elizabeth.

Moreover, whatſoever part of my Revenue ſhall be found illegall or heavy to my Subjects, I ſhall be willing to lay down, truſting in their affections. Having thus cleerly and ſhortly ſet down my intentions, I will ſhew you ſome rubs, and muſt needs take notice of ſome very ſtrange (I know not what terme to give them) Petitions given in the name of divers Counties, againſt the eſtabli­ſhed government of the Church, and of the great threat­nings againſt the Biſhops, that they will make them to be but a Cipher, or at leaſt taken away.

If ſome of them have incroached too much upon the Temporaltie (if it be ſo) I ſhall not be unwilling theſe things ſhould be redreſſed and reformed, as all other a­buſes according to the wiſdome of former times; ſo farre I ſhall go with you, no farther.

If upon ſerious debate you ſhall ſhew that Biſhops have ſome Temporall Authority, not ſo neceſſary for the go­vernment6 of the Church, and upholding Epiſcopall Ju­riſdiction; I ſhall not be unwilling to deſire them to lay it down, but this muſt not be underſtood, that I ſhall any way conſent that their voice in Parliament ſhould be ta­ken away; for in all the times of my Predeceſſors ſince the Conqueſt, and before, they have enjoyed it; I am bound to maintain them in i, as one of the fundamentall Inſtitutions of this Kingdome.

There is one other Rock you are on, not in ſubſtance, but in ſervice; and the forme is ſo eſſentiall, that unleſſe it be reformed, will ſplit you on that Rock.

There is a Bill lately put in concerning Parliaments. The thing I like well to have frequent Parliaments, but for Sheriffes and Conſtables to uſe my Authoritie, I can no wayes conſent unto.

But to ſhew that I deſire to give you content in ſub­ſtance as well as in ſhew, that you ſhall have a Bill for doing thereof, ſo that it do not trench neither againſt my Honor, neither againſt the ancient Prerogatives of the Crowns concerning Parliaments, Ingeniouſly confeſſe, often Parliaments is the fitteſt means to keep correſpon­dencie betweene Me and my People, that I doe ſo much deſire.

To conclude, now all that I have ſhewen you, the ſtate of my Affairs, My own cleere intentions, and the Rocks I would have you ſhun.

To give you all contentment, you ſhall likewiſe finde by theſe Miniſters, I have, or ſhall have, about me for the ef­fecting of theſe my good intentions, which ſhall re­double the peace of the Kingdome, and content you all. Concerning the conference, you ſhall have a direct anſwer on Mon­day, which ſhall give you ſatisfaction.


The Kings ſpeech to both Hou­ſes of Parliament in the Lords Houſe, at the paſsing of the Bill for a Trieniall Parliament,the 16th of November, 1640.

MY Lords, and you the Knights, Citizens, and Burgeſſes of the Houſe of Commons; you may remember when both Houſes were with Me at the Banquetting Houſe at Whitehall, I did declare unto you two Rocks I wiſhed you to eſchew, this is the one of them, and of that conſequence, that I thinke never Bill paſſed here in this Houſe of more favour to the Subjects then this is, and if the other Rocke be as happily paſſed over as this ſhall be at this time, I do not know what you can aske for ought I can ſee at this time, that I can make any queſtion to yeeld unto: Therefore I men­tion this to ſhew unto you the ſence that I have of this Bill, and obligation as I may ſay that you have to me for it, for hitherto, to ſpeake freely, I have had no great incouragement to doe it; if I ſhould looke to the outward face of your actions or proceedings, and not looke to the inward intentions of your hearts, I might make queſtion of doing it.


Hitherto you have gone on in that which concernes your ſelves to amend, and yet thoſe things that meerly concernes the ſtrength of this Kingdom, neither for the State, nor my own particular.

This I mention, not to reproach you, but to ſhew you the ſtate of things as they are, you have taken the Go­vernment almoſt in peeces, and I may ſay, it is almoſt off the hinges.

A skilfull Watchmaker to make cleane his Watch, he will take it a ſunder, and when it is put together, it will go the better, ſo that he leave not forth then one pin in it.

Now as I have done all this on my part, you know what to do on your parts, and I hope you ſhall ſee cleerly that I have performed really what I expreſſed to you at the beginning of this Parliament, of the great truſt I have of your affections to me, and this is the great expreſſion of truſt, that before you do any thing for me, that I do put ſuch a confidence in you.


HIS MAJESTIES Letter to the Lords on the behalf of the Earle of Strafford, ſent by the PRINCE.

My Lords,

I Did yeſterday ſatisfie the Juſtice of the Kingdome by paſſing of the Bill of Attainder againſt the Earle of Strafford; but mercie being as inherent, and inſepara­ble to a King as Juſtice. I deſire at this time in ſome meaſure to ſhew, that likewiſe by ſuffering that unfortu­nate man to fulfill the naturall courſe of his life in a cloſe impriſonment; yet ſo, that if ever he make the leaſt offer to eſcape, or offer directly, or indirectly to meddle in a­ny ſort of Publique buſineſſe; eſpecially with me, either by Meſſage, or Letter, it ſhall coſt him his life without further Proceſſe. This, if it may be done without the diſ­contentment of my People, will be an unſpeakable con­tentment to me.

To which end, as in the firſt place, I by this Letter do earneſtly deſire your approbation, and to endeare it the more, have choſen him to carry it, that of all your Houſe is moſt dear to me. So I deſire that by a conference, you will endeavour to give the Houſe of Commons content­ment: Likewiſe aſſuring you, that the excuſe of mercy is no more pleaſing to me, then to ſee both Houſes of Parliament conſent for my ſake, that I ſhould moderate the ſeverity of the Law, in ſo important a caſe.


I will not ſay that your complying with me, in this my intended mercie, ſhall make me more willing, but certainly t'will make me more cheerfull in granting your juſt grievances. But if no leſſe than his life can ſatisfie my People, I muſt ſay fiat juſtitia. Thus again recom­mending the conſideration of my intentions to you, I reſt.

Your unalterable and affe­tionate Friend, CHARLES, R.

If he muſt dye, it were charity to Reprieve him till Satterday.

May 11th 1641.

THis Letter all written with the Kings own hand, the Peers this day received in Parliament, delivered by the hand of the Prince. It was twice read in the Houſe, and after ſerious and ſad conſideration, the Houſe reſol­ved preſently to ſend 12. of the Peers Meſſengers to the King; humbly to ſignifie, that neither of the two inten­tions expreſſed in the Letter, could with duty in them, or without danger to himſelfe, his deareſt Conſort the Queene, and all the young Princes their Children, poſſi­bly be adviſed: With all which being done accordingly, & the reaſons ſhewed to his Maieſty, He ſuffered no more words to come from them, but out of the fulneſſe of his heart to the obſervance of Juſtice, and for the content­ment of his people, told them, that what he intended by his Letter was with an (if) if it may be done without diſcon­tentment11 of his People; if that cannot be, I ſay againe the ſame that I writ, fiat juſtitia. My other intention proceeding out of charity for a few dayes reſpite, was upon certain information that his Eſtate was ſo diſtra­cted, that it neceſſarily required ſome few dayes for ſetle­ment thereof.

Whereunto the Lords anſwered, their purpoſe was to be Suitors to his Maieſty for favour to be ſhewed to his innocent Children; and if himſelfe had made any provi­ſion for them, that the ſame might hold.

This was well liking to his Maieſty, who thereupon departed from the Lords; at his Maieſties parting they offered up into his hands the Letter it ſelfe which he had ſent; but He was pleaſed to ſay, my Lords, what I have written to you, I ſhall content it be Regiſtred by you in your Houſe. In it you ſee my minde, I hope you will uſe it to my honor.

This, upon returne of the Lords from the King, was preſently reported to the Houſe by the Lord Privy Seal, and ordered, that theſe Lines ſhould go out with the Kings Letter, if a­ny copy of the Letter were diſperſed.


THAT BISHOPS ought not to have Votes in PARLIAMENT.

1 BEcauſe it is a very great hinderance to the exer­ciſe of their Miniſteriall Function.

2 Becauſe they doe vow and undertake at their Ordination when they enter into holy Orders, that they will give themſelves wholly to that Vocation.

3. 4 Becauſe Counſells and Canons in ſeverall Ages, do forbid them to meddle with ſecular affairs, be­cauſe 24 Biſhops have dependancie on the two Archbi­ſhops, and becauſe of their Canonicall obedience to them.

5 Becauſe they are but for their lives, and therefore are not fit to have legiſlative power over the honors, in­heritance, perſons, and liberties of others.

6 Becauſe of Biſhops dependancie, and expecting tranſlations to places of great profit.

7 That ſeverall Biſhops have of late much incroached upon the conſciēnces and liberties of the Subjects; and they, and their Succeſſors will be much incouraged ſtill to incroach, and the Subjects will be much diſcouraged from complaining againſt ſuch incouragements if 26 of that Order, be to be Judges of thoſe complaints, the ſame reaſon extends to their legiſlative power in any Bill to paſſe for the regulation of their power, upon any emer­gent inconveniencie by it.


8 Becauſe the whole number of them is intereſſed to maintaine the juriſdiction of Biſhops, which hath beene found ſo grievous to the three Kingdomes, that Scotland hath utterly aboliſhed it, and multitudes in England, and Ireland have petitioned againſt it.

9 Becauſe Biſhops being Lords of Parliament, it ſet­teth too great a diſtance betweene them, and the reſt of their Brethren in the Miniſtry, which occaſioneth pride in them, diſcontent in others, and diſquiet in the Church.

To their having Votes a long time.

Anſw. If inconvenient Time and uſage are not to be conſidered with Law-makers; ſome Abbots voted as anciently in Parliament as Biſhops, yet are taken away. Therefore the Biſhops Certificate to plenary of Benefice and loyalty of Marriage, the Bill extends not to them.

For the ſecular Juriſdictions of the Deane of Weſtmin­ſter, the Biſhops of Durbam, and Ely, and the Archbi­ſhop of Yorke, which they are to execute in their owne perſons, the former reaſons ſhew the inconveniencies therein.

For their Temporall Courts and Juriſdictions which are executed by their Temporall Officers, the Bill doth not concerne them.


The Lord Keepers Speech in the Upper Houſe of Parliament. Novemb. 3. 1640.

My Lords,

ANd you the Knights, Cittizens, and Burgeſſes of the Houſe of Commons, you have been ſummo­ned by His Majeſties Gracious Writ, under the great Seal of England, and you are here this day aſſem­bled for the holding of a Parliament. The Writ tels you tis to treat, and conſult of the High, Great, and weighty affairs, that concern the eſtate and ſafety of the Kingdom. It tels you true, that ſince the Conqueſt, never was there a time that did more require, and pray for the beſt advice and affection of the Engliſh people. It is ill viewing of objects, by viewing them in multiplying Glaſſe, and it is almoſt as miſchievous in the ſpeech of ſuch a broken Glaſſe, which repreſents but to the half. The onely and the perfect way is to look in a true Mirror. I will not take upon me to be a good looker in it, I will onely hold it to you to make uſe of it.

The Kingdom of England is this multiplying Glaſſe, you may there ſee a State which hath flouriſhed for divers hundred yeers, famous for time of peace and warre, glo­rious at home, and ever conſiderable abroad. A Nation to whom never yet any Conqueror gave new Laws, nor aboliſhed the old, nor would this Nation ever ſuffer a Conqueror to meddle with their Laws, no not the Ro­manes, who yet when as they ſubdued all the people,14 made it part of the Conqueſt, to leave their Laws in tri­umph with them. For the Saxons, Danes, and the Nor­mans, if this were a time to travell into ſuch particulars, it were an eaſie task to make it appear, that it never chan­ged the old eſtabliſhed Lawes of England, nor ever brought in any new, ſo as you have the frame and conſti­tution of a Common-wealth, made glorious by antiqui­ty. And it is with States, as with perſons and families, certainly an interrupted pedigree doth give luſtre. It is glorious in the whole frame, wortth your looking upon, long and your conſideration in every part.

The King is the head of the Common-wealth, the Fountain of Juſtice, the life of the Law, He is anima & deliciae legis.

Behold Him in His glorious Anceſtors, that have ſo ſwayed the Scepter of the Kingdome.

Behold Him in the high attributes, and the great pre­rogatives, which ſo ancient and unalterable Laws have given, and inveſted him with.

Behold Him in the happy times, that we have ſo long lived, under His Monarchiall government.

For His excellent Majeſty, that now is our moſt Gra­tious Soveraign; you had need wipe the Glaſſe, and wipe your eyes, and then you ſhall truely behold him a King of exemplary Pietie, and Juſtice, and a King of rare en­dowments, and abilities of nature, and what he hath got by acquiſition, depth of judgement, quickneſſe of appre­henſion, unparaleld moderation in great Councels, and great affaires, ſuch as you my Lords that had the happi­neſſe to attend Him at the Councell of the Peeres at York, to your great joy and comfort can witneſſe, and after ages will remember, to His eternall honour and ſame.

For His juſt and pious Government, I dare boldly ſay that if any under Him as our Inſtrument, have had the diſtributing of juſtice to His people, have not done as they ought, the fault is their own, and they have done16 contrary to the Royall Nature, and expreſſe Command of our Gratious Soveraign, from whom I have often learned this golden Rule, and Maxim, he ſerves me beſt, that ſerves me with honeſty and integrity.

Behold Him in another part of Himſelf, in His deareſt comfort, our Gracious Queen, the mirror of Vertue, from whom ſince Her happy arrivall here, now above three luſtres of yeetes, never any Subject record other then gratious and benigne Influence; and I dare a vow as She is neereſt and deareſt to our Soveraign, ſo there is none whoſe affections and endeavours (His Majeſty onely ex­cepted) hath, or doth, or can cooperate more to the happy ſucceſſe of this Parliament, and the never to be equalled joy, and comfort of a right underſtanding between the King, and His people.

Behold Him in His beſt image, our excellent young Prince, and the reſt of the Royall, and lively Progeny in whom we cannot but promiſe to our ſelves, to have our happineſſe perpetuated.

From the Throne turn your eyes upon the two ſup­porters of it, on the one ſide, the Stemne of honour, the Nobility, and Clergy, on the other ſide, the Gentry and Commons.

Where was there, or is there in any part of the world a nobility ſo numerous, ſo magnanimous, and yet with ſuch a temper, that they neither ecclipſe the throne, nor overtop the people, but keep in a diſtance fit for the greatneſſe of the Throne.

Where was there a Common-wealth ſo free, and the ballance ſo equally held, as here? And certainly, ſo long as the beam is ſo held, it cannot be otherwiſe, in right Anglis, if you turn the line never ſo little, it groweth quickly accute, or obdure; and ſo in States, the leaſt de­viation makes a great change. But His Majeſties great wiſedome and goodneſſe, and the aſſiſtance of the Ho­nourable Aſſembly, I do not doubt will be a means to17 make us ſtear between the Teophick of moderation, that there be no declenſion from the poole of ſeverity.

I am by His Maieſties Command, to relate to you ſome proceedings ſince the laſt Aſſembly here.

You may remember the Summer preceding this laſt, His Majeſty went with an Army into the North, ingaged in honour ſo to do, by reaſon of the curſes that were taken by divers of the Subjects in Scotland, in the pre­judice of Monarchy, and rendring leſſe glorious this Kingdom. I know not under what pretence, but all that time they came very neer England, with an Army ſo neer that it was believed, they would have then entred and invaded the Kingdome. They did profeſſe the contrary, neither did they want remonſtrations, and declarations, to infuſe this opinion into the hearts of His Majeſties people, before it would by the effects. What their in­tentions from the beginning were, His Maieſtie by His goodneſſe and wiſedome, ſettled a Peace, and made a pacification at Barwick, upon which both Armies were disbanded, which pacification, and every Article of it, His Maieſty for His part hath been ſo far from violating, that whenſoever any queſtion ſhall be made of it, ſhall plainly and clearly appear, it was His care to ſee it in all things performed. On the contrary, thoſe Subiects of His not contented with that grace, which His Maieſty then gave them in thoſe Articles of pacification, they have ſtrained them beyond the bounds and limits of the in­tention, and meaning; but they over and above attemp­ted, and acted divers things ſo prejudiciall to Monarchy, and contrary, and repugnant to the Law, and ſettled con­ſtitution, and uſage of that Kingdome, that His Maieſty could not in honour continue at it.

This being made known unto His Maieſty, and to His Privy Councell, by thoſe who beſt knew the State, and affairs of that Kingdom, and that were moſt truſted and imployed by His Maieſty. His Maieſty by the una­minous19 conſent of His Privy Councell, reſolved to raiſe an army to reduce them, to their modeſt and iuſt condi­tion of true obedience, and ſubiection, to defend this Kingdome from all damage and danger, that by their means (how ſpecious ſoever they ſhaddow their preten­ces) they might fall upon it.

His Maieſty then foreſaw and foretold, that the raiſing of an Army at this time, was but to ſtand upon their own defence, as they profeſſed, and they had an intention to enter this Kingdome, and to ſeize upon ſome place of importance, and eminency, and His Maieſty in particular named Newcaſtle.

Had His Maieſty then had means and money, aſwell as he had certain knowledge of their intentions, I do be­leeve that theſe calamities, that have fallen upon that Town, and the Counties adioyning, had been prevented. Perhaps the miſinterpretation of His Maieſties intenti­ons, and the miſunderſtanding of His actions, and I am a fraid, the two benigne interpretation of the attempts actions, and profeſſions of the Subiects in Scotland, added ſme impediment to that which the moſt of us, I hope have lived to repent of.

His Maieſty howſoever wnt in Perſon to the North, to ſee His Army ordered, and to take care for the ſafety, and defence of this Kingdom, aſmuch as he poſſible could, He had not long been there, but that which he foreſaw, and foretold, fell out; for the Scots paſſed with their Army, the Rivers, Tweed and Tine, and ſeized upon Newcaſtle, (which) of what importance it is you all know: And that they force contribution of the Coun­ties of Nothumberland, and the Biſhoprick of Durbm, beſides many other ſpoiles, and diſtructions, that were committed.

His Maieſty well conſidering of what weight, and im­portance this was, and then having neither time nor place to call this aſſembly of Parliament. He did reſolve18 as had been frequently uſed, to ſummon a great Councell of all the Peeres, that by their advice and aſſiſtance, there might be ſome interruption given to the calamity, that was likely to ſpread over the whole Kingdome, And commanded Writs to iſſue accordingly.

That was not done to prevent, but to prepare for a Parliament.

It was not to claſh, or entor fire with this aſſembly, by acting or ordering any thing which belongeth to this high and ſupream juriſdiction, but onely to give their aſſiſtance for the preſent, to render things more fit for this great aſſembly;

That His Maieſties intention was ſo, it is cleer, for before ever any petition was delivered, or ever any ſpeech of petition for a Parliament, His Maieſty had reſolved to call one.

The Lords underſtood, It ſo will plainly appear by the proceedings of the Aſſembly, of which, if thoſe that were Officers, and Miniſters there had been come to Town, upon whoſe help I reſted, for my particular in­ſtruction, I ſhould have been better able to have given you an accompt, And His Maieſty was pleaſed to let you know, that when there was an occaſion of any particular, you may be ſatisfied in it. According to His Maieſties command 24. of September, all the Peeres were ſummo­ned, all except ſome few did meet where His Maieſty was. In the firſt place, pleaſed to declare unto us His re­ſolution to call a Parliament, and to all our ioyes and contents, as he hath now done it to yours and ours, de­clared that there was nothing he did more deſire then to be rightly underſtood of His people; And whoſoever he be that ſhall go about (effect it, I am ſure he cannot) to attempt or indeavour to alter this gracious declaration, and reſolution of His Maieſty, or whoſoever ſhall go about to poyſon the hearts of His good Subiects, with an opinion that it can be ſo, or leſſon the affection of His20 loving Subiects, for certainly never Subiects of the world better loved their King then the Engliſh, nor ever did ever Engliſh-men better love a King then now, if (I ſay) there be any ſuc, may acurſe and puniſhment fall up〈◊〉, Butet the Royall Throne be for ever.

H••Majeſty was then pleaſed to tell us the cauſe, for which〈◊〉had called us together.

In the firſt place, it was touching an anſwer to a petiti­on that had ben ſince his coming to York. And before His aſſembly ſent unto him from thoſe His Subiects of Scotland, that were at Newcaſtle.

The firſt thing that His Maieſty deſired their advice in, was••e anſwer to that petition.

The next thing His Maieſty conceived, And all that were there, were of one opinion, with one voyce, and conſent, that it was not fit His Maieſty ſhould disband His Army, ſo long as the Scotch Army was on foot; And His Maieſty wiſhed them to take into their conſideration what way to have maintenance, for His Army in the mean time.

His Maieſty having opened the cauſe of calling them together, was pleaſed to expreſſe himſelf that He would leave to the Lords, their freedom of Debate, and himſelf was ready to have been gone from the Councell, but at the humble ſuite of the Lords he ſtayed, And I am per­ſwaded that nothing was of that ioy to them, as His Ma­ieſties preſence, with ſuch freedome of diſcourſe did eve­ry man deliver himſelf, with ſuch grace and ſweetneſſe did his Maieſty hear them, and ſuch content did they take in His moderating, guiding and directing thoſe Coun­cells: My Lords as holding it moſt neceſſary, took the latter of thoſe two conſiderations propounded by His Maieſty, to their thoughts, and that was the ſupplying and ſupporting His Maieſties Army, till this Parliament might take ſome courſe in it: His Maieſty, and my Lords, did declare themſelves, as before I have opened unto you,21 that they could never attempt, nor have the leaſt thought to make, by any Act or Order, any thing tending to the Subiect, but that it might be left wholly to the ſupream Juriſdiction. And therefore not ſeeing any other way, they reſolved by letter to addreſſe themſelves to the City of London, And with their letters they ſent half a dozen of my Lords.

My Lord Privy Seal, my Lord of Clare, who was ap­pointed to go, but his urgent occaſions prevened him, Viſcount Cambden, Lord Coventry, Lord Goring and_____And theſe Lords they did expreſſe the joy and content they took in the Kings grace and confidence they had of His gracious aſſiſtance, was ſuch, that they did freely offer themſelves, and as I dare ſay there is none but is yet ready to enter into ſecurity with His Maiety. And the City gave an anſwer fit for the Chamber of the King, and part of the money is already lent, and will be ready, I aſſure my ſelf to ſupply the reſt.

For the other part, the firſt thing propounded by His Majeſty, was touching the anſwer that was to be given to that petition, and to the demands of the Subjects in Scotland, upon which occaſion His Majeſty was pleaſed, by thoſe great Officers and Miniſters of His, that knew beſt and underſtood the laws, and uſages of that King­dome to expound their demands particularly, and to make appear unto their Lordſhips upon every one, where­in they had expounded the Articles of pacification, which His Majeſty ever deſired might be the Square, and Rule of the treaty with them.

My Lords tooke into conſideration what was fit to be done, for his Majeſty then profeſſed as he did oft, and as he hath done it during the time of that Councell; to be wholy ruled, guided, and directed by their advice, f r the honor of this Nation, and ſafty of it, he did leave it to their wiſedomes and conſiderations; againſt whoſe advice, and without whoſe judgements and advice, he would do nothing.


My Lords, howſoever they had received this informa­tion, and explanation upon every particular of their de­mands, yet in juſtice they thought it was fit to hear what could be ſaid, on the other ſide, how the objection might be anſwered, and what objection might be made by them againſt that which ſeemed to be plain enough.

For this purpoſe they were all of opinion, and his Majeſty was pleaſed to be of the ſame opinion, that ſome Lords ſelected and truſted by that great Councell, ſhould Treate with thoſe Subjects of Scotland upon all thoſe particulars, to the end that they might ſee what they did cleerly intend; to the end that if a firm peace which was moſt deſired from us might be had, or a juſt Warre to be begun.

My Lords of the great Councell that were appointed for that purpoſe, were the Earles of Bedford, Hertford, Eſſex, Salisbury, Warwick, Briſtow, Holland, and Barkeſhire, The Barons were the Lords, Wharton, Paget, Rimbolton, Brooke, Pawlet, Howard of Eſaich, Savile, and Dunſmore.

After which choice, ſome generall inſurrections pro­ceeding from the debate and diſcourſes in that great Councell, a Commiſſion under the great Seale was gi­ven unto them, to enable them to treate and conclude as they in their wiſedomes and Judgements ſhould thinke fit. The place appointed for this treaty was at Rippon, where the Lords Commiſſioners wanted the happineſſe of that, that they, and we had at Yorke, of his Maieſties preſence. And that might be the occaſion that more time was ſpent in it, then otherwiſe would have been; yet my Lords omitted not their parts, but were deſirous to look into the depth, to ſee the utmoſt extent of their demands.

But before thoſe of Scotland could come to the maine treaty, to explaine themſelves touching their demands, they made a preparatory demand of maintenance for their Armie, and did go ſo high, as to demand Forty thouſand Pounds a moneth. My Lords (that were very unwil­ling23 to do any Act, or make any order whatſoever, as I have opened unto you, for the ſuſtenance, maintenance, and keeping a foot his Maieſties Armie without this great Aſſembly, which yet they all held fit ſhould not be diſ­banded) were much ſtartled at the demand of mainte­nance for an Armie that was not the Kings, and which they did wiſh could not continue.

But my Lords, as under that name they could not hear it, yet they tooke into conſideration the miſerable con­dition of Northumberland, the Biſhopricke of Durbam, and Newcaſtle; They tooke into conſideration too, the Counties of Cumberland, and Weſtmerland, which if the Scottiſh Armie ſhould enter, were ſcarce able at this time to defend it ſelfe, and it were inconvenient to bring the Kings Armie thither.

Nay, their Lords were ſatisfied that the County of Yorke was in danger, and that not to be prevented but by a battell, if the Scots came on with an Armie, and my Lords were loath, where there were ſuch ods, ſo many twenties to one, that a battell ſhould be adventured And if the County of Yorke ſhould be in danger, we might quickly foreſee how the danger might run over the whole Kingdome.

And my Lords, as well as thoſe that remained at Yorke, as thoſe at Rippon, having received complaints from the Biſhop of Durbam (Northumberland, and Newcaſtle) and the Maior of Newcaſtle being impriſoned, and ſome of his Brethren, as was repreſented unto them, kept without fire or candle, and of divers waſtes and ſpoyles done in the Countrey. My Lords did thinke fit, that ſince the Counties of Northumberland, the Biſhoprick of Durbam, and Newcaſtle had already made a compoſition and agree­ment, that they would at laſt ratifie and confirm the com­poſition and agreement, ſo as there might be a ceſſation of Arms, and acts of hoſtility; and that they which had fled from their dwellings in thoſe Counties might returne in24 ſafety. My Lords for theſe reaſons thought it fit for the preſent to give way unto them, rather than to bazard ſo great calamitie and affliction that would have fallen on thoſe Counties; hereupon they did conclude for 850. pound by day, and this to continue for two moneths, if the treaty before tooke not effect, the two Moneths to begin from the 16th of October; then they took Articles for ceſſation of Arms. So as now the ſtate and condition of things as they were acted, I have ſhortly and ſumma­rily delivered to you. I dare not adventure upon too many particulars, leaſt my memory ſhould faile; and if I have not done his Maieſties command, I beg his Maieſties pardon.

And my Lords, of what weight and importance this is to the whole Kingdome, what deepe conſideration it re­quires in our affections; what unſuſpected, and inſuſpe­cted affections had we need bring with us, is eaſie to judge.

It is his Maieſties pleaſure that you of the Houſe of Commons, repaire to your owne Houſe to chuſe your Speaker, whom his Maieſty expects you will pre­ſent to him on Thurſday next, at two of the clock in the afternoone.


Mr. SPEAKER his Speech to his Maieſty, in the High Court of Parlia­ment,the fifth of November, 1640.

Moſt gracious and dread Soveraigne:

IN all ſubmiſſive humbleneſſe, the Knights, Citizens, and Burgeſſes of the houſe of Commons are here aſſembled, who taking along with them your gracious inclination, have according to their ancient li­berties deſigned me their Speaker. Whereas I cannot but lament to thinke how great a miſt may overcaſt the hopes of this ſeſſions, yet a note of favour to mee, who cannot but judge my ſelfe unfit for ſo great imployment, which ſo appeares to the whole World.

Many there bee of deepe judgement, and ſad experi­ence, that might have added luſtre to this action an expedition to the worke, if they had pleaſed to have left me in that meane condition they found me.


Non mihitacuiſſe nocet, Nocet eſſe locutum.

And then might your Sacred and pious intentions have had their full advancement.

But is it yet too late? may I not appeale to Ceſar?

Yes, I may, and in the loweſt poſture of humilitie I humbly beſeech your ſacred Majeſty to interpoſe your royall authority to command a review of the houſe, for there were never more then now fitted for ſuch im­ployments.

My Lord Keeper approves of him by his Majeſties direction.

Then he goes on,

It pleaſeth not your Sacred Majeſtie to vouchſafe a change.

Actions of Kings are not to bee by mee reaſoned.

Therefore beeing imboldened by this gracious ap­probation, give me leave a little, Dread Soveraigne, to expreſſe my owne thoughts unto our gracious Lord the King.

I ſee before my eyes with admiration the Majeſtie of great Brittaine, the Glory of times, The Hiſtory of honour, CHARLES the firſt, in his forefront pla­ced by dſcent of antiquitie (Kings) ſetled by a long ſuc­ceſſion, and continued to us by a pious and peacefull go­vernment.

On the one ſide the Monument of Glory, the Proge­nie of valiant and puiſſant Princes, the Queenes moſt Excellent Majeſtie.

On the other ſide, the hopes of poſterity, and joy of this Nation, thoſe Oliva branches ſet round your tables, Emblems of peace to poſterity.

Here ſhine thoſe Lights and Lamps placed in a3 Mount, which attend your ſacred Majeſty as ſupreame head, and borrow from you the Splendor of their go­vernment.

There the true ſtate of Nobility, figures of proweſſe and Magnanimity, fitted by their long contracted ho­nour in their blood, for the Counſell of Princes.

In the midſt of thoſe the Reverend Iudges, whither both parties (as to the Oracles of Iudgment and Iuſtice) may reſort. Ciſternes that hold faire waters, wherein each deviation, each wrinkle is diſcernable, and from thence (as from the Center) each crooked line ought to be levelled; The footſtoole of your Throne is fixed there, which renders you glorious to all poſteri­tie.

Here wee the Knights, Citizens and Burgeſſes of the Commons houſe, at your royall feete, contracted from all parts of your Kingdome, Enſignes of obedience and humility, all theſe united by the law equally diſtribu­ted, which cements this great body to the obedience of your ſacred Majeſty;

And compells aſwell the hearts as the hands to con­tribute for the preſervation of your Majeſtie, and the Common intereſt.

Diſſipates the Invaders of the Church and common wealth, and diſcovers the Impoſtures, but (give me leave dread Soveraigne) knits the Crowne to the Sa­cred Temples, and frees Majeſty from the Interpreta­tion of miſdoing.

Amongſt theſe this great Counſell is moſt ſoveraigne againſt the diſtempers of this Nation.

Were they infeſted at Sea, troubled at home, or in­vaded from abroad, here was the Sanctuary of refuge, hither was the reſort, and no other way found for a foundation of peace.

It is reported of Constantine the great, that he ac­compted his Subjects purſe his Exchequer, and ſo it is.


Subtile inventions may pick the purſe, but nothing can open it but a Parliament; which lets in the eye of Soveraignty upon the publicke maladies of the State, and vigilancy for the preſervation of our anci­ent Liberties; for this wee neede not ſearch into Antiquity; looke but a little backe, there wee ſhall ſee our juſt liberties graciouſly confirmed by your moſt ſacred Majeſty.

And is our happineſſe ſhut up in the remembrance of times paſt onely? No.

Thoſe gracious expreſſions lately falne from your ſa­cred lips, as hony from the combe, make glad the hearts of your people.

So that now we doe more than promiſe to our ſelves a large and free conſideration of the wayes to compoſe the diſtempers of theſe Kingdomes, and then preſent them to your royall hand for perfection.

And ſuch ſhall be our deportment, that as we ſhall labour the continuance of our Liberties, ſo ſhall wee carry a high regard to preſerve that Soveraigne pow­er wherewith your Majeſty is inveſted for the pre­ſervation of your Kingdome, and to render your ſa­cred Majeſty terrible to the Nations, and glorious at home.

Are theſe the fruits we have enjoyed by Parliaments? wee cannot then but wonder at that horrid inventi­on in this place projected, Monſtrum horrendum, informe ingns, but, the Lord bee thanked, Cui lu­men ademptum eſt. Can this receive a Palliation? Men, Fathers, and Brethren, and all at one blaſt; no reverence to ſacred bones of Princes? were wee not all in a lumpe by them intended to bee offered up to Moloch?

Let us never forget this dayes ſolemnization (But whither?) It is too much boldneſſe to preſume longer on your Majeſties grace and goodneſſe; and therefore5 for the better expedition of this ſervice; Wee humbly deſire;

  • 1. That our ſelves and ſervants may obtaine free­dome from arreſts of their perſons and goods.
  • 2. That we may have free liberty of ſpeech without confinement, with a full and free debate.
  • 3. That your Majeſty will vouchſafe our repaire to your ſacred perſon upon matters of importance, accor­ding to the ancient priviledges of the houſe.

That with ſuch alacrity wee may now proceed to manifeſt to the world, that our retirements were to re­inforce a greater unity and duty, and to endeavour a ſweet violence which may compell (pardon dread So­veraigne the word Compell) your Majeſty to the love of Parliaments.

And thus God will have the honour, your ſacred Majeſty ſplendor, the Kingdome ſafety, and all our votes ſhall paſſe, that your ſacred Majeſty may long, long, long reigne over us; And let all the peo­ple ſay, Amen,


The Lord DIGBIES Speech the 9. of Novemb. 1640. Concerning Grie­vances, and the Trienniall Parliament.

Mr. Speaker,

YOu have received now a ſolemne accompt from moſt of the Shires of England, of the ſeverall grievances and oppreſſions they ſuſtaine, and nothing as yet from Dor­ſet ſhire; Sir, I would not have you thinke that I ſerve for a Land of Goſhen, that we live there in Sun-ſhine, whilſt darkneſſe and plagues over-ſpread the reſt of the Land: As little would I have you thinke, that being under the ſame ſharp meaſure that the reſt, we are either inſenſible and benummed, or that, that Shire wanteth a ſervant to repreſent its ſufferings boldly.

It is true Mr. Speaker, the County of Dorſet hath not digeſted its complaints into that formall way of Petiti­on, which others (I ſee) have done; but have intruſted them to my Partners and my delivery of them by word of mouth unto this Honourable Houſe. And there was given unto us in the County Court, the day of our Ele­ction, a ſhort memoriall of the heads of them, which was read in the hearing of the Free-holders there pre­ſent, who all unanimouſly with one voyce ſignified upon each particular, that it was their deſire, that we ſhould repreſent them to the Parliament, which with your leave I ſhall doe, and theſe they are.

  • 1. The great and intollerable burthen of Ship-mo­ney,7 touching the legality whereof they are unſatisfied.
  • 2. The many great abuſes in preſſing of Souldiers, and raiſing moneys concerning the ſame.
  • 3. The multitude of Monopolies.
  • 4. The new Canon, and the Oath to be taken by Law­yers, Divines &c.
  • 5. The Oath required to bee taken by Church-Officers to preſent according to Articles new and un­uſuall.

Beſides this, there was likewiſe preſented to us by a very conſiderable part of the Clergy of that County, a note of remembrance containing theſe two parti­culars.

Firſt, the impoſition of a new Oath required to bee taken by all Miniſters and others: which they con­ceive to be illegall, and ſuch as they cannot take with a good Conſcience.

Secondly, the requiring of a pretended Benevo­lence, but in effect a Subſidie, under the penalty of ſuſ­penſion, excommunication, and deprivation, all bene­fit of appeale excluded.

This is all wee had particularly in Charge: But that I may not appeare a remiſſe ſervant of my Countrey, and and of this Houſe; give me leave to adde ſomewhat of my owne ſence.

Truly Mr. Speaker, the injurious ſufferings of ſome worthy members of this Houſe, ſince the diſſolution of the two laſt Parliaments, are ſo freſh in my memo­ry, that I was reſolved not to open my mouth in any buſineſſe, wherein freedome and plaine dealing were requiſite, untill ſuch time, as the breach of our pri­viledges8 were vindicated, and the ſafety of ſpeech ſet­led.

But ſince ſuch excellent Members of our Houſe, thought fit the other day to lay aſide that Caution, and to diſ­charge their ſoules ſo freely in the way of zeale to his Majeſties ſervice, and their Countries good: I ſhall interpret that confidence of theirs for a lucky Omen to this Parliament, and with your permiſſion licence my thoughts too, a little.

Mr. Speak r, under thoſe heads which I propoſed to you, as the grievances of Dorſetſhire, I ſuppoſe are compriſed the greateſt part of the miſchiefs which have of late years layed battery either to our Eſtates or Con­ſciences.

Sir, I doe not conceive this the fit ſeaſon to ſearch and ventilate particulars, yet I profeſſe I cannot forbear to adde ſomewhat, to what was ſaid the laſt day by a learned Gentleman of the long Robe, concerning the acts of that reverend new Synod, made of an old con­vocation. Doth not every Parliament mans heart riſe to ſee the Prelats thus uſurpe to themſelves the Grand Preeminence of Parliament? The granting of Subſidies, & that under ſo prepoſterous a name as of a Benevolence, for that which is a Malevolence indeed; A Malevo­lence I am confident in thoſe that granted it, againſt Parliaments: and a Malevolence ſurely in thoſe that re­fuſe it, againſt thoſe that granted it, for how can it in­cite leſſe? when they ſee wreſted from them what they are not willing to part with, under no leſſe a penalty then the loſſe both of Heaven and Earth: of Heaven, by excommunication; and of the Earth By Deprivation; & this without Redemption by appeal. What good Chri­ſtian can think with patience on ſuch an inſnaring Oath, as that which is by the new Canons enjoyned to be ta­ken by all Miniſters, Lawyers, Phyſitians, and Gra­duates in the Vniverſities? where, beſides the ſwearing9 ſuch an impertinence, as that things neceſſary to ſalvati­on are contained in Diſcipline; beſides the ſwearing thoſe to be of Divine right, which amongſt the learned, never pretended to it, as the Arch things in our Hie­rarchy. Beſides, the ſwearing not to conſent to the change of that, which the State may upon great reaſon thinke fit to alter: Beſides the bottomeleſſe perjury of an &c. Beſides all this, Mr. Speaker, men muſt ſweare that they ſweare freely and voluntarily what they are compelled unto: and laſtly, that they ſweare that Oath in the literall ſence, whereof no two of the makers themſelves, that I have heard of, could never a­gree in the underſtanding.

In a word, Mr. Speaker, to tell you my opinion of this Oath, it is a Covenant againſt the King, for Biſhops and the Hierarchy; as the Scottiſh Covenants is againſt them, onely ſo much worſe then the Scottiſh, as they admit not of the Supremacy in Eccleſiaſticall affaires, and we are ſworne unto it.

Now Mr. Speaker, for thoſe particular heads of grie­vances whereby our Eſtates and Properties are ſo radi­cally invaded; I ſuppoſe (as I ſayd before) that it is no ſeaſon now to enter into a ſtrict Diſcuſſion of them; onely thus much I ſhall ſay of them, with application to the Countrey for which I ſerve, that none can more juſtly complaine, ſince none can more juſtly challenge exemption from ſuch burdens then Dorſet ſhire; whether you conſider its a Countrey ſubſiſting much by Trade; or as none of the moſt populous; or as expoſed as much as any to Forraigne Invaſion.

But alas Mr. Speaker, particular lamentations are hardly diſtinguiſhable in Vniverſall groanes.

Mr. Speaker, it hath beene a Metaphor frequent in Parlamant, and if my memory fayle me not, was made uſe of in the Lord Keepers Speech at the opening of the laſt, that what mony Kings rayſed from their Subjects,10 they were But as Ʋapors drawn up from the Earth by the Sunne, to bee diſtilled upon it againe in fructifying ſho­wers. The Compariſon Mr. Speaker, hath held of late yeares in this Kingdome too unluckily: what hath bin raiſed from the Subject by thoſe violent attractions, hath beene formed, it is true, into Clouds, but how? to darken the Sunnes owne luſtre, and hath fallen againe upon the Land only in Hail-ſtones and Mildews, to bat­ter and proſt rate ſtill more and more our liberties, to blaſt and wither our affections; had the latter of theſe beene ſtill kept alive by our Kings owne perſonall ver­tues, which wil ever preſerve him in ſpight of all ill Counſellours, a ſacred object, both of our admiration and loves.

Mr. Speaker, It hath beene often ſayd in this Houſe, and I thinke can never be too often repeated, That the Kings of England can do no wrong; but thogh they could Mr. Speaker, yet Princes have no part in the ill of thoſe actions which their Judges aſſure them to be juſt, their Counſellours that they are prudent, and their Divines that they are conſcientious.

This Conſideration, M. Speaker, leadeth mee to that which is more neceſſary farre, at this ſeaſon, than any farther laying open of our miſeries, that is, the way to the remedy, by ſeeking to remove from our Soveraign, ſuch unjuſt Judges, ſuch pernicious Counſellours, and ſuch diſconſcient Divines, as have of late yeares, by their wicked practiſes, provoked aſperſions upon the government of the graciouſeſt and beſt of Kings.

Mr. Speaker, let me not be miſ-underſtood, I levell at no man with a fore-layd deſigne, let the faults, and and thoſe well proved, lead us to the men: It is the onely true Parliamentary method, and the onely fit one to incline our Soveraigne. For it can no more11 conſiſt with a gracious and righteous Prince to expoſe his ſervants upon irregular prejudices; then with a wiſe Prince to with hold Malefactors, how great ſoever, from the courſe of orderly juſtice.

Let me acquaint you M. Speaker, with an Aphoriſme in Hippocrates, no leſſe Authenticke, (I thinke) in the body Politicke, then in the Naturall Thus it is Mr. Speaker, Bodies to be throughly and effectually purged, must have their Humors firſt made fluid and moveable.

The Humours that I underſtand to have cauſed all the deſperate maladies of this Nation, are the ill Miniſter. To purge them away clearely, they muſt be firſt looſened, unſetled, and extenuated, which can no way bee effected with a gracious Maſter, but by truely repreſenting them unworthy of his protection. And this leadeth mee to my Motion, which is; that a ſelect Committee may bee ap­pointed to draw out of all that hath beene heere repreſen­ted, ſuch a Remonſtrance as may be a faithfull and lively re­preſentation unto his Majeſty of the deplorable eſtate of this his Kingdome, and ſuch as may happily point out unto his cleare and excellent judgment, the pernicious Authors of it. And that this Remonſtrance being drawne, wee may with all ſpeed repaire to the Lords, and deſire them to joyne with with us in it: And this is my humble motion.


THE LORD DIGBIES SPEECH IN THE HOƲSE OF Commons, to the Bill for trienniall Parliaments. Janu. 19. 1640.

Mr. Speaker,

I Riſe not now with an intent to ſpeake to the frame and ſtructure of this Bill, nor much by way of anſwer to objections that may be made; I hope there will be no occaſion of that, but that we ſhall concurre all una­nimouſly in what concerneth all ſo Univerſally.

Onely Sir, by way of preparation, to the end that we may not be diſcouraged in this great worke by difficul­ties that may appeare in the way of it, I ſhall deliver unto you my apprehenſions in generall of the vaſt im­portance and neceſſity that wee ſhould goe thorow with it.

The Reſult of my ſenſe is in ſhort this: That un­leſse for the frequent convening of Parliaments there be ſome ſuch courſe ſetled, as may not be eluded; ney­ther13 the people can be proſperous and ſecure, not the King himſelfe ſolidly happy. I take this to be the Vnum neceſſarium: Let us procure this, and all our other deſires will effect themſelves: if this bill miſcarry, I ſhall have left me no publike hopes, and once paſt, I ſhall be freed of all publike feares.

The eſſentialneſſe Sir of frequent Parliaments to the happineſſe of this Kingdome, might be inferr'd unto you by the reaſon of contraries, from the wofull experi­ence which former times have had of the miſchievous effects of any long intermiſſion of them.

But Mr. Speaker, why ſhould we clime higher then the levell we are on, or thinke further then our owne Horizon, or have recourſe for examples in this buſines, to any other promptuary then our owne memories; nay then the experience almoſt of the youngeſt here?

The reflection backward on the diſtractions of for­mer times upon intermiſſion of Parliament, and the conſideration forward of the miſchiefes likely ſtill to grow from the ſame cauſe if not remooved, doubtleſly gave firſt life and being to thoſe two dormant Statutes of Edward the third, for the yearly holding of Parlia­ment: And ſhall not the freſh and bleeding experience in the preſent age of miſeries from the ſame ſpring, not to be paralleld in any other, obtaine a wakening, a re­ſurrection for them?

The Inteſtine diſtempers Sir, of former ages upon the want of Parliaments, may appeare to have had ſome other cooperative cauſes, as ſometimes, unſucceſſefull Warres abroad; ſometimes, the abſence of the Prince; ſometimes, Competitions of Titles to the Crowne; ſomtimes, perhaps the vices of the King himſelfe.

But let us but rightly weigh and conſider the po­ſture, the aſpect of this ſtate, both toward it ſelfe, and14 the reſt of the world, the perſon of our Soveraigne, and the nature of our ſuffering ſince the third of his Reigne. And there can be no cauſe coulorable inventible, wher­unto to attribute them but the intermiſſion, or which is worſe, the undue fruſtration of Parliament, by the un­luckly uſe if not abuſe of Prerogative in the diſſol­ving them.

Take in your view Gentlemen, a State in a ſtate of the greateſt quiet and ſecurity that can be fancied, not only in joyning the calmeſt peace it ſelfe, but to improve and ſecure its happy condition, all the reſt of the world at the ſame time in Tempeſt, in Combuſtions, in un­compoſable Warres.

Take into your view Sir, a King Soveraigne to three Kingdomes, by a Concentring of all the Royall lines in his Perſon, as undiſputably as any Mathematical ones in Euclide. A King firme and knowing in his Religi­on, eminent in vertue; A King that had in his owne time given all the Rights and Liberties of his Subjects a more cleare and ample confirmation freely and graci­ouſly, then any of his Predeceſſors (when the people had them at advantage) extortedly, I meane in the Pe­tition of Right.

This is one Mappe of England, Mr. Speaker, A man Sir, that ſhould preſent unto you now, a Kingdome, groaning under that ſupreme Law, which Salus populi periclitata would enact. The liberty, the property of the Subject fundamentally ſubverted, raviſht away by the violence of a pretended neceſſity; a triple Crown ſhaking with diſtempers; men of the beſt conſcience rea­dy to fly into the wilderneſſe for Religion. Would not one ſweare that this were the Antipodes to the other; & yet let me tell you Mr. Speaker, this is a Mappe of Eng­land too, and both at the ſame time true.


As it cannot bee denyed, Mr. Speaker, that ſince the Conqueſt there hath not been in this Kingdome a fuller concurrance of all circumſtances in the former Cara­cter, to have made a Kingdom happy, then for theſe 12. yeares laſt paſt; ſo it is moſt certaine, that there hath not beene in all that deduction of ages, ſuch a Conſpi­racie, if one may ſo ſay of all the Elements of miſchiefe thein ſecond Character, to bring a flouriſhing Kingdom, if it were poſſible, to ſwift ruine and deſolation.

I will be bold to ſay, Mr. Speaker, and I thanke God, wee have ſo good a King, under whom wee may ſpeake boldly of the abuſe by ill Miniſters, without re­flection upon his perſon.

That an Accumulation of all the publike Grievances ſince Magna Carta, one upon another, unto that houre in which the Petition of Right paſt into an act of Parlia­ment, would not amount to ſo oppreſſive; I am ſure not to ſo deſtructive a height and magnitude to the rights and property of the Subject, as one branch of our beſla­ving ſince the Petition of Right.

The branch I mean, is the judgment concerning ſhip-money. This beeing a true repreſentation of England in both aſpects.

Let him, Mr. Speaker, that for the unmatcht oppreſſi­on and enthralling of free Subjects in a time of the beſt Kings raigne, and in memory of the beſt lawes enacted in favour of Subjects liberty, can find a truer Cauſe then the ruptures and intermiſſion of Parliaments. Let him and him alone be againſt the ſetling of this inevitable way for the frequent holding of them.

'Tis true Sir, wicked Miniſters have beene the prox­imate16 cauſes of our miſeries, but the want of Parlia­ments the primary, the efficient Cauſe.

Ill Miniſters have made ill times, but that Sir, hath made ill Miniſters.

I have read among the Lawes of the Athenians, a form of recourſe in their Oaths and vows of greateſt & moſt publique concernment of a three-fold Deity, Supplicium Exauditori, Purgatori, Malorum depulſori.

I doubt not but we here aſſembled for the Common­wealth in this Parliament, ſhall meet with all theſe At­tributes in our Soveraigne.

I make no queſtion but he will graciouſly heare our Supplications, purge away our Grievances, and expell Malefactors, that is, remove ill Miniſters, and put good in their places.

No leſſe can be expected from his wiſdome and good­neſſe.

But let me tell you Mr. Speaker, if we partake not of one Attribute more in him; if we addreſſe not our ſelves unto that, I meane Bonorum Conſervatori; we can have no ſolid, no durable Comfort in all the reſt.

Let his Majeſty heare our Complaint never ſo Com­paſſionately.

Let him purge away our Grievances never ſo effica­ciouſly.

Let him puniſh and diſpell ill Miniſters never ſo ex­emplarily.


Let him make choyce of good ones never ſo ex­actly.

If there be not a way ſetled to preſerve and keepe them good; the miſchiefes and they will all grow again like Sampſons Locks, and pull downe the Houſe upon our heads. Beleeve it M. Speaker, they will.

It hath been a Maxime amongſt the wiſeſt Legiſlators, that whoſoever meanes to ſettle good Lawes, muſt pro­ceed in them, with a ſiniſter opinion of all Mankinde; and ſuppoſe that whoſoever is not wicked, it is for want only of the opportunity. It is that opportunity of being ill Mr. Speaker, that wee muſt take away, if ever wee meane to be happy, which can never be done, but by the frequencie of Parliaments.

No ſtate can wiſely be confident of any publique Mi­niſters continuing good, longer then the rod is over him.

Let me appeale to all thoſe that were preſent in this Houſe at the agitation of the Petition of Right. And let them tell themſelves truly, of whoſe promotion to the management of affaires doe they thinke the generality would at that time have had better hopes then of Mr. Noy, and Sir Thomas Wentworth, both having beene at that time, and in that buſineſſe as I have heard, moſt keen and active Patriots, and the latter of them to the eternall aggravation of his Infamous treachery to the Common-wealth be it ſpoken, the firſt mover, and inſiſter to have this clauſe added to the Petition of Right, that for the comfort and ſafety of his Subjects, his Ma­jeſty would be pleaſed to declare his will and pleaſure, that all his Miniſters ſhould ſerve him according to the Lawes and Statutes of the Realme.


And yet Mr. Speaker, to whom now can all the in­undations upon our liberties under pretence of Law, and the late ſhipwrack at once of all our property, be attri­buted more then to Noy, and thoſe and all other miſ­chiefes whereby this Monarchie hath beene brought al­moſt to the brinke of deſtruction, ſo much to any as to that Grand Apoſtate to the Common-wealth, the now Lieutenant of Ireland?

The firſt I hope God hath forgiven in the other world; and the latter muſt not hope to be pardoned in this, till he be diſpatcht to the other.

Let every man but conſider thoſe men as once they were.

The excellent Law for the ſecurity of the Subject e­nacted immediately before their comming to employ­ment, in the contriving whereof themſelves were prin­cipall Actors.

The goodneſſe and vertue of the King they ſerved, and yet the high and publique oppreſſions that in his time they have wrought! And ſurely there is no man but will conclude with me, that as the deficience of Parliaments hath bin the Cauſa Cauſarum of all the miſchiefes and diſtempers of the preſent times; ſo the frequency of them is the ſole Catholicke Antidote that can preſerve and ſe­cure the future from the like danger.

Mr. Speaker, let me yet draw my Diſcourſe a little nearer to his Majeſty himſelfe, and tell you, that the frequency of Parliament is moſt eſſentially neceſſary to the power, the ſecurity, the glory of the King.

There are two wayes, Mr. Speaker, of powerfull9 Rule, eyther by Feare, or Love, but one of happy and ſafe Rule, that is, by Love, that Firmiſſinum Imperium quo obedientes gadent.

To which Camillus adviſed the Romans. Let a Prince conſider what it is that mooves a people principally to affe­ction, and dearneſſe, towards their Soveraigne. He ſhall ſee that there needs no other Artifice in it, then to let them injoy unmoleſted, what belongs unto them of right: If that have beene invaded and violated in any kind, whereby af­fections are alienated: the next conſideration for a wiſe Prince that would be happy, is how to regaine them: To which three things are equally neceſſary.

  • 1. Re-inſtating them in their former Libertie.
  • 2. Revenging them of the Authors of thoſe viola­tions.
  • 3. And ſecuring them from Apprehenſions of the like againe.

The firſt, (God be thanked,) wee are in a good way of.

The ſecond in warme purſuit of.

But the third, as eſſentiall as all the reſt, till we be certain of a Trienniall Parliament, at the leaſt, I pro­feſſe I can have but cold hopes of.

I beſeech you then Gentlemen, ſince that ſecurity for the future is ſo neceſſary to that bleſſed union of affections, and this Bill ſo neceſſary to that ſecurity:

Let us not be ſo wanting to our ſelves; let us not be ſo wanting to our Soveraigne, as to forbeare to offer unto him, this powerfull, this everlaſting Philter, to Charme unto him the hearts of his people, whoſe vertue can never evaporate.

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There is no man, M. Speaker, ſo ſecure of anothers friendſhip, but will thinke frequent intercourſe and ac­ceſſe very requiſite to the ſupport, to the confirmation of it: Eſpecially, if ill offices have beene done betweene them; if the rayſing of jealouſies hath beene attempted. There is no Friend but would be impatient to be debar­red from giving his friend ſuccour and reliefe in his ne­ceſſities.

Mr. Speaker, permit mee the compariſon of great things with little: what friendſhip, what union can there be ſo comfortable, ſo happy, as betweene a gra­cious Soveraigne and his people? and what greater misfortune can there bee to both, then for them to bee kept from entercourſe, from the meanes of clearing miſ underſtandings, from interchange of mutuall be­nefits?

The people of England, Sir, cannot open their Eares, their Hearts, their Mouthes, nor their Purſes, to his Majeſty, but in Parliament.

We can neyther heare Him, nor Complaine, nor ac­knowledge, nor give, but there.

This Bill, Sir, is the ſole Key that can open the way to a frequency of thoſe reciprocall indearments, which muſt make and perpetuate the happineſſe of the King and Kingdome.

Let no man object any derogation from the Kings Prerogative by it. Wee doe but preſent the Bill, 'tis to be made a Law by him, his Honour, his Power, will be as conſpicuous, in commanding at once that Parlia­ment ſhall aſſemble every third yeare, as in comman­ding a Parliament to be called this or that yeare: there21 is more of his Majeſty in ordayning primary and Vni­verſall Cauſes, then in the actuaing particularly of ſub­ordinate effects.

I doubt not, but that glorious King Edward the Third, when he made thoſe Lawes for the yearely Cal­ling of Parliament, did it with a right ſence of his dig­nity and honour.

The truth is, Sir, the Kings of England are never in their Glory, in their Splendour, in their Majeſticke Soveraignty, but in Parliaments.

Where is the power of impoſing Taxes? Where is the power of restoring from incapacities? Where is the le­giſlative Authority? Marry in the King, Mr. Speaker. But how? In the King circled in, fortified and evirtuated by his Parliament.

The King out of Parliament hath a limitted, a cir­cumſcribed jurisdiction. But waited on by his Parlia­ment, no Monarch of the Eaſt is ſo abſolute in diſpel­ling Grievances.

Mr. Speaker, in chaſing ill Miniſters, we doe but diſ­ſipate Clouds that may gather againe, but in voting this Bill, we ſhall contribute, as much as in us lyes, to the perpetuating our Sunne, our Soveraigne, in his verticall, in his Noone day luſtre.


A Speech of the Honou­rable NATHANAEL FIENNES, In the Houſe of Commonsthe 9. of Febr. 1640.

Mr. Speaker,

TWO things have fallen into debate this day.

The firſt, concerning the Londoners Pe­tition, whether it ſhould bee committed or no.

The other, concerning the government of the Church, by Arch-biſhops, Biſhops, &c. whether it ſhould bee countenanced or no.

For the firſt, I doe not underſtand by any thing that I have yet heard, why the Londoners Petition ſhould not be committed, or countenanced.

The exceptions that are taken againſt it, are from the irregularities of the delivery of it, and from the Sub­ject matter contained in it.

For the firſt, it is alledged that the long taile of this blazing ſtarre, is ominous, and that ſuch a number of Petitioners, and ſuch a number that brought the Petiti­on to the Houſe, was irregular. Hereunto I anſwer, that the fault was either in the multitude of the Petitioners, or in their carriages, and demeanours: if a multitude13 finde themſelves agrieved, why it ſhould be a fault in them to expreſſe their grievances more than in one, or a few, I cannot ſee; nay, to me it ſeemes rather a reaſon that their Petitions ſhould be committed, and taken in­to ſerious conſideration, for thereby they may receive ſatisfaction, though all bee not granted that they deſire. But if wee ſhall throw their Petition behind the door, and refuſe to conſider it, that it may ſeeme an act of will in us. And whether an act of will in us, may not pro­duce an act of will in the people, I leave it to your con­ſideration. Sure I am, acts of will are more dangerous there than here, becauſe uſually they are more tumul­tuous. All Lawes are made, principally for the quiet and peace of a Kingdome; and a Law may be of ſuch indif­ferent nature many times, that it is a good reaſon to al­ter it, onely, becauſe a great number deſires it, if there were nothing elſe in it, and therefore I doe not ſee that the number of Petitioners is any good reaſon, why it ſhould not bee committed, but rather the contrary.

Now for their carriage, there came indeed, three or foure hundred of the 15000, ſome of the better ſort of them, and there might bee good reaſon for it. I have heard that there was brought a Petition to ſome privie Counſellours, with a thouſand hands to it, and being brought onely with ſixe men, they were anſwered, that they ſixe might write thoſe thouſand hands; if there were a thouſand that joyned in the Petition, why did they not come too? And we heard it objected but the other day, in this houſe againſt the Miniſters Petition, that there were indeed ſeven or eight hundred names to it, but two hands onely. Therefore it was not without cauſe, that a conſiderable number ſhould come with a Petition ſigned by ſo many; but for any diſorder in their carriage, I ſaw none; for upon an intimation in one word from this houſe, they forthwith retired to their dwellings. As for the ſubject matter of the Peti­tion,24 three exceptions are taken againſt it.

Firſt, that divers things are contemptible in it, as that about Ovid de Amore, ſet forth in Engliſh, and o­ther ſuch things.

Secondly, that in many things their diſcourſe was al­together irrationall, for that they argue from perſonall faults of Biſhops againſt the office it ſelfe of Biſhops, and in other things argue from effects that proceed from it by accident, as if they did flie out of it.

And in the laſt place, that their prayer and concluſion is bold and preſumptuous, deſiring ſo boldly an aboliti­on of ſtanding Lawes.

To the firſt I anſwer, that ſome things may ſeeme contemptible in themſelves, which are not ſo in their cauſes, nor in their effects, as the ſuffering of ſuch laſci­vious pamphlets to be printed and publiſhed, when o­ther profitable writings are ſuppreſſed, doth diſcover a principle, that looſeneſſe and prophaneſſe (which will helpe to bring in ſuperſtition) is more ſutable to their hierarchy than the contrary, which makes them con­nive at ſuch things as are apt to produce looſeneſſe and lewdneſſe, and this is no contemptible effect, nor doth it proceed from a contemptible cauſe.

In the next place, for that which ſeemes irrationall in the way of their diſcovery, divers things may ſeeme to bee perſonall faults, which indeed are derived unto the perſons from the office, or from the circumſtances thereof, I meane their revenues, and dignities on the one ſide, and the ceremonies on the other ſide. For moſt of the things complained of, as ſilencing, and thruſting out of godly and painfull Preachers, bringing in Innovations in Doctrine, and worſhip, and the like; although they may ſeeme perſonall and accidentall faults, yet if wee follow them to their laſt reſort, wee ſhall find that their worldly wealth and dignities ſtirre them up to doe this, that their ſole and arbitrary power25 over the Clergy, and in matter Eccleſiaſticall, enable them to effect it, and the ceremonies both new and old ſerve as inſtruments, and meanes, whereby they effect it.

In the laſt place, that their Prayer in the concluſion of their Petition, is bold or preſumptuous, I doe not ſee there is any reaſon ſo to eſteeme of it: for if they had taken upon them to have altered any thing upon their owne authority, or had imperiouſly required the Parliament to doe it, then it might deſerve ſuch a ſtile: but when they come as humble ſuppliants, by way of Petition, deſiring the altering of Lawes, that have been found burdenſome unto them, and that of the Parlia­ment, where, and wherein onely old lawes may bee repealed, and new Lawes may be made, they come in the right manner, to their right and proper place, and therefore have done nothing boldly, or preſumptuouſly, but orderly, and regularly, and therefore ought not to receive any check or diſcouragement in the way that they have taken.

Now Sir, concerning the government of the Church, by Arch-Biſhops, Biſhops, &c. which alſo hath beene ſpoken unto; whereas it is deſired, that the evills, and inconveniences ſhould be ſhewed which ariſe not from the perſons, but from the office it ſelfe of Biſhops, I ſhall apply my diſcourſe particularly to that poynt. But firſt, I ſhall crave leave to ſay a word or two, in an­ſwer to what hath beene alledged for the credit of the Government by Biſhops. Firſt, that it is as ancient as Chriſtian Religion, and that it hath continued ever ſince the time of Chriſt and his Apoſtles; as for this, I doe not pretend to have ſo much knowledge in anti­quity, as to confute this out of the Fathers and Eccleſia­ſticall Hiſtories; (although there are that undertake that) onely one ſentence I have often heard cited out of Saint Ierome, that in the Primitive times, Omnia26 communi Clericorum Concilio regebantur: and truely ſo farre as the Acts of the Apoſtles, and the New Teſta­ment goeth, which was the ancienteſt, and moſt pri­mitive time of Chriſtianity, I could never find there a­ny diſtinction betweene a Biſhop and a Presbyter, but that they were one and the very ſame thing. In the next place, that which is alledged for the credit of Epiſco­pacy, is, that our Reformers and Martyrs were many of them Biſhops, and practiſed many of thoſe things now complaied of; and that in other Reformed Churches whre Biſhops are not, they are deſired. For the Martyrs and Reformers of the Church that were Biſhops, I doe not underſtand that that was any part of their Refor­mation, nor of their Martyrdome; I have read, that whereas Ridley and Hooper had ſome difference be­tweene them in their life time about theſe things, when they came both to their martyrdome, he that had former­ly beene the Patron of this Hierarchy, and Ceremonies, told his brother, that therein his fooliſhneſſe had conten­ded with his wiſedome. As for that which is ſaid, that other Reformed Churches where they have not Biſhops, yet they are deſired, I will not deny but ſome among them may deſire Biſhopricks, I meane the Dignities and Re­venues of Biſhops, but that they deſire Biſhops as thin­king it the fitteſt and beſt Government of the Church, I cannot beleeve, for if they would have Biſhops, why doe they not make themſelves Biſhops? I know not what hindreth, why they might not have Biſhops when they would. In the laſt place, for that which is alledged in relation to the government of this Kingdome, that Bi­ſhops are ſo neceſſary, as that the King cannot well let them goe with the ſafety of Monarchy, and that if Biſhops bee taken away, Aſſemblies, or ſomething muſt come in the roome thereof. And if Kings ſhould bee ſubject thereunto, and ſhould happen to be excommunicated thereby, that af­ter they would bee little esteemed, or obeyed as Kings: for27 this, if it ſhall be cleared, as it is affirmed, or if any thing therein doe ſtrike at Monarchy, I ſhall never give my vote, nor conſent thereunto as long as I live. But to cleare that this is not ſo, I offer to your conſide­ration, that by the Law of this Land not onely all Ec­cleſiaſticall Juriſdiction, but alſo all ſuperiority, and preheminence over the Eccleſiaſticall ſtate, is annexed to the Imperiall Crowne of this Realme, and may bee granted by Commiſſion under the great ſeale, to ſuch perſons as his Majeſtie ſhall thinke meet: now, if the King ſhould grant it to a certaine number of Com­miſſioners, equall in authority, as hee may doe, this were an abolition of Epiſcopacy, and yet not diminu­tion of Monarchy; But the truth is, Epiſcopacy is a kind of Monarchy under a Monarchy, and is therein altoge­ther unlike the Civill Government under his Majeſtie: for the King being a common head over the Eccleſia­ſticall ſtate and the Civill, we ſhall finde that in the ex­erciſe of Civill Juriſdiction, in all Courts under his Majeſty, it is Ariſtocraticall, and placed in many, and not in one, as appeareth in this high Court of Parlia­ment, in the inferiour Courts of Weſtminſter Hall, and in the Sizes, and Seſſions in the Countrey, which are held by many Commiſſioners, and not onely by one, or his Deputies, and Commiſſaries, as it is in the exer­ciſe of Eccleſiaſticall government. As to the point of Excommunication, ſuppoſing that it did diſſolve naturall and civill bonds of duty, as it doth not, it might indeed be as terrible to Princes, as it is repreſented. But I rea­ſon thus, either Princes are ſubject to Excommunication, or they are not: if they bee not, then they need as little to feare a Presbyterie or an aſſembly, as a Biſhop in that re­ſpect; if they bee, they have as much to feare from Biſhops, at leaſtwiſe from Biſhops in their Convocations, as from Presbyters in their Aſſemblies; and ſo much the more, be­cauſe they have formerly felt the thunderbolts of thoſe of26〈1 page duplicate〉27〈1 page duplicate〉28that ſtampe, but never from this latter ſort. And now Sir, I proceede to repreſent unto you the evills, and inconveniences that doe proceede from the govern­ment and Ceremonies of the Church, and truely in my opinion, the chiefe and principall cauſe of all the e­vills which we have ſuffered, ſince the Reformation in this Church and State, hath proceeded from that diviſion which ſo unhappily hath ſprung up amongst us, about Church go­vernment, and the Ceremonies of the Church, and from which part in that diviſion, I beleeve, it will appeare in the particulars. I know well there is a great diviſion, and that upon great matters, betweene us and the Papiſts, and I am not ignorant that there have beene great and ſore breaches made upon our Civill Liberties, and the right of our proprieties.

But yet ſtill I returne to my former poſition, that the chiefe and moſt active cauſe hath proceeded from the Government and Ceremonies of the Church, and that thoſe other cauſes have either fallen into it, and ſo acted by it, or iſſued out of it, and ſo acted from it. As for Po­pery, I conceive that to have beene a cauſe that hath fallen into this, and acted by it; for at the Reformation it recei­ved ſuch a deadly wound by ſo many ſharpe Lawes ena­cted againſt it, that had it not beene enlivened by this diviſion amongſt us, it could never have had influence upon our Church and State to have troubled them, as this day wee feele; but finding that in this diviſion a­mongſt us, one party had need of ſome of their princi­palls to maintaine their Hierarchy, together with their worldly pompe and Ceremonies, which are appurtenan­ces thereunto; from hence they firſt conceived a ground of hope, and afterwards found meanes of ſucceſſe, to­wards the introducing againe of their ſuperſtition and Idolatry into this Realme; and they wrought ſo dili­gently upon this foundation, that they have advanced their building very farre, and how neare they were to29 ſet up the Roofe, I leave it to your conſideration. As for the evills which we have ſuffered in our civill liber­ty, and the right of our proprieties, J conceive they have proceeded out of this, and ſo acted from it; for if there had beene no breaches of Parliaments, there would have bin no need to have had recourſe unto thoſe broken Ciſternes, that can hold no water; but there being a ſtoppage of Parlamentary ſupplyes, that was an occaſion of letting in upon us ſuch an inundation of Monopolies, and other ille­gall taxes, and impoſitions, accompanyed with many other heavy and ſore breaches of our Liberties. Now there needed not to have beene any breaches of Parlia­ments, had there not beene ſomething diſliked in them, and what was that? it could not bee any of theſe civill matters that bred the firſt difference, for they have pro­ceeded out of it, therefore I conceive it was this: The Prelates with their adherents (the Papiſts alſo con­curring with them for their intereſt) did alwayes looke upon Parliaments with an evill eye, as no friends to their offices and functions, at leaſtwiſe to their Benefices and Dignities, and therefore (ſome of them having alwayes had the grace to bee too neare to the Princes eates) they have alwayes endeavoured to breed a diſ-affection in Kings from Parliaments, as the Preſſe and Pulpit doe a­bundantly witneſſe, and Ballads too, made by ſome of them upon the breaches of Parliaments. But wee have a freſh and bleeding inſtance of this in the confirmation in his Majeſties name, which they procured to be prefixed be­fore their new Booke of Canons, wherein they have endeavoured to make this impreſſion upon his Maje­ſties Royall minde, that the Authors and Fomenters of the jealouſie in reſpect of the new Rites and Ceremonies lately introduced into the Church, which wee call innova­tions, did ſtrike at his Royall perſon, as if hee were per­verted in his Religion, and did worſhip God in a ſuperstiti­ous way, and intended to bring in ſome Innovation in30 matter of Religion. Now Sir, who are the authors of thoſe jealouſies? did they not come as complaints in the Petitions from the bodies of ſeverall Counties the laſt Parliament, and from more this preſent Parliament? and who were the fomenters of thoſe jealouſies? did not the generall ſence of the laſt Parliament concurre in it, that they were Innovations, and that they were ſuſpitions, as introductory to ſuperſtition? Nay, I appeale to all thoſe that hear me, which are drawn from al parts of the Kingdom, whether this be not the generall ſence of the greateſt and moſt conſiderable part of the whole Kingdom? I beſeech you then to conſider, what kind Offices theſe men have done between the King and the Parlament, between the King and Kingdom, I ſpeak of the greateſt and moſt conſiderable pars, as giving denomination to the whole. And now Sir, as we have caſt our eye backwards, if wee will looke forwards, how doe the clouds thicken upon us, and what diſtractions, yea what dangers doe they threaten us withall, proceeding ſtill from the ſame root of Church Government and Ceremonies? and true­ly as things now ſtand, I ſee but two wayes, the one of Deſtruction, the other of Satisfaction; Destruction I meane of the oppoſite partie to the Biſhops, and the Ceremonies, and reducing of all to Canonicall obedi­ence, by faire meanes or by foule: this way hath beene al­ready tryed, and what effect it hath brought forth in our neighbour kingdome, wee well know, and it is like to pro­duce no very good effect in this Kingdome, if mens ſcru­ples and reaſons in that behalfe ſhall bee onely anſwered with Priſons, and Pillories, and hard Cenſures, that I may ſpeake most ſoftly of them. I hold therefore, that the other way of ſatisfaction is the ſafeſt, the eaſieſt, and the onely way. And that is to take into conſideration, the ſe­verall heads of the evills, which are cauſes of theſe com­plaints, and to finde out, and apply the proper remedies thereunto. For the furtherance whereof, I ſhall make31 bold with your patience (which I am very unwilling to tire, but muſt tire my owne Conſcience if I ſhould not diſcharge it upon this occaſion) to repreſent a briefe Modell of the ſeverall heads and ſprings from whence the evills, which are cauſes of theſe complaints, doe naturally or occaſionally ariſe. The evils complai­ned of, doe either ariſe from perſons, or from things; thoſe faults that are perſonall are beſides the poynt that I intend to ſpeake to, there is one onely remedy for them, that is, by puniſhment and removall of ſuch per­ſons, and the putting of better in their roome. As for thoſe evills which proceed from things, they alſo are remedied by a removall of ſuch things as are e­vill, and the putting of better in their roome; the evills and inconveniences of this kinde doe princi­pally flow, either from the Clergies Offices and functi­ons, or from their Benefices and Dignities; thoſe that ariſe from their Offices and functions, doe ariſe natu­rally either from the Lawes and Conſtitutions where­by, and according to which they exerciſe their Offices and functions, or from the Government it ſelfe, where­in they exerciſe thoſe functions. The faults that I note in the Eccleſiaſticall Lawes are, that they hold too much of the Civill Law, and too much of the Cere­moniall Law: Of the Civill Law, in reſpect of all thoſe Titles concerning Wills, and Legacies, tithes, marriages, adulteries, which all belonging to the Civill juriſdiction, and are no more of ſpirituall conſi­deration, than rapes, thefts, fellonies, or treaſons may bee. Sir, it is good that every bird ſhould have his owne feather, and I remember when one came to our Saviour Chriſt, to deſire him that hee would cauſe his Brother to divide the inheritance with him, hee asked him; who made him a Iudge of ſuch things: and may not we aske, who made them that take themſelves to bee ſucceſſours of Chriſt and his Apoſtles, Judges of ſuch32 things? Many inconveniences ariſe from hence; Firſt that the mindes of Clergie men are inured unto Ci­vill Dominion, and to meddle with civill matters. Se­condly, the manner of their proceedings, is turned from a Spirituall way into the faſhion of Proceſſes in Temporall Courts. And laſtly, which is worſt of all, by this meanes the Spiiuall Sword comes to bee unſheathed about ſuch things as doe not at all fall under the ſtroake thereof. Ma­ny are excommunicated for Pigges, Apples, and Nuts, and ſuch like things. But the other fault which I noted in the Eccleſiaſticall Lawes and Conſtitutions, pin­cheth us more, which is, that they hold too much of the Ceremoniall Law.

And here Mr. Speaker, give me leave to lament the condition of this our Church of England, beyond that of all other reformed Churches. A certaine number of Ceremonies in the judgement of ſome men unlaw­full, and to bee rejected of all Churches, in the judge­ment of all other reformed Churches to bee rejected by them, and in the judgement of our owne Churches, but indifferent Ceremonies: and yet what difference? yea, what diſtractions have theſe indifferent Ceremo­nies raiſed among us? What hath deprived us of ſo ma­ny faithfull, able, and godly Miniſters ſince the Refor­mation, as able and as fit in all other reſpects to diſ­charge that function, as any age ever produced in the Chriſtian Word ſince the time of the Apoſtles, I ſay what hath deprived us of them, but theſe indifferent Ceremonies? What hath deprived us of ſo many thou­ſand Chriſtians which deſired (and in all other re­ſpects deſerved) to hold communion with us; I ſay, what hath deprived us of them, and ſcattered them in­to I know not what places and corners of the World, but theſe indifferent Ceremonies? What hath cauſed ſo many hard cenſures, and harder executions, but theſe indifferent Ceremonies? What hath occaſioned thoſe ca­lamities33 and dangers, which we feele, and which wee feare, but thoſe indifferent Ceremonies? I ſhall ſay no more of them, but I pray God that now at length it may pleaſe his Majeſty with thhis great Councell of Parlia­ment, to take a view of them, and if there be a neceſsity to retaine them, let them be retained; but if not, then let us remove them, before they ruine us. As to the evills and inconveniences that ariſe out of the government it ſelfe, I ſhould have noted ſomething amiſſe, as well in the legiſlative part, as in the executive part, but in the for­mer I am prevented, by what hath beene already vo­ted concerning the Power of making Canons: which votes if they bee brought to perfection, they will ſet us right in great part, in that reſpect; for ſurely, before the power was neither in the hands of ſuch as were re­preſentative of that which is truely the Church of Eng­land, nor yet in the hands of thoſe that were truely re­preſentative of the Clergy of England, if they were the whole Church, as indeed they are not. As to the executive part, which conſiſteth in the exerciſe of Ec­cleſiaſticall Juriſdiction, therein I note alſo two diſorders, Confuſion, and Corruption; Confuſion of the Spirituall Sword with the Temporall; Lay­men ſtrike with the Spirituall ſword, and Spirituall men with the Temporall ſword: nay, out of the ſame mouth, and at the ſame time proceedeth an Ex­communication, and a fine, or commitment, or both: I will not ſay poſitively, that it is unlawfull for Clergie-men to exerciſe civill juriſdiction, becauſe I know it is a queſtion, but yet ſuch a queſtion as hath bin determined by divers Canons of generall Councels, and by ſome that were made in Synods of the Church of England, that it is unlawfull, and that upon grounds which are not contemptible.

As firſt, that it is contrary to the precept and practice of Chriſt and his Apoſtles. And ſecondly, That it is not34 poſſible for one man to diſcharge two Functions, whereof either is ſufficient to imploy the whole man, eſpecially that of the Miniſtery ſo great, that they ought not to entangle themſelves with the affaires of this world. A third ground not ſo well obſerved generally, as in one part thereof, is this, That Miniſters of the Goſpell, being ſent eſpecially to gaine the Soules of men, they are to gaine as great in­tereſt as poſſible may be, in their minds and affections: Now we know that the nature of all men is ſuch, that they are apt to think hardly of thoſe that are any Authors of their pain and puniſhment, although it bee in a way of Iuſtice, and therefore as it is well knowne, that Clergy men are not to be preſent in judicio ſanguinis; ſo the ſame reaſon extends it ſelfe to the adminiſtration of all Civill juriſdiction, and therefore we may obſerve that our Saviour Chriſt, as hee alwayes rejected all Civill judicature, ſo on the other ſide, he went up and downe healing mens bodies, and other­wiſe doing good to their outward eſtate, that his Doctrine might have a freer and fairer paſſage into their Soules. For the corruption that I ſpoke of in the exerciſe of Eccle­ſiaſticall juriſdiction, I doe not meane any perſonall cor­ruption, but a deviation or aberration from the preſcript of the Divine Rule: And though it bee not eaſie to finde what that is in all particulars, yet it is not hard to ſay, what it is not, and that I doubt may prove our caſe indivors things. Eccleſiaſtical Juriſdiction we know extendes either to the Clergy onely, and conſiſteth in the Ordination, Admiſſion, Suſpenſion, and deprivation of them, or elſe it extendeth to the whole Church, and conſiſteth in Excommunication and Abſolution. As to the Ordi­nation, Admiſſion, Suſpenſion, and Deprivation of Miniſters; we ſee how it is wholy at the pleaſure of one man, and that of one man proceeding in a manner Arbi­trarily, and that of one man whoſe intereſt is concerned in it, that the doore ſhall be ſhut againſt able and painful preaching Miniſters, and a wide doore ſet open to ſuch35 as are unable, and unfit for that function: many and great and dangerous evills ariſe from hence. As firſt, that there is a conſtant bate and fewd between the Eccleſiaſti­call State and the Civill, betweene Prelates and Par­liaments, betweene the Canon Law and the Common Law, betweene the Clergy and the Common-wealth, ariſing from the Diſproportion and Diſſimilitude which is betweene the Civill and Eccleſiaſticall Government, however it may ſeeme to ſome to agree well enough, but the truth is, if we conſider his Majeſty as the Common­head over the Eccleſiaſticall State, as well as the Civill, wee ſhall finde that in the exerciſe of all Civill juriſdiction, in all Courts under his Majeſty, the power is not in any one, or his Deputies and Commiſſaries, as it is in the Eccleſiaſticall Government, in the ſeverall Dioceſſes throughout this Kingdome: If wee looke firſt upon the Higheſt and greateſt Court, the High Court of Parlia­ment, wee know that is a Councell, and a great Councell too. In like manner, in the inferiour Courts of Weſt­minſter-Hal, there are many Judges in the point of Law, and more in matter of Fact, wherein every man is judged by twelve of equall condition unto him, (I meane the Juries,) which are Iudges of the Fact, both in cauſes Civill and Criminall. And if we look into the Country, we ſhall find the Seſſions and Aſſizes, and other Courts, held not by any one, but by divers Commiſſioners. And in ſhort, in the Civill Government, every man from the greateſt to the leaſt, hath ſome ſhare in the Government according to the Proportion of his Intereſt in the Com­mon-wealth: But in the Government of the Church, all is in the hands of one Man, in the ſeverall Dioceſſes, or of his Chancellors, or Commiſſaries, and he exacts Ca­nonicall Obedience, to his Pontificall Commands, with a totall Excluſion of thoſe that notwithſtanding have as much ſhare in the Church, and conſequently as much In­tereſt in the Government of it, as they have in that of the36 Common-wealth. (Sir) untill the Eccleſiaſticall go­vernment be framed ſomething of another twiſt, and be more aſſimilated unto that of the Common-wealth, I feare the Eccleſiaſticall government will bee no good neighbour unto the Civill, but will be ſtill a caſting in of its leaven into it, to reduce that alſo to a ſole, abſolute, and arbitrary way of proceeding: And herein (Sir) I doe not beleeve, that I utter Propheſies, but what wee have already found and felt.

A ſecond, and that a great evill, and of dangerous conſequence, in this ſole and arbitrary power of Bi­ſhops over their Clergy, is this, that they have by that meanes, a power to place, and diſplace the whole Cler­gy of their Dioceſſe at their pleaſure: and this is ſuch a power, as for my part, I had rather they had the like power over the Eſtate and perſons of all within their Dioceſſe; for if I hold the one, but at the will and plea­ſure of one man, (I meane the Miniſtery under which I muſt live) I can have but little, or at leaſt no certain joy nor comfort in the other. But this is not all, for if they have ſuch a power to mould the Clergy of their Dioceſſes, according to their pleaſure, wee know what an Influence they may have by them upon the peo­ple, & that in a ſhort time they may bring them to ſuch blindneſſe, and ſo mould them alſo to their owne wills, as that they may bring in what Religion they pleaſe: nay, having put out our eyes, as the