PRIMS Full-text transcription (HTML)

Good Engliſh: Or, Certain REASONS Pointing out the ſafeſt way of Settlement in this KINGDOM; Drawne from the nature of the Aims and Jntereſts of the ſeverall Parties ingaged; and as the Caſe now ſtands, this ſecond day of MAY. 1648.

A Peece of ſerious obſervation, wherein the ſecrets of every Party, as they ſtand in a probability of Complyance, or Oppo­ſition to His Majeſty, are fully diſcovered.

Seneca in Hercule fur:
Proſperum ac foelix ſcelus,
Virtus vecatur. Sontibus parent boni.
Ius eſt in armis. Quaritur belli exitus,
Non Cauſa: Nunc pereat omnis memoria,
Et victor arma ponat, & victum decet
Deponere Odia.

Printed in the Yeere 1648.

To the Lord Generall Fairfax.

My Lord,

THis plaine Pamphlet was written partly for your ſake, and thoſe under your Command, that you may at length conſider what neceſſitie lies upon you, to ſecure your ſelves, and ſettle this Kingdom by an humble, honorable, and ſpeedy reconcilement with His Majeſty. Know this, that what I have written here, is written couragiouſly, and without reſpect of Perſons: And becauſe the truth of it is of ſo univerſall concernment, that it requires the per­uſall of all ſores of men within the Kingdome, I have ſent it abroad in a more homely ſtile than uſuall, that it may find entertainment in the meaneſt capacities.

The reaſon that induced me to make this Addreſſe unto your Lordſhip is, becauſe it aimes principally at your Inte­reſt, who are the Captaine of that Army, which hitherto hath lengthened our miſeries by breach of Faith with the King, and Kingdom: And though I am apt to believe (as well as others) that you had the leaſt ſhare in that odious and abominable deſigne of impriſoning our Soveraigne; yet the world knowes you may (if you pleaſe) and is almoſt perſwaded you will, become the happy inſtrument of his deliverance. It is the humor of our owne and other Nations to talke, as if the Military Affaires were ſwayed wholly by your Lievtenant-Generall. I cannot tell how farre he and his potent Party may have wrought upon you heretofore by ſpecious Arguments, or preſumed to act many Extrava­gancies at ſuch a time when you could not ſafely oppoſe them; but this I aſſuredly know, that they are all laid upon your ſcore, and that now is the time wherein you may quit ſcores, and become your ſelfe, who of your ſelfe (I am con­fident) are indued with ſuch excellent principles of honor, reaſon, and reſolution, that you cannot but doe like your ſelfe, having ſo faire an oportunity.

Nor is it may opinion only, but the hope and perſwaſion of many gallant men, which yet retaine ſome thoughts of honor concerning you, for your bravery and civility in your Conqueſts. Oh, let not the memory of them (which may be applauded in after-times, though not for the Cauſe, yet for the gallant performance) be obliterated by ſiniſter and prodigious undertakings! Remember that you ſtand in the rank of Nobility, and may tranſmit this honor with the ad­dition of greater, unto your Poſterity; acquit then your ſelf nobly, and let not the fountain from whence you derived your honor, be thus prophaned, and vilified by the very filth of the people. Conſider the miſeries that muſt fall upon your Country, by an Army of hungry Strangers now ready to invade us: Imagine that the eyes of the Nation are up­on you, as one that may prevent all, or at leaſt ſhorten their abode here, by uniting with his Majeſtie. Baniſh that accurſed Principle of not truſting an injured Prince, which becomes none but implacable and incorrigible Trai­tors. See that ſuch Terms be propounded unto him, that may not claſh either with his Conſcience or Honor, that it may appear unto all men, you deſire Peace at his hands, who is the moſt peaceable, pious, gracious Prince living. But if you entertain other Counſells, know that you will be look'd on by the people, as the cauſe of all thoſe deſolations which ſhall befall them; and the time of Revenge will come, (from above) wherein you ſhall with ſorrow, confeſſe your neglect of this honeſt Advice, given from a private hand, that would thinke it an honor to kiſſe yours, if your Lord­ſhip pleaſe firſt to kiſſe Majeſtie's, upon juſt and honorable con­ditions.


Good Engliſh: OR, Certaine Reaſons pointing out the ſafeſt way of ſettlement in this Kingdome.Drawne from the nature of the aimes, and Intereſts of the ſeverall parties ingaged; and as the caſe now ſtands, this ſecond day of May, 1648.

Firſt, by reaſons drawne from the Intereſt of the Royall Epiſcopall Party.

HIs Majeſty muſt owe the ruine of his affaires, to the emu­lation of his Superior Officers, and the ſecurity and intem­perance of the Inferiour. The Houſes (though Conquerors) muſt attribute the great deficiency and inſtability of their affaires, to private Intereſt and Faction; the very Twins of all popu­lar ingagements.

The Factions are divided into theſe two notions, Preſbyterian, and Independent; both of them humours inconſiſtent with the true temper of the Body Politique of England: And they may fitly be compared unto two poyſons of a contrary quality, which maintai­ning a war within the Body naturall, vex it with many dire ſymptoms, to the diſturbance of the whole Oeconomy; and never reſt, till being evacuated by ſome ſtrong Purger, or elſe tired out by re-action, the ſtrife ends: And ſo nature recovering her firſt vigor, reduces the Body into its former ſtate.

Such as the event in this caſe, is in the body of man, the like may we expect at length, to be the iſſue of theſe counter-workings of the two venemous Factions, within the bowells of this Land. For, it muſt needs be, either that in long running they will tire out each other; or elſe the Conſtitutions of the people not being a­ble to beare them any longer, they may at laſt be vomited out of the Nation. But rather than the Kingdom ſhould be tormented, in expectation of the iſſue of ſo pernicious a Conflict betwixt thoſe two extremes, it were convenient, his Majeſty, as a third party,5 ſhould ſpeedily clap in, to ballance the one againſt the other, or elſe conquer both; there being but theſe two wayes to end the Controverſie.

Touching the Conqueſt of both (though it be the fartheſt way about) he hath one maine advantage which may carry him through with the work; and that is the large Empire which he yet holds in the hearts of his people, which is exceedingly confirmed and dai­ly augmented, by reaſon of thoſe intolerable burthens that lie upon them; the ſenſe whereof makes them looke upon the King, as their companion in miſery, and on the two Factions, as the Fountaines from whence all theſe evills flow.

As for Foraine aids, it is confeſſed, the Affairs of Chriſtendom are at this time ſo diſpoſed, and every Potentate ſo exhauſted, or inga­ged, that ſome want leiſure; others, ability to aſſiſt him: And o­thers that have both ability, and leiſure, yet refraine out of ſome particular Reaſons of State. The Spaniard hath his hands full every way, and hath more cauſe to ſeeke to repaire himſelfe, than aſſiſt others: The French are his Invaders; the Portugalls, Revolters; and the Neapolitans, Rebells.

The French are buſie in maintaining what they have gotten, and ſeeking after more: But if they were at leiſure, little might be ex­pected from them, unleſſe it were to foment our differences, and as they firſt helped to unſettle us, ſo ſtill to keep us from ſetling, that England (which is the ballancing power of Europe, and her King Arbiter orbis Christiani, the Arbitrator in all differences of Chriſtendome) being broken by her owne ſtrength at home, might have none to ſpend abroad, to hinder that prodigious deſign, where­in the late ſucceſſes of the French have heightned them to become Rivalls and Competitors with the Spaniard, for an Ʋniverſall Mo­narchy.

Denmark hath enough to do in repairing thoſe ruines, which were brought on them by the late Swediſh Incurſions.

The Hollanders eſteem it a ſafe way to conform themſelves e­ver to the prevailing party in England, ſeeing they have a great part of their livelyhood by Indulgence from the Engliſh Nation: More­over, though at firſt they eſteemed the Match of the Prince of O­range with the eldeſt daughter of England, as a matter of much honour; yet now they look upon it as a buſineſſe that in time may prove of ill conſequence; fearing ſo great an alliance might diſ­poſe the Prince to aſpire, and eſtabliſh a greater Interest of his own, than is meet for a Member of a Republike, if Monarchy were at its6 height againe in England. And, further many among the Dutch, ſuppoſing that the Grandees here aime at the ſame forme of Go­vernment with themſelves, doe flatter themſelves in conceit, that ſuch a neighbourhood would be willing to admit of a nearer friend­ſhip and complication of Intereſts, than can be hoped for from a Monarchy, though there be farre more reaſon to ſuſpect the con­trary.

So that wee ſee how little his Majeſty may expect from any of his Neighbors: And truly, it is no ſmall part of our happineſſe in the midſt of theſe diſtractions, that we have had, and are like to have, ſo little of their Company.

The hopes then of his Majeſties reſtitution being wholly founded upon the affections of his People, and bounded within his owne Dominions, let us take a view of each within their ſtation. The Scots ſeem to bee divided among themſelves; ſome pretend abſolutely for his Majeſty; others, only upon condition of ſigning the Cove­nant &c. In Ireland a Ceſſation will open a way for ſupplies out of that Kingdome. In Wales, they are in arms already for his Majeſty, and all the Royall Party in England wait but for an Oportunity in the ſame way, to free themſelves from their preſent vaſſalage, under the power of the Independent party in the Houſes; wherein likewiſe the Preſbyterian party are as much concerned as any, ſeeing the other of Brethren, are become their bitter enemies, and would ſhew them as little courteſie, as others, were it not to ſtop the mouthes of their leading men at home, and in hope to work upon the prime Preſbyters in Scotland.

What the Refult of the Scotiſh reſolutions will be, is yet not certainly knowne. If the pretending royall party there carry an In­gagement ſimply for the King, no doubt but the Royalliſts here joyning with them, they may finiſh the work by ſubduing both the Factions: But if they bring in a mixt Ingagement, for the King and the Covenant (which we have great cauſe to fear,) I conceive the Royalliſts ought not to joyne with them, but to expect and indea­vour a Cloſe with the Independent party; who will be forced for their owne ſafety, to wave their high-flowne Reſolutions, and be­think themſelves of a Complyance with his Majeſty; which ought rather to be ſought after and imbraced (as leſſe dangerous to the royall Prerogative) than a cloſe with the Preſbyterian.

Touching the probabilitv and conveniency of a Complyance be­twixt his Majesty and the Independent party, in caſe the Scots ingage for Presbyterie, I ſhall endeavour to fortifie my opinion by unde­niable7 Reaſons: But firſt give me leave to manifeſt the great dan­ger of cloſing with the Preſbyterian Party, though accompanied with never ſo many ſpecious pretences.

That a Scotiſh Ingaging for the Covenant (reſolved on, as it ſeems) will be clearly deſtructive to Monarchicall Intereſt, I ſhall prove in ſeverall particulars. Firſt, becauſe they aim thereby at the introduction of Preſbyterie, and the over-turning of Epiſcopacy, the maine pillar of Monarchy, as it hath ever been eſteemed in this Nation. And therefore it was, that all the Kings of England, from time to time, have ſo willingly ſworne, to grant and to preſerve unto the Biſhops, and to the Churches commited to their Charge, all Canoni­call privileges, and due Law and Juſtice, and to protect and defend them &c. And King JAMES, who had long experience of the ſad effects of the alteration of that Government in the Church of Scotland, was ſo fully convinced of the neare relation betwixt Epiſcopacie and Monarchy, that hee left this for a ſure Aphoriſm to his Poſterity, No BISHOP No KING. For, it having been of ſo long continuance here, and deeply rooted in the Lawes of this Kingdom, it muſt needs be that a change in the one, will work an alteration in the other.

Secondly, The Truth hereof was ſo well knowne to the Maſter­builders of this Reformation, whoſe Aime appears now to have been ab origine (how contrary ſoever their Pretences were) for an alte­ration of the civill government; that they firſt began their work with pulling downe of Epiſcopacie, that in the ruines thereof they might lay the foundation of their new deſigne.

Thirdly, It is very apparent of what ill conſequence, the extirpation of Epiſcopacie will be to his Majeſty, ſeeing it is a meanes to clip the Crowne of a very conſiderable part of its Revenues, which by the Lawes of the Land, are annexed thereunto; as the collation of Biſhop­ricks and Deaneries; the firſt fruits and profits of their Lands and Revenues, during their vacancies; the firſt fruits and yearly Tenths out of all Eccleſiasticall Promotions; and ſundry other privileges, profits, and emoluments, ariſing out of the State Eccleſiaſticall.

Fourthly, to ingage for Preſbytery, is to indeavour the intro­ducing of a Democraticall form of Government, which is directly incompatible with a Monarchy; and as it cannot ſtand with the power of our government, ſo it withſtands the Honour of our Go­verner, debaſing the Majeſty of Monarchy into a popular parity, with­out reſpect of his moſt ſacred Perſon.

Fifthly, by ingaging for Preſbyterie, they labor to erect a power in the State Eccleſiaſticall diſtinct from that of the Civill: for it is a8 Maxim among all Preſbyters, and we find it pleaded for at large in the Confeſſion of Faith agreed upon by the Aſſembly at Weſtminſter (which as yet the Houſes have been more wiſe than to confirme) that there ought to be a power in the Church diſtinct from that of the Civill: which Tenet of diſtinction muſt bee the ſame in effect with that of the Church of Rome's ſupremacy; ſeeing, thoſe which now plead for a power without the Ci­vill, will not bee long before they arrive to ſuch a height of preſum­ption, as to act above it, or againſt it, in purſuance of their own deſignes. It will be a hard matter to keep ſuch a Governmeut within its limits, in a­ny Common-wealth, and therefore with much difficulty will it ſubmit to bee governed by a free Monarchy; eſpecially a Democracie of this new Nature, which makes the ſame Perſons civill Subjects, and eccleſiaſticall Superiors.

Sixthly, it is not like that Preſbyterie ſhould prove the Mother of Peace, conſidering that ſhee was born the Daughter of ſedition, and hath ever ſince been nurſed up by Tumults and Rebellion. For, Geneva was the Land of her Nativity, where M. Calvin was her Father; and no doubt, conſidering the ſtate of thoſe Affairs & conditions of men, among whom hee was converſant, it was a commendable invention, and very neceſſa­ry for bridling the tumultuous Humors in a free City; And ſo far we may beleeve hee intended it, yeelding to a popular Parity, and not as an uni­verſall perpetuall form of government for all reformed Churches.

Seventhly, it is obſervable, that this ill weed hath growne in none but popular gardens, in ſome parts of France and Germany, till ſome ſeditious Planters and Waterers, cauſed it to ſpring up among the Thistles of Scot­land: And of what ſad conſequence it hath proved to Monarchicall government in that Kingdom, let the world judge: For, the Foundation of it was laid in the ruine of our King's Grandmother, and the ſuperſtru­cture continued, to the perpetuall diſcontent and vexation of his Father, till hee was moſt happily poſſeſſed of the Crown of England; Nor could hee have been ſecure here, but that by his great wiſedom hee ſtaved it off: And now at length, the Faction having with great ſubtilty gotten foot­ing in this Kingdom, wee ſee at this day, how faire a ſtroke it hath given toward the ruine of his Son, our moſt gracious Soveraigne, and his whole Poſterity. For, though he languiſh now under the power of the other Fa­ction, yet the firſt deſigne of war was laid in and by Preſbyterie, and his Majesty ſuffered Reſtraint firſt under the Preſbyterian power; whoſe au­dacious carriage toward his Perſon, in hope to tire him out of his noble principles, taught others ſo much impudence, as to endeavour to ſerve their ends upon him, by a cloſe impriſonment.

Eightly, ſeeing His Majeſty is reſolved to keep ſo cloſe to his Prin­ciples, (as is well knowne unto all the world) that he will never yeeld9 to the extirpation of Biſhops, what then may we expect from a Preſby­teriall Ingagement, but that when they have made uſe of the King's Name to quell the Independent Faction, as the Independent did to quell them, they will upon his Majeſties refuſall of their demands, (which he hath ever declared to be againſt his conſcience and honor) returne a­gaine to their old vomi, and either keep his Majeſty in the ſame con­dition he now is, or worſe, till they can ſettle themſelves and their pernicious Preſbytery, paſt all hope of remedy? And then (perhaps) he ſhall be called out of priſon to be manacled in his Throne, as his Father was in Scotland, who could never act, but when they pleaſed to let him; and then onely according to their Directory of Kirk and State.

From hence (I conceive) we may poſitively and plainely affirme, that the Iſſue of a Preſbyterian Ingagement (though uſher'd in with never ſo many ſpecious pretences for his Majesty) will be utterly deſtructive to the Royall Interest of this Kingdom: And therefore if the Scots come in upon ſuch termes, the Royall Party ought not to ingage with them, nor to countenance them, but to expect, and indeavour a Complyance with the Independent, as I ſhall further illuſtrate by reaſon.

Firſt, though ſome may object that it cannot ſtand with his Majeſties Honor to comply with thoſe, that have already abuſed his inclination in that particular: yet if they duly conſider, what urgencie lies at pre­ſent upon his Majeſty, and how little hope there is of any better way of reſtitution, they may conceive it far more politique to obey neceſſity, than ſtand upon nice Punctillo's of honor; which I muſt confeſſe a Prince in proſperity ought to have regard unto, ad conſervandam Maje­ſtatem Imperii; but if once he be trampled under the feet of fortune, ceremonious reſpects muſt be laid aſide, to Court the firſt Oportunity, which reaſon ſhall point out, for a deliverance.

Secondly, if it be objected, that the Independent party have a deſigne for alteration of government, I anſwer, ſo I believe the Presbyters have too; onely here is all the difference betwixt them, that the Independents would not have a King ſo much as in Name, the Scots Presbyters would have no more but the Name of a King: The one aimes downright at an Aristocraticall forme of Government; the other pretends to maintain Monarchicall Government, yet actually deſtroyes the very Principles of Monarchy. And as for the Independent, it is cleare by their impriſon­ing of the King, their declaring againſt him, and to ſettle the Kingdom without him, that they have had, and ſtill may continue a deſigne to change the Kingly Government, and (in plaine termes) declare them­ſelves Free Sates, if by any meanes they can allay the Scots: But there being little hopes of that, we may gueſſe how unable they are to main­taine their Station, having over-ſtrained the ſinews of the City, and the heart-ſtrings, of the Country; and ſo it is probable they will ſcarce be ſo hardy as to venture, to ſtand upon their ſingle leggs, againſt the ſtreame10 of a generall diſ-affection at home, and an invaſion by their oppoſite Facti­on from abroad; but may, when there is no hope of carrying on their deſigne any longer that way, retreat with moderation toward His Majeſty.

Thirdly, ſeeing it is dangerous, in caſe the Scots come in for Preſbyte­ry, that the Royall party ſhould ingage with them, it is all the reaſon in the world they ſhould with ſpeed indeavour an Agreement with the Independent: For, if Preſbytery receive a foile from the Independents, then they will undoubtedly be heightned with confidence to proſecute their deſigne againſt Monarchy, and (perhaps) in time attaine ſo much pow­er, as to eſtabliſh themſelves: And on the other ſide, if Independency re­ceive a foile from the Preſbyters, then Presbyteriall Government will uſurp over Monarchy; both which inconveniencies will be prevented by a timely cloſe with the Independent. For, there is no other way to re­eſtabliſh his Majeſty, unleſſe we ſuppoſe his Party able to carry it by force of Armes againſt both the Factions: which (if it were poſſible) cannot be effected without length of time, extreme difficulty, and the ſad conſequences of a Second War.

Fourthly, an Agreement with the Independent is the only way to hin­der a Second war. For, They being Poſſeſſed of all, or moſt of the places of ſtrength in this Kingdom, and back't beſides with an Army, it muſt needs bee, that an Ingaging againſt them, cannot be carried on to a Conqueſt, but through a Sea of Bloud, and a generall devaſtation: whereas an union betwixt them and his Majesty, contracted upon mode­rate, juſt, and equitable grounds, in relation to his Majesties Intereſts and due Rights, and the People's Birthright, will bee a meanes not only to prevent the afore-ſaid Miſcheife; but ſo quell the Preſbyterian Party in England, that they ſhall not bee able to countenance any Scotiſh de­ſignes: And ſo, if the Scots do attempt an Invaſion upon any Pretence whatſoever, the Warr will bee brought home to their owne dores.

Fifthly, ſeeing there is a neceſſity of ſome form, it is probable the Complyance will extend ſo far, as to let us have Biſhops again. And there is ſo much the more hope, in regard the Independents have not yet abſo­lutely agreed to the ſettling of any one particular way of Church-Go­vernment; the execution of all Ordinances hitherto in relation to Preſ­byterie, being permitted merely out of policie to pacifie that Faction for a time, and not out of any reſpect to the Government it ſelfe; which they looke upon as far more deſtructive to liberty, and which brings in ten thouſand ſuch Inconveniences and Preſſures, as are not incident in a well-regulated Epiſcopacy.

Sixthly, if it bee objected, that there is little hope of the Independents yielding to Biſhops, ſeeing they have been as deeply ingaged in the ſale of their Lands, as ever Presbyters were; it muſt bee conſidered, that what they have done in this kind of Robbery, was only (as their elder Brethren11 the Preſbyters, gave them example) in order to their Deſigne for alte­ration of Government; which now being forced to quit (as anon I ſhall prove) by invincible neceſſity, ſome other waies may and muſt bee taken for the ſatisfaction of the ſouldiery than by the Goods of the Church. And then likewiſe it will bee no hard matter to make our pur­chaſing Cormorants, to vomit up all their ſweet Sacrilegious Morſels.

Laſtly, though moſt of the Royall Party are rendred wholly averſe to a Cloſe with the Independent Party, as Perſons not to bee dealt with, by reaſon of their groſſe Juglings with his Majeſty; yet give me leave to ſay, that as their Ambition, avarice and over-weening confidence, were the cauſes of their declining thoſe faire Propoſals and Pretences of their firſt Ingagement, ſuppoſing that then they had an Oportunity to doe what they pleaſed; ſo now being deceived in their expectations, and having found by experience, that they are not able to go through with their Deſigne; and it being cleare alſo (as I ſhall manifeſt) that they have no hope of Safety, or, continuance in this Kingdom, but by a Cordiall Cloſe with his Majeſty, wee have little or no Cauſe to feare a ſecond Baffle upon ſophiſticall Pretences, in time to come; eſpecially if his Majestie's wiſdom bee laid in the Balance with their Neceſſity.

And ſo for theſe Reaſons I conceive, we may boldly affirm; that as the roy­all Party ought by no meanes to admit of an Ingagement with, or for Presbyterte (though ſet on foot with the faireſt Pretences:) ſo their true Intereſt at preſent is to ſeek, and imbrace a timely diſcreet Complyance with that Party Paramount of this Kingdom, which they call Independent.

II. Reaſons drawn from the Interest of the ruling Independent Party.

WHen firſt his Majeſty became a Priſoner to the Independent Par­ty, the Kingdom (as well as himſelfe) was filled with great hope of ſuch a mutuall Complyance betwixt him and them, as might uſher in the long-deſired ſettlement of this diſtracted Nation: Our expectations in this particular were exceedingly heightned by the many ſpecious De­clarations, Repreſentations, and Propoſalls, ſent abroad from the Army; which promiſed much, in relation to the juſt Rights of his Majeſty, and his Royall Posterity, and the true ſatisfaction of all Intereſts, as well as their owne; together with many glorious pretences of moderation toward thoſe of the Royall Party, and the eaſing of all burthens which lay upon the Subject.

Theſe were indeed moſt rich and glorious pretences: And without controverſie this way of Complyance was at that time their true Inetereſt, and had they proſecuted it according to their Propoſalls, they had laid a ſtable foundation of their owne and the Kingdoms future happineſſe. But they, forſaking the true paths which led to Peace, immediately fell a wandring from theſe Principles in ſuch an erroneous courſe, that as the wiſer ſort of men fore-ſaw, ſo themſelves now begin to feare and feele,12 the fatall conſequences of their wretched diſſimulation; which is like to bring no leſſe ſorrow upon the Ring-leaders of that Faction, than it hath done already upon their Fellow-Subjects, and their Soveraigne.

The Reaſons which induced them to deale ſo perfidiouſly with his Majesty, were (no doubt, as I mentioned before) Ambition and Avarice; as hath ſince appeared by their ſeizing all places of profit, in the hands of themſelves, and their Kindred, and Creatures: And alſo by their groſſe and palpable deſignings for a change of Monarchicall Government. Upon a Change (for certain) they were all reſolved; but what new form to introduce in the place of it, was unknowne, and is as yet at this day, even to the principall among themſelves. For, as the Cauſe at firſt was ſplit into the two Factions of Preſbyterian and Independent; ſo this of Independency is ſub-divided into that Party which is commonly called Independent, and the other Party, moſt rightly called Levellers. The Grandees of that Party commonly called Independent, are ſome of the ſuperior Officers of the Army, and Members of either Houſe; the greateſt part of whom are viſible in the State-Committee at Derby-houſe: And though when his Majesty was firſt impriſoned, they then pretended, and would ſtill ſeem, to be one in deſigne with the Levellers, yet time hath manifeſted their aim to be at an Ariſtocraticall Form of Govern­ment, and (in plaine terms) to declare themſelves and their ſelect Confe­derates FREE STATES.

The other Party called Levellers, conſiſt onely of ſome Colonells and Commanders of Inferiour Rank in the Army, with whom are joy­ned ſome few Members of the Commons Houſe, and a confuſed Rabble of Sectaries in the Army, City, and Suburbs, and ſome parts of the Coun­try. Their aime is at a Democraticall form of Government; inveſting the power wholly in the people: So that this wild Faction ex profeſſo, are enemies alike both to Monarchy and Optimacy, and will be governed neither by Kings, nor States.

Hence it was, that as ſoon as his Majesty was juggled away into the Iſle of Wight, the ſuperior Officers, in order to their State-deſigne, ſaw there was a neceſſity of cruſhing the Levellers Party, after that they had ſerved their ends upon them, by drawing them into an ingaging upon the ſame pretended common Principles with themſelves. And therefore their firſt work was with all ſpeed to diſſipate the Councell of the Army, contrary to their firſt ingagement, and ſurprize them with a new ingage­ment at Ware, deſtructive to the other at New-Market; whereinto the Souldiery were partly allured by ſoothings, and partly driven by terror, one of their fellow-ſouldiers being condemned for reſiſtance, by a Councell of Warre, and ſhot to death before their faces at the generall Rendezvous.

The Levellers Party being thus quell'd, there remained yet one Rub more in the way to this new STATE, and that was the Preſbyter Party:13 As for the Royall Party, they were cruſhed alreadie, undone for want of their Eſtates, or by unmeaſurable Compoſitions to regain them, and their King reduced to a forlorn deſpicable condition of impriſonment, ſo that it was preſumed, he or they could have little hope, or meanes to revive againe: There remained then onely the Gulph of Preſbytery to ſaile through to their deſired Haven.

They knew very well, that the Breaſts of the Preſbyterians boiled high with indignation and revenge againſt them, as their contrary Fa­ction, that had over-awed and ſubdued them by force and ſubtilty, to be­come poſſeſſors of what was once theirs, and ſhare in the glory of that new Government, which had been deſigned, and devoured in hope long before, by the Preſbyters: Therefore the Preſbyterian being a potent Fa­ction, by reaſon of the great interest it hath in the City of London, and their neare union with Scotland, and indeed the major Party in the Houſe on their ſide, if it were not over-awed; they judged it neceſſary to bethinke themſelves of ſome way to pacifie the Presbyterians. To this end they firſt fell to bribing of the grand Presbyterian-ſticklers in the Houſe, either with ſums of money in recompence of pretended loſſes, or of Arreares, or elſe with great Offices, which ſtaid their ſtomacks, and held the reſt of the Presbyters in ſuſpence, upon hope of the like in time according to their merits.

As for the Scots, it was with high confidence preſumed, that they might bee taken off upon good valuable Conſiderations; wherein the aſpiring States have not been wanting by prodigious Offers, though all will not prevaile.

As for the City, if after the pacifying of the Presbyterian in the Houſe, they could likewiſe have made ſure of the Scots connivence, the Presby­terian Party of Londoners muſt have fallen of courſe, as not able to ſtand out by themſelves.

And ſo here now we have a full view of the Deſigne of the preſent ruling Independent Party: For, if after they had cruſhed the Levellers, they could by any meanes have made ſure work with the Presbyters at home and in Scotland, then there had been nothing betwixt them and home, but his Majeſty and his posterity, who being all of them at their Diſpoſition and power, beſides the Prince, and hee not likely to receive much comfort by ſuccour from foraine Parts, I leave the world to judge, what ſhould have been the conſequence of their wretched deſigne.

But ſince it appeares (and themſelves are now perſwaded in their hearts,) that God hath otherwiſe determined concerning his ſacred Majeſty, and his numerous flouriſhing poſterity; ſeeing their laſt hopes faile them, and they begin to languiſh in the Cloſe of their Work, cer­tainly it is high time to retreat, before the Dore be bolted againſt all hope of Pacification; and it muſt needs bee their true Intereſt, to recall his Majeſty, to let him Treat with freedom, and bethink themſelves of14 ſome neceſſary expedients toward an honorable, equall, and perfect reconciliation; as the only meanes, of ſafety to Themſelves, comfort to their afflicted King, and peace to theſe diſtreſſed Kingdoms; which I ſhall indeavour to prove by ſtrength of Reaſon.

Firſt, though it bee a Maxim among godleſſe Stateſmen, never to truſt Princes whom they have highly offended: yet if the Independent Gran­dees ſhould have no other aſſurance upon Agreement, than his Majeſtie's bare word for their Jndempuity, I am confident they might truſt him; it being a knowne Principle ingrafted in his nature, not only by morall Impreſſion, but alſo by Chriſtian perſwaſion, to forgive thoſe that have perſecuted him, and diſpightfullyuſed him: For, undoubtedly, the whole Courſe of his life hath manifeſted him (if men would lay aſide their Splene, and but ſpeake their Conſciences) to bee of a moſt gracious inclination, equall to any of his Predeceſſors, and an exact patern of true Clemency to ſucceeding Generations.

Secondly, there is no doubt, but that upon Termes of Agreement, his Majesty will condeſcend to give any reall aſſurance for their ſecurity that ſhall in reaſon bee required; that is, ſo it extend not to the In­fringement of his juſt Rights and royall Prerogative: For, it muſt bee ever ſuppoſed, that where an Accommodation is intended betwixt ad­verſe Parties, there muſt bee a Condeſcenſion on both ſides, wherein the ordinary Principles of right Reaſon and Equity muſt bee the Rule: For, if either ſide keep to any one extreme, the old enmity will never want Fuell, and ſo the very Pretences of Accommodation will bee utterly de­ſtroyed, and end in more furious flames of Diſſenſion.

Thirdly, there is a neceſſity of their Complyance with his Majesty, be­cauſe the hatred of the People is ſo great, that if once they receive a Foile upon Battell; there is little poſſibility of recruiting, when the Hearts and purſes of both City and Country are ſhut againſt them: And therefore it were madnes for men to ſet their whole Stock at one Cast, and hazard the fortune of themſelves and Friends, upon the uncertain, chance of one ſingle Conflict; whereas wiſe men, before they pitch upon Enterprizes of ſo high a Nature, caſt about rather how to repaire them­ſelves upon occaſion of loſſe, than dream altogether of Ʋictory: For, ſuch a provident Jealouſy uſually leads men to fafety, whilſt the con­ſident imaginary proſperity of Fooles deſtroyes them.

Fourthly, None can have greater cauſe of Jealouſie touching the ſuc­ceſſe of their owne Affaires, than the preſent ruling Grandees now have: For, beſides the inſtability of their condition in reſpect of contrary Hu­mors and parties ready to ingage againſt them at home, it is viſible, that they will bee invaded from abroad. The Covenant-Faction of the Scots are concerned in point of Intereſt, to wage war againſt them, for the re­ſtoring of their party againe in England; and his Majeſties Party in Scotland will not (as indeed they ought not) ſtand neutrall: And15 though they have great hopes here, that the difference between his Majeſtie's Party and the Covenanters there, touching the Nature of an In­gagement againſt England, may riſe ſo high, as by buſying them againſt each other, to keep them from ingaging this way at all; yet rather than ſuffer things to remaine at this paſſe in England, it is evident they will ſuper­ſede all bandyings among themſelves, and conſider of ſome middle way, wherein to mannage their Counſels and reſolutions, to bee revenged up­on the Independent Uſurpers. Beſides, it is very obſervable, that the late falling away in Ireland, may from a ceſſation, proceed to a perfect Peace with the Iriſh, and then both joyne in one againſt the Houſes for the re­ſtoring of his Majeſty. In the mean time, the Ceſſation will make way for Supplyes & auxiliary Forces out of that Kingdom, to joyn with any diſcon­tented Party in this; where it is evident, that the People are ſo far exaſpe­rated, that they will joyne with the Scots, Iriſh; yea, or the Turk, upon hope of freeing themſelves & reſtoring their King, rather than continue in thraldom, at the will and pleaſure of their preſent Lords and Maſters.

Fifthly, though the Houſes have voted the ſending of Forces over to hold play with Inchiquin in Munſter, and ſo to divert his intentions from England; yet People are not ſo ſilly, but to ſee, they are ſo far unable to raiſe, or keep up an Army in that Country, that they want wherewithall to mainteine their owne in this. And moreover, they are now in ſo ill a condition to ſpare men, that they dare not part with any conſiderable peece of this Army to reduce the Welſh, for feare that if themſelves were left naked, they might be ſurprized unawares; knowing this, that there is no ſitting, without a powerfull Army to guard them; whereof they are not a little conſcious, as appeares by drawing up the major part of the Army, into Quarters, at a neare diſtance about the City.

Sixthly, as they have innumerable cauſes of fear from others, they wil find little ground of ſecurity even among themſelves: For, if we conſider the conſtitution of the Army, in the ſeveral parts of it, it appears to be an ag­gregate of differing intereſts, opinions, & perſwaſions; among whom the Gran­dees have the leſſe numerous party, being over-ballanced by the Levellers, and others of the inferior Officers & private Souldiers, whom we may rec­kon as men of fortune, who continue in the Army, not out of any devo­tion or affection to the Cauſe, but only for ſubſiſtence, & therefore being rather affectionated to his Majeſty, will be ready (as they receive opor­tunity) to ſhew themſelves in his ſervice. And as for the Levellers, though all the induſtry in the world be uſed, to pacifie them from the remem­brance of former injuries, and draw them in to a conjunction with the Grandees, againſt the King, and the Scots; yet it is probable they will ne­ver ſell their bloud and fellow-ſubjects at ſo vile a rate, as to purchaſe a ſure dominion for ſuch tyrannicall Masters; who, when they have help't them to do the work, will be ready (as they did before) to cruſh them, and pay them their wages, with perpetuall ſlavery.


Seventhly, their Party is very inconſiderable at Weſtminſter, the Houſe being no longer theirs, than whileſt they over-awe it by force, as them­ſelves well know: ſo that if it happen, the Scots come in, the Preſbyteri­an party being once back't with an Army, will ſoon out-vote them. And then the time will come on, wherein they ſhall be called to an accompt for all their forcible attempts upon the Houſes and the city; and thoſe Members that went and joyned with them therein, bee brought upon the ſtage for breach of truſt, and have the ſhame of high-Treaſon retort­ed upon themſelves, and their Auguſt-Ingagement.

Eighthly, by a timely agreement, they may ſettle an Intereſt with his Majeſty, to make themſelves certainly great; foraſmuch as it is poſſible both their Intereſts may ſtand together (with diſcretion) entire, by the reſtitution of Biſhops, and upon aſſurance given for liberty of conſcience, within ſober limits.

Laſtly, his Majeſty is the very baſis of peace, and the balancing power to all Parties in this Kingdom, and without him no ſettlement can be ex­pected; and with whatſoever ſide he joynes, that will aſſuredly prevaile. To manifeſt the truth thereof, let it be remembred of what concern­ment his complyance was to the Independents, in ſubduing their oppoſite Faction both in the Houſes and the city, while he reſided among them in the Army. And as by this meanes, at that time, they advanced themſelves to the height of fortune; ſo now that they are, in the eyes of all the world, in a declining condition, they may (if they pleaſe) give a check to the triumph of their Preſbyterian adverſaries, by applying themſelves more cordially and ſincerely to the ſame way of complyance with his Majeſty. This wil be a means to oblige him, and his Party ſo far that all injuries be­ing buried in oblivion, the people gladded by the return of a long deſired peace, the old enmity and malice will be ſoon abated, and the Royall Party and themſelves ſtrengthened in one, by an addition of the whole Body of the Nobility, Gentry and Commonalty, againſt all Preſbyterian incroach­ments, either within, or without the Kingdom.

From all which we may ſum up this concluſion; that as his Majeſty is obliged in point of intereſt to wave all Preſbyteriall Ingagements, and in­deavour an agreement with the Independent: ſo likewiſe it appears, that the true intereſt of the Independent Party is, with all ſpeed to recall thoſe prodigious Votes of Non-Addreſſe, and apply themſelves unto his Ma­jeſty, with ſuch moderate deſires, that may ſtand as well with his honor, as their ſafety, & be a means to remove all jealouſie & diſtaſt betwixt him and them; and up­on juſt and neceſſary grounds lay a ſure foundation for a laſting peace.

III. Reaſons drawn from the Intereſt of the Presbyterian Party in England.

WHence it was, and for what ends, the deſigne of Preſbytery was firſt brought into this Nation, Time the mother of Truth hath at length fully manifeſted: for, as the pretences of it were high & glorious, ſo the iſſue hath been fallacious & diſhonorable, and to it we muſt aſcribe the13 originall cauſe and continuance of all our miſeries.

That it arrived to ſuch a hight in the opinions of many, as to be cryed up for the onely pattern of Government under the Goſpel, muſt be imputed to the blind zeal of ſome, and the deceitfulneſſe of others, rather then the intention of its founder, Maſter Calvin: For it doth not appear that he ever ſtretcht his model ſo far, as the neceſſity and univerſality of a divine right; but ſeems onely to have hewen part of the building out of the rock of the Scriptures, according to the literall ſignification, and pieced up the reſidue by politick and prudentiall rules, ſuch as he conceived might ſound neereſt the Text, and ſerve moſt conveniently to cement the disjoynted members of that broken and tumultuous Common­wealth of Geneva, into an entire and well compacted body.

It was no ſooner lick't into form there, but (as it is the fate of all things new) it began to be much extol'd and admired, and the fame thereof ſpreading it ſelf in England (as well as in other parts) wrought in many of our Country-men an itching deſire to go thither, and obſerve the manners and cuſtomes of the Government; where, of Spectators they ſoon became Proſelites, and returning home with new affections and opi­nions, had an evil eye upon the ancient Apoſtolicall government of Epiſ­copacy, which they proſecuted with invective Libels from the Preſſe and Pulpit, as Antichristian; in the mean time extolling their new Diana, in hope to bring better advantage thereby unto themſelves, then they could hope to attain under the government of Biſhops: and in proceſſe of time, their Doctrines being brought into reputation by the addition of an artificiall and counterfeit piety, they ſtole away the hearts of many well-meaning people throughout the Kingdom, whom they poyſoned with diſaffection to the preſent Government. So here was the riſe of the old Presbyters, which paſſed heretofore under the names of Non conformiſts, or Puritans.

Manifold were the Bickerings which they had with the Biſhops during the reigns of Queen Elizabeth and King James; yet the Faction was then kept under hatches by great care and policy, as it was likewiſe all the for­mer part of the reign of our gracious Sovereign CHARLES, though the humours began to work more ſtrongly then ever; inſomuch, that having gained a party in every Parliament; which preſumed to inſiſt upon very high particulars of Government both in Church and State, and queſti­on ſuch Officers of both as ſtood in the way of their deſigne, his Majesty was neceſſitated, by reaſon of thoſe audacious and factious proceedings, to a frequent diſſolution of Parliaments; which though they publikely ex­claimed againſt, yet inwardly they were glad enough of it, working14 advantage thereby, to ſcandalize his Majesty, in the opinion of the peo­ple, as one utterly diſaffected to Parliaments, and that intended to govern altogether by an arbitrary power.

This and other Scandals were treaſured up againſt the time, wherein they hoped to have occaſion to uſe them; but having often tryed their own ſingle ſtrength to be too weak to ſhake the Government, then the Grandees of the〈◊〉, not knowing otherwiſe to repair their broken for­tunes, began to have recourſe unto the Scots, a people as needy as them­ſelves, and who (it was preſumed) would be glad to entertain any oc­caſion to mend their Fortunes, and eſtabliſh an Intereſt in this Nation: Be­ſides, their hope was the greater to thrive among the Scots, becauſe they were a people that had been diſcountenanced and diſcontented by the Biſhops, and had embraced the ſame form of Government that was aimed at by themſelves, and therefore could not but be willing to contribute their beſt aſſiſtance toward the ſettlement of it in England.

Therefore the motion was no ſooner made from hence, but it found joyfull entertainment in Scotland, and Counſels were mutually imparted by the grand Presbyters on both ſides; and in fine it was agreed, that Re­formation ſhould be the ſtalking-horſe to the whole Deſign. The aime of the Scots therein, was the gaining of Treaſure, and an union of intereſt with England: The aime of the Engliſh Presbyters, was the quelling of their Oppſites at Court, and ſupplanting them in their Offices, the deſtruction of Epiſcopacy, and with it, of Monarchy; and the enriching of themſelves with the Wealth of the Kingdom, the Revenues of the Crown, and the Goods of the Church; all which become a prey unto that monſter of Presbytery, till it was wreſted out of their jawes, by the new brethren of the Independent party.

By which brief draught of Diſcourſe it appears, that as a great part of the Commons of England have been drawn in upon religious pretences to the faction of Presbytery, to ſerve worldly ends; ſo now that the hypocriſie and diſſimulation of thoſe proceedings is manifeſt unto the world, with­out doubt the true intereſt of all honeſt-meaning Presbyters in England is the very ſame with that of the Nation in generall, to ſeek peace and enſue it, to quit all conſiderations of ſiding or faction, to open their eyes and ſee how they have been deceived, to loath the vanity, and prevent the miſe­ry of all engagements in and for Presbytery; to endeavour ſimply the re­ſtoring of his Majeſty, and to joyn with any for that end, but with none that are contrary; and alſo to content themſelves with a regulated Epiſco­pacy, for theſe following Reaſons.

Firſt, ſeeing it is moſt true, that there can be no ſettlement in this15 Kingdom, but by a compliance with the royall intereſt, it is altoge­ther impoſſible to expect peace, if a deſign be ſtill cheriſhed for the eſtabliſhing Presbytery becauſe of that abſolute antipathy (or incom­poſſibility) betwixt Monarchicall and Presbyteriall Government, as I have manifeſted before: God and Belial, light and darkneſſe may as ſoon agree together; and therefore it muſt not be expected, that his Ma­jeſty ſhould yeeld up his Honour, Conſcience and Crown, in ſacrifice to ſo pernicious a rivall in his Prerogative.

Secondly, if there be a freſh engaging for Presbytery to cruſh Inde­pendency, what more hope of peace have we when this prevailing party ſhall be down, and the other up again? are we not where we were before? ſhall not his Majeſty remain as lyable as ever to the old vex­atious Popoſitions? and have not the Presbyters of the Kirk told us plainly beforehand, that they are reſolved, he ſhall ſign all their de­ſires before his reſolution to the exerciſe of his Regall power? what then may we expect from Presbytery, after all the miſeries and deſo­lations of a ſecond War, but that his Majeſty ſhall remain in durance, as he did at Holdenby, or does now in the Iſland, without all hope of remedy to himſelf, or end of thoſe intolerable oppreſſions lying upon this afflicted Kingdom?

Thirdly, it being cleer, that the deſign of a Presbytery hath been carried on meerly for the private ends of particular men, what mad­neſſe is it for men that pretend wiſdom, Religion and godlineſſe, to ha­zard themſelves and their Eſtates, to draw on the guilt of innocent blood by embroyling their fellow ſubjects, and infringe their Obli­gations to their Soveraign, by proſtituting their conſciences, purſes and endeavours, to ſerve the ambition of a few, whoſe practiſes (when they are inveſted with power) will be (as they ever have been) to make them ſhare with others in the common calamity at preſent, and intaile ſlavery upon their Poſterity for ever?

Fourthly, Presbytery whereſoever it ſettles, is deſtructive of liberty, by reaſon of that popiſh trick taken up by the Presbyterian, in drawing all ſecular affaires within the compaſſe of their ſpirituall juriſdicti­on: and this they do by means of that awe wherein they hold the conſciences of the Magiſtrate and People; the one being lyable as well as the other, by excommunications and ſuſpenſions, to be exploded as ſcandalous ſinners, when they pleaſe to pronounce them ſuch; as appears by that large extent of their Authority in judging of ſcanda­lous ſins, which reaches almoſt to every action of humane life: ſo that14〈1 page duplicate〉15〈1 page duplicate〉16all the reſt of the Kingdom, beſides their favourites (from the King to the Beggar) muſt ſtoop like aſſes, to be ridden by a few ambitious Prieſts, and Lay-ignoramuſes.

Fiftly, a regulated Epiſcopacy muſt be the onely government for this Nation, in regard it is moſt ſuitable to the conſtitution of the Mo­narchy, and the Lawes of the Land (whereto through continuance of time it hath a very neer relation) and alſo to the humours and good liking of the people, inſomuch that the Brethren of the contrary way after all their art, induſtry and perſwaſion, have found by experi­ence, that it is impoſſible to force any other upon them; therefore without all controverſie, a Biſhop mortified and pruned of his ſuper­fluities, moderated in the juriſdiction of his Court, and the compulſive power, and aſſiſted by the Clergy of his Dioceſſe, will in the end ap­pear to be the moſt excellent Governour.

Sixtly, if any Presbyter object, that he hath ſworn to the extirpa­tion of Biſhops, he may do well to conſider the unlawfulneſſe of ſuch an Oath, it having never been enjoyned by any lawfull authori­ty, but expreſly without it, and againſt it; and moreover, to the de­ſtruction of that which is lawfull, viz. the government of the Church, confirmed by the Lawes of the Land; which appears alſo by the undoubted teſtimony of ancient Records and later Hiſtories, to have been continued with an univerſell, uninterrupted, unqueſtioned ſuc­ceſſion in all the Churches of God, and in all Kingdoms that have been called Christian throughout the whole world, for fifteen hundred yeers together, without any conſiderable oppoſition made againſt it; and which, if it be not of divine right, hath a fairer pretenſion, and may lay a juſter title and claim to a divine inſtitution, then any other form of Government can do: and therefore it having been wor­thily of ſuch eſteem in all Times and Places, and eſtabliſhed by Law, certainly an Oath binding to extirpate it without Law and againſt Law, is utterly unlawfull, and ſo rather to be repented of, then ſtubbornly maintained.

Seventhly, by ſtanding out for a Presbytery, they give the more hopes and encouragement to the Independent party, to perſiſt in a way of obſtinacy againſt his Majeſty, and oppreſſion of the Subject; becauſe it will be a means to hinder a cordiall joynt engaging betwixt the Presbyters and the Royall party, and enflame the old enmity, to the de­ſtruction of each other, whileſt Independents gather ſtrength and op­portunity to triumph in the ruines of their diviſion; whereas by a17 ſpeedy compliance with his Majeſties intereſt, they may quell the pride of Independency, and either fetch them down to a compoſition with his Majeſty; or in caſe they continue perverſe, be ſurely enabled to ex­pell them out of the Kingdom.

Laſtly, by a ſincere, abſolute cloſe with his Majeſty upon rationall grounds, they do no more then what the prevailing party among their Brethren the Scots, pretend to engage for (and truly, if their intents be otherwiſe, they will finde but cold entertainment in England;) therefore if the Presbyters of England would but acquit themſelves like reaſonable men, the work of reſtoring his Majeſty might be done without the Scots, and all thoſe miſeries and inconveniences be a­voyded, which muſt certainly follow the admiſſion of a forreign Army; which, beſides the preſſures that they muſt bring upon the exhauſted Northen parts, will expect a large retribution of Treaſure for a reward of their engaging, and (perhaps) not depart in quiet, but upon ſuch Termes, as may be exceedingly prejudiciall and diſhonourable to the Engliſh Nation.

From hence I once again infer, the true intereſt of the Presbyters, is to counter-work the Independents in their intereſt, which they now drive againſt his Majeſty; and to this end, to quicken themſelves to a joynt engaging with the royall party, as the onely means to beat down the ambition of the ruling Grandees of the Independent party, to prevent the miſeries of a long-languiſhing War, with the in conve­niences of a Scottiſh incurſion; and alſo to procure the ſpeedy ſettle­ment of the King in his juſt Rights, and the Kingdoms in firm peace and tranquility.

IIII. Reaſons drawn from the intereſt of the City of London.

This great and populous City is the epitome of the Kingdom, where­of as it is a member, it hath the ſame common intereſt with the whole; yet being more excellent then any other part, by reaſon of the de­pendance of the reſt upon it, as being the principall Fountain of Traffick; and alſo by reaſon of its abundance of Wealth, the grand Priviledges of their Charter, and the multitude of their Revenues and Inhabitants, they have much the greater ſhare in the common intereſt of the Nation; which is, Peace and Proſperity.

The ſpeciall intereſt of this City is a free trade, as well within, as without the Kingdom: The onely enemy thereto is a civill warre, which deſtroyes commerce betwixt man and man; whereof the Citi­zens18 have had ſad experience theſe tumultuous times by the decay of Trading, the like hath not been many hundred yeers. So that the on­ly way to recover againe, is to endeavour after a happy Peace; and ſeeing there is no poſſibility of attaining it, but by an eſtabliſhment of his Majeſtie, I ſhall preſent them with a few Conſiderations.

Firſt, they may doe well to remember, how they were cheated heretofore with religious pretences into an Ingagement againſt his Ma­jeſty, and how that the whole Kingdome muſt owe its ruine and de­ſolation to their warlike preparations and Contributions. Therfore as it hath been their unhappineſſe to have the firſt hand in driving away the King, and un-ſetling the Kingdom; ſo let them account it their honor, to be active and induſtrious in bringing him back again, and to ſettle him in peace on the throne of the Kingdome.

Secondly, in effecting this, they ought to have reſpect onely to the Royall Intereſt, without the mixture of any factious ingaging what­ſoever, under pretence of Covenant, &c. leſt while they ſeem to act in the behalfe of his Majeſty, they unawares drive on the deſign again of ſome particular Faction, inſtead of the Publick Good, and ſo leave open a Gap ſtill to Diviſion.

Thirdly, in caſe that the Scots come into this Kingdome againe, the Citizens ought to ſee very narrowly to the Principles of their ingage­ing, ere they condeſcend to ſupply, or countenance them, ſecretly or openly. If they come in with the old cheat of Reformation, Covenant and Presbytery, it will be the wiſdome of the Citie to conſider, that this will be but a new On-ſet to the firſt deſigne of Scotiſh incroaching up­on Engliſh Intereſt, and the maintaining of a Faction to ſerve the ends of Scotland, and the ambition of a few Scotified Engliſh, whoſe Aymes have been and are, to ſhare Dominion with the Scots, to the diſho­nour and prejudice of the Nation, and the ruine of Monarchy, the alte­ration of Church-government (how ſpeciouſly ſoever ſet forth) being but a buſineſſe ſubordinate to the private ends of particular Grandees among the Laity and obſcure Rabbies of the Clergy.

Fourthly, they may be pleaſed to obſerve, that the Game plaid hi­therto betwixt the two Factions of Presbytery and Independency, hath been onely which of them ſhould be our Riders; and its to be ſuppo­ſed now that all the ſtrugling of the Presbyterians againſt the preſent ruling Grandees, is not by diſmounting of them to free us, but onely to get themſelves againe into the Saddle, that they may domineer o­ver King and Kingdome, and then what comfort will the City or others19 reap by all their paines and expences? Therefore it concerns the Ci­tizens to looke well before they leape, and not to be deluded any longer with the ſtale pretences of a glorious Reformation; the end whereof is nothing elſe but oppreſſion and confuſion both of King and People.

Fiftly, the Citizens may doe well to conſider, what little benefit they are like to gaine unto themſelves, in lieu of all that miſchiefe that they will bring upon King and Kingdome, if the Presbyterian Faction ſhall prevaile againe. It may be it will ſomewhat tickle them for a time, to be revenged on the Independent party; and 'tis like they ſhall have their Members out of the Tower, and be put into the repoſſeſſion of that and their Militia, ſo long as they imploy all to the behoofe and benefit of the Faction. But if the Presbyter-Citizens ſhall after a little time, upon the diſcovery of the Inconveniences brought upon the whole Kingdom, by the ſtanding out againſt his Majeſty, in point of Presbytery, begin once to grow diſcontented and weary of their new Maſters, they may ſurely expect to be ſerved the ſame meaſure that is now meted unto them by the Rulers of Independency; it being a Rule with all Ʋſurpers, no longer to countenance any that they have drawne into their Party, then they are willing to run on with them in Deſigne; but if once they begin to flag, to bury all their for­mer merits in oblivion; alſo to reckon them as enemies, and uſe them accordingly.

Sixthly, if they ſhall diſcover themſelves ſo farre, as to ingage a­gaine for Presbytery, let the Deſigne be attended with never ſo many pretences of loyalty towards the King and his Poſterity, yet it being cleer notwithſtanding, that ſuch an Ingagement would be deſtructive to the Royall Intereſt, his Majeſty and the Royall party can looke upon them no otherwiſe, then as abſolutely diſloyall, and reſolved to con­tinue their Rebellious courſes. And then if it ſhall ſo happen (as probably it may) that there be a Complyance betwixt the Royall and Independent Party, the Doore will be in a manner bolted againſt any accommodation betwixt them and his Majeſtie; and then by the union of thoſe two Powers before named, the Pillars of their Faction (both Scottiſh and Engliſh) being ſhken, and driven out of the KING­DOME, They will remaine wholly at his MAJESTIES mercy, touching the forfeiture of their Charter and Priviledges, &c. and give him opportunity to bethinke himſelfe of ſuch wayes and meanes to quell their Pride, and ſuch meanes as20 may ſecure himſelf and his Succeſſors from the rage of all turbulent and ſeditious humours in time to come.

Seventhly, the Citizens ought to beſtir themſelves with ſuch ala­crity, and give ſuch teſtimonies of their loyalty, as may ſerve to abate the career of our Independent Grandees, who will otherwiſe never be brought down to a compliance with his Majeſty: and to this end, it will be their wiſdom to pretend high toward an engaging any way, rather then endure them at this paſſe any longer; but ſtill not­withſtanding to reſerve within themſelves a cordiall tender reſpect to the true intereſt of his Majeſty: Moreover, if the caſe ſhall ſo ſtand, that an agreement be concluded betwixt his Majeſty and the Indepen­dents (which certainly will be happieſt for this Nation, if it can poſſi­bly be effected) then the Citizens ought not to let their ſpleens boil with the remembrance injuries received from this Faction; nor flatter themſelves with imaginary benefits, which they ſuppoſe they might enjoy by advancing the other but lay aſide all emulation and reſpect of faction on the one ſide or the other, and be ready to applaud any courſe, which his Majeſty ſhall judge moſt convenient for the com­poſing of theſe unhappy differences.

Laſtly, ſince the reſtoring and ſelling of his Majeſty is the onely way of true peace, then in caſe the Independents ſhould continue obſti­nate (to the laſt) againſt any agreement, it concerns all the honeſt and wiſe men of London, to be wary upon what terms they admit of a Scottiſh engagement, and not to be drawn in as they were formerly; but rather to obſerve the motions and directions of the royall party, and conform themſelves wholly that way, as being the ſafeſt, ho­neſteſt and moſt honourable, becauſe free from faction and by-ends, and which hath for its ſole end, the reſtitution of his Majeſty and his royall Posterity, the preſervation of the Church, and the eſtabliſhment of true Religion, Peace and Liberty throughout his Majeſtes Realms and Dominions.

V. Reaſons drawn from the Intereſt of Scotland.

The People of England being fully ſatisfied, that the deſign for al­teration of Church-government, under pretence of Reformation, was firſt ſet on foot by the Engliſh and Scottiſh Grandees, meerly for am­bitious, worldly ends and reſpects; and the Scots having had ſuffici­ent experience of the ſtoutneſſe of our Engliſh ſtomacks, that they will by no means digeſt the Presbyteriall government, and ſince it is21 look't on by all knowing men, as abſolutely inconſiſtent with, and deſtructive of Monarchy, without doubt it concernes the Scots to be­thinke themſelves of ſome other way wherby to ſettle an Intereſt and Inter-courſe with this Nation, than by introducing a Presbytery, where it is ſo extreamly diſtaſted, by the generality of the People.

That there is no way for the Scots to ſettle a beneficiall and laſt­ing Intereſt here, but by an abſolute and ſincere Cloſe with the Royall Intereſt, I ſhall manifeſt by ſeverall Reaſons:

Firſt, if they come in, and declare (in a mixed manner) for the King and the Covenant, they give the world to underſtand, that they come but to Act the old Cheat over again, ſeeing the Covenant (though there be words in it mentioning the Honour and happineſſe of the King and his Poſterity) would prove (in effect) the deſtruction of both: For if it works not an abſolute change of Government in the State, as well as the Church; yet it is cleer, that it will regulate it into a po­ſture farre beneath the dignity and condition of a Monarchy. There­fore upon ſuch Termes, they will loſe that aſſiſtance, which other­wiſe they might have from the Royall Party in England.

Secondly, by ſo declaring, they will draw the Curtaine now placed betwixt them and us, and give a perfect diſcovery of their Intenti­ons; and we ſhall conclude, that their ayme is no wiſe at the good of his Majeſtie, but onely to ſerve their owne corrupt Intereſts. And we ſhall beleeve they bring in an Army for no other end, but to back their Party of Presbytery in the Houſe and the City, ſo to cruſh the op­poſite Faction of Independencie, and then by removing the King to one of his Houſes, reduce him and the Affaires of the Kingdome in Statu quo prius, as when he was at Holdenby; where he ſhall languiſh in the condition of a Priſoner, as long as he lives, or (at leaſt) as long as they reigne; it being reſolved on before hand, that he ſhall not be reſtored to the exerciſe of regall Power, till he have ſigned their Deſires, and Propoſitions; which his Majeſtie hath ſo often declared to be againſt his Honour and Conſcience. And then what may the Preſ­byters expect, but that the inraged People, having been ſo often de­luded, and tyred in expectation of a Settlement, will take the firſt op­portunity to riſe all as one Man, to baniſh them and their Faction out of England, and upon their ruines reſtore both Prince and People, to their former Liberty?

Thirdly, it ſeemes not to be the Reſolution of the Covenant-A­bettors onely in Scotland, but it is declared by that Party which pre­tends higheſt for his Majestie in Scotland, and delivered in by them,22 in their Anſwer to the Deſires of the Kirke; That they reſolveoto put into his Majeſties hands, or any other, ſuch power, whereby the Ends of the Covenant may be obſtructed; but that his Majeſty ſhall before any Ingagement, give aſſurance under Hand and Seale, for him­ſelfe and Succeſſors, to agree to certain Acts, injoyning the Cove­nant, Presbbyterian Government, &c. and never to endeavour the change thereof. Which reſolution of theirs gives us cauſe to ſuſpect; that all the Bickerings heretofore between them and the Kirke, were but meer ventilations, acted on purpoſe to make the world beleeve ſome high Deſigne on foot there in the behalfe of his Majestie, and to feed the Royall Party with hopes of great matters from Scotland, that being held in ſuſpence, they might remaine the leſſe active, and give the Scots a more plauſible and eaſie Ingreſſe into England.

Fourthly, ſuch a Reſolution (if it once come to a publique Decla­ration) will make men apt to beleeve, that under his Majeſties name, thoſe royall Pretenders doe Act ſome particular Intereſts likewiſe, ra­ther then that of his Majeſtie and the Publique. And further, ſeeing Hamilton is the Chiefe among them, it cannot be judged very impro­bable that He (who is a convicted Perſon, for aſpiring to the Crown of Scotland, and who was ſo bold in the dayes of his Majeſties proſ­perity, as to attempt it, and to that end (the better to compaſſe his Deſigne) had a hand in widening the diſtance betwixt his Majeſtie and the two Houſes, and alſo in imbroyling the two Kingdomes) ſhould take opportunity now in his Majeſties loweſt condition, and the preſent Diviſion, to weave in his owne ambitious Intereſt, in hope to bring his Affaires unto perfection. I cannot accuſe him; but if the Prieſtly Faction and his, doe cloſe with each other upon Covenant conſiderations, it is a ſhrewd ſuſpition: The agreement be­twixt them (in plaine Termes) is this; That if HAMILTON ſerve the Presbyterian Deſigne in England, the Presbyters of both King­domes ſhall (in requitall) connive at his doings, or aſſiſt him in his deſigne upon the Crowne of Scotland; and ſo his Majestie ſhall become a Sacrifice to the Covetouſneſſe and Pride of his malicious Adverſaries.

Fifthly, by an immediate and abſolute Ingagement for his Maje­ſtie, ſuch jealouſies as theſe will be quite taken away, and the hearts of the Engliſh ſo inclined and obliged to the Scots, that they will hezard both Lives and Eſtates in their aſſiſtance, and be willing by way of re-tribution, not onely to diſ-burſe toward the ſatisfaction23 of their Arreares, but yeeld alſo, that his Majestie ſhall gratifie them with ſuch other Rewards and ſpeciall Indulgences of Grace and Favour in this Kingdome, as may tend highly to the Honour and Ad­vantage of their Nation, even farre beyond what they may gaine by advancing their Presbyterian Intereſt; ſeeing it will be a long time ere the Kingdome can that way be ſtated, by reaſon of the contrary working humours, which will be ready to breake out ever and anon into new Inſurrections; whereby the faction will be ſo continually bu­ſied at an exceſſive charge, and the People ſo impoveriſhed, that they will not be more unwilling then unable to raiſe ſuch vaſt ſums, as are neceſſary for their ſatisfaction; at moſt, not the tithe of that pro­portion which they may receive ſuddenly from the hands of the King, and with the love of the Kingdom.

Sixtly, let not the Scots flatter themſelves with a conceit of ſeeling their Presbytery amongſt us, whether we will or no; for though they may do much by the ſtrength of their faction, yet both Engliſh and Scots of that gang may conſider, that the Engliſh are a va­liant and generous people, impatient of the yoke; and though they may be beaten down for a time, yet if the Kingdom were divided into twenty parts, ſeeing (I am confident) at leaſt nineteen of them are againſt Presbytery, it cannot be in reaſon imagined, that a few vo­ting Punies, relying meerly upon Scottiſh Arms, ſhould be able to trample down the ſpirits of this our magnanimous Nation for ever; but rather, that when they have ſmarted again under Presbyterian-tyranny for a time, they may recollect themſelves with ſo much cou­rage and ſucceſſe, as will enable them to drive away the Scots and their faction, and confine the laſt ſeene of war within the limits of Scotland, where it had its Originall.

Seventhly, though they may relie much upon a Party in the City, yet the Citizens eyes being well opened, to ſee that they have been made but ſtalking-horſes to other mens private ends, and been gul'd out of ſo many millions, onely to purchaſe ſlavery unto themſelves, diſhonour unto their City, and deſtruction to their Trades, (which cannot be recovered again but by a ſetled peace) the Scots may gueſſe how little countenance or aſſiſtance they are like to obtain at their hands, except they ſo declare for his Majeſty, as that they may receive aſſurance of his ſpeedy reſtitution; without which, they are gene­rally convinced, there can be no hope of Peace unto the Nation.


Laſtly, if it ſhould ſo happen, that the Scots play falſe with his Majeſty, and drive both him and the Independent party to extremity, it is probable they may unite upon reaſonable conſiderations, and mutuall compliance betwixt both their intereſts: and then that Party being for­tified by an addition of the Royall, which (whereſoever it fides) brings in the affections of the whole Kingdom, it is very poſſible, the Scots may not onely be defeated in the hopes of that large Dominion, and thoſe golden mountains which they promiſed unto themſelves here, by an eſtabliſhment of Presbytery; but alſo be forced to pack home again, without ſo much as one ſuperſtitious croſſe, to requite them for the pains they have taken in the work of Reformation; and (per­haps) draw revenge upon themſelves, for all thoſe affronts and in­juries done unto his Majesty and the people of England, and renew the old antipathy with perpetuall enmity betwixt the Nations.

From all which, give me leave to ſum up this Concluſion in a word, that the Scots have no way to reſtore an Intereſt again in this Nation, but by waving the corrupt intereſt of Presbytery, and engaging abſo­lutely for the Royall Intereſt of his Majeſty, as the onely means con­ducing to the weal and benefit of both Kingdoms.

Seneca in Thyeſte.
Nemo confidat nimiùm ſecundis;
Nemo deſperet meliorum lapſis.
Miſcet haec illis, prohibetque Clotho
Stare fortunam.

About this transcription

TextGood English: or, Certain reasons pointing out the safest way of settlement in this kingdom; drawne from the nature of the aims and interests of the severall parties ingaged; and as the case now stands, this second day of May. 1648. A peece of serious observation, wherein the secrets of every party, as they stand in a probability of complyance, or opposition to His Majcsty [sic], are fully discovered.
Extent Approx. 87 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 16 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images.
SeriesEarly English books online.
Additional notes

(EEBO-TCP ; phase 2, no. A85343)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 114752)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 69:E441[10])

About the source text

Bibliographic informationGood English: or, Certain reasons pointing out the safest way of settlement in this kingdom; drawne from the nature of the aims and interests of the severall parties ingaged; and as the case now stands, this second day of May. 1648. A peece of serious observation, wherein the secrets of every party, as they stand in a probability of complyance, or opposition to His Majcsty [sic], are fully discovered. 16, 13-24 p. s.n.],[London :Printed in the yeere 1648.. (Place of publication from Wing.) (Annotation on Thomason copy: "May 8".) (Reproduction of the original in the British Library.)
  • Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649 -- Early works to 1800.
  • Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Peace -- Early works to 1800.

Editorial statement

About the encoding

Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford.

Editorial principles

EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database ( The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO.

EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (

The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source.

Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data.

Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so.

Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor.

The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines.

Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements).

Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site.

Publication information

  • Text Creation Partnership,
ImprintAnn Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2013-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 2).
  • DLPS A85343
  • STC Wing G1043
  • STC Thomason E441_10
  • STC ESTC R202219
  • STC ESTC R204897
  • EEBO-CITATION 99862589
  • PROQUEST 99862589
  • VID 114752

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. Searching, reading, printing, or downloading EEBO-TCP texts is reserved for the authorized users of these project partner institutions. Permission must be granted for subsequent distribution, in print or electronically, of this EEBO-TCP Phase II text, in whole or in part.