THE Grand Concernments OF ENGLAND ENSƲRED: Viz.
By a conſtant Succeſſion of Free Parliaments, the only poſsible Expedient to preſerve us from Ruine or Slavery. The Objections, Anſwered; But more largely, that of a SENATE.
With a Sad EXPOSTƲLATION, and ſome ſmart Rebukes to the ARMY.
LONDON, Printed, 1659.
IF thou art prejudicate, ſave thy purſe and thy paines; 'tis the conſiderate man, he that ponders his wayes, I had rather deal with: I promiſe thee thus much, I have no deſign to ſeduce thee, but whatſoever I have written, is my very thought: it may be thou art perſwaded thou maiſt better employ thy time in Reading; I believe no leſſe, however thou ſhalt finde ſome things here, not altogether unworthy of Conſideration. I am well aſſured, I can never pleaſe all; nor hath it been my ſtudy, to pleaſe any, and yet willingly I diſpleaſe none. It may be, the firſt ſheet may go for waſte paper, but I hope the reſt will make ſome part of amendes: I had ſome thoughts of wholly omitting that part of the Diſcourſe, but am perſwaded not to conceal the grounds of my adventure; the work hath been under my hands too long, but at firſt was moſtly deſigned in Anſwer to a Paper, Entituled, The Intereſt of England Stated; and was well nigh finiſhed ſo much of it as I then intended; but finding my ſelf caſt behind by a ſwifter pen, which did not run in vain, I laid it aſide, being overpreſſed by much buſineſſe; but after a while finding ſome little leaſure, and my thoughts multiplying upon me, it hath ſweld under me beyond my intention. I have cut ſhort that work I firſt began, that thou mayeſt be ſtaid but little from what ſince fell in; which I make publique not expecting it ſhould yield me much credit, but hoping it may turn to ſome publique benefit If I am counted beſides my ſelf to walk in Print, it is for my Countreys ſake. This I am bold to ſay, If ſome Pens had the Managing of many matters herein contained, and would do their beſt, the Nation could not think the pains ill beſtowed. For the Errata's of the Preſse I paſſe not much, if I ſcape thy laſh for what I have written, I will ſtand to thy courteſie for what the Printer hath miſtaken; only deſire thee to take notice, that the four firſt ſheets were Printed before this our mad change. Farewell.
A While ſince there came to my hands Two ſheets of Paper, under this Inſcription, The Intereſt of England Stated — Promiſing a faithful account of the Aims of all Parties, now pretending; with their Effects in reſpect of themſelves, of one another, and the Publique: offering an Expedient for the compoſure of the reſpective Differences, to the Security, and Advantage, not only of every ſingle intereſt, but to the bringing ſolid laſting Peace unto the Nation — Matters that I am very ſolicitous about; which eaſily perſwaded me to look into it. In the peruſal, I found the hand was the hand of Eſau, though the voice (or Title Page) was the voice of Jacob: and though here and there, he ſalutes all parties with — All haile Sirs — and fals on their necks, and kiſſeth them; yet tis but to get the cloſer advantage of ſome, that he may ſtrike them to the heart, or at leaſt may ſmite them in their hinder parts: and he layeth about ſo furiouſly, that none eſcape his2 Vengeance but the Cavaliers, his only white boyes; which makes me believe, the man hath ſome wit in his anger, and knows what he doth when he drinks; elſe I ſhould have concluded the man had been mad, to make himſelf the Umpire of our Differences; while he conjures all Parties, to put their necks under their feet, who will ſhew their teeth, when they cannot bite: one would think he ſhould have given better words, if he would have led us into a fools Paradiſe; Is it not a great piece of confidence, to perſwade men to come under their yoak, the moſt courteous of whom (for ſuch no doubt this Reconciler would be thought) though they be yet upon their good behaviour, by the clemency of the Conquerors, think it their virtue, to ſpit their venome in our very faces? we ſhall gueſſe what quarter is to be expected, when you become our Lords. Tis (no doubt) a moſt plauſible way to provoke theſe Parties, to an overture for agreement as is pretended; while you beſpeak them in ſuch friendly language as this: Tis the aim of the Army to Govern the Nation: To keep themſelves from being Disbanded, or engaged in War. Tis the wiſh of the Parliament to continue themſelves in abſolute Power, by the ſpecious name of a Popular Government; to new model and divide, and at laſt take down the Army: and under pretence of a Councel of State to ſet up an Oligarchy reſembling the Thirty Tyrants of Athens: That it is and alwayes will be their intereſt to pull down the Army: That the primary end of the Parliament, is to deſtroy and overthrow, the very Conſtitution of Parliaments: That the mutual ruine of the Parliament and Army muſt needs be neceſſary for the ſupport of either. That the Anabaptiſts deſigns are, to ruine all other Profeſſions of Religion: to deſtroy Property, founding it in Grace and Saintſhip. That the late Protector was of no worth nor credit, of whom only this comparative commendation can be given, That he is not ſo very a brute as his Brother**Lieut. Gen. Fleetwood. . That the pretentions of his intereſt are low, odious, and ridiculous; that they have been falſe to one another, and their beſt friends. That from under Presbytery have grown up ſuch, as utterly oppoſe all government in the Church, the being and ſupport of the Miniſterial Function, and that the rigid yoak of the Presbyterians is ſuch, as this Nation will not endure; which his late Majeſty was well aware of, when he conceded for ſetting it up for three years, being fully ſatisfyed how effectual an argument the experience of that ſhort time would be to perſwade the Nation, to endure that galling and heavy yoak no longer. The premiſes conſidered, tis not hard to conclude how theſe Parties ſtand in his eſteem; (yea it being manifeſtly his intereſt at this time, to conceal his malignity, and diſſemble a good will towards them, and yet in ſpire of his guts his malice gets out) I ſay there is little doubt, but this moderate Gentleman himſelf (as moſt of his party) account them Beaſts of Prey, and not of Game, ſuch3 as ſhould have no Law given them, or kept with them; but any one may knock on the head, and deſtroy by any method: and what ever terms are offered to draw them in, ſerve only as Traps baited with Chickens, to catch Weeſels and Polcats: That killing them is no Murther; that they ought to be driven out of their houſes and Synagogues, and whoſoever kils them doth God good ſervice. Tis eaſie to ſee into the myſtery of this Pamphleter, under the ſpecious pretext of a Moderator, to render all parties that ever oppoſed his Maſter, as odious as poſſible to the Nation, and to one another; and thereby involve them into as good an eſteem of one another, as he hath of them, viz. into a mortal hatred of one another, and ſo oblige them to do that for the Cavaliers, which himſelf confeſſeth impoſſible they ſhould do for themſelves; which wrought with a powder of late, and had diſpatcht his buſineſs, but that a deſperate or violent remedy was timely applyed, which ſpoyled the ſport: But I ſhall take a more particular account of this Reconciler (though not ſo largely as I had prepared it, finding my ſelf prevented by another pen, knowing men care but little to read the ſame thing twice over) and ſhall obſerve whether he deſerve to be ſo well received as he pretends, that there ſhould need no Rhetorical inducements to it; which I ſhould not think much worth my labour, but that men, yea very honeſt men, are too too apt to be ſurpriſed with every Overture for ſetling this diſtracted State, and I fear many have unwarily ſucked in the poyſon of this Pamphlet (the Preſs having gone twice upon it) who of late years were no very ill willers to the Parliaments cauſe; who had they certain knowledge (as it is unhappily preſumed) that Mercurius Aulicus the old Oxford Gazetteer was the Father of this Brat; would go near upon ſecond thoughts, as much to ſuſpect his expedient of a Cheat, as formerly they were confirmed of the falſhood of his Intelligence; and a little patience will give you as good aſſurance of the one, as your experiance hath given you certainty of the other. But his old friend M. Politicus is fallen upon his jacket though under a diſguiſe, I ſhall ſpare him therefore many a knock, that I had lifted up my hand to reach unto him. He begins with telling what he eſteems the deſigns of all parties pretending: The Roman Catholicks deſign, ſaith he, is to introduce the Papacy, and utterly to eradicate all he cals Hereſie — Very good. That tis the Royaliſts deſire to bring in the King a Conquerour, to recover their loſſes in the late War, and to have the former Government of the Church — (as if this man were no Royaliſt) we make no doubt of what he ſayes, it were ſtrange they ſhould belie themſelves. He goes on, and tels the deſire of the Presbyterian, Baptized Churches, Army, and Parliament, is to ſet up themſelves, and to exclude all others: It ſeems then they are all alike peccant; and no marvel, for without peradventure they are much at one dear and precious to him; for if4 any of them are more then other the objects of his fury, it is becauſe they ſtand more in his way. After he hath told us what he thinks to be the intereſt of the Nation, he goes on and affirmes, That the deſigns of the Papiſts are not feazible: That the Royalliſts aim is not attainable; and the like he ſaith, one after another, of all the reſt: ſo raiſing up to himſelf a man of Clouts, he knocks him down in the ſame breath; when ſtating their Intereſts and Deſigns, as he hath done (wherein he hath only dealt fairly with the two formoſt) it is mine, as no doubt it is every honeſt mans Prayer, as well as this good mans Propheſie, that they may be without effect: but we believe not the more, what he ſaith, becauſe he ſaith it, of thoſe that he moſt malignes: He reſolves at length, That the pretentions of no party now on foot are attainable, ('tis ſtrange there ſhould want pretenders of his own kidney) or if attained are conſiſtent with the good of the Nation, or of other parties, and that the ruine of the Publick is inevitable, there being no door of hope open (but that to which he is turn-key) no method viſible to unite ſo diſtant and incompatible ends: and preſently through this great croud of Pretenders, with no little circumſtance, he makes room for a contrivance that ſhall do the work; againſt which but one Objection in all the World can be raiſed, and that as eaſily razed; and this he introduceth as if himſelf were the Father of thoſe that handle this Harp and Organ, as if all the forementioned intereſts had never dreamt on't: to which I think ſome that are mentioned before, may claim a right by virtue of firſt diſcovery, but he thinks fit to forget it in their Character, not meaning to advance their merit above the reſt, which I muſt needs ſay is not fair dealing that he ſhould ſpoil them of that, he himſelf produceth as the only infallible means of Settlement (when 'tis apparent as the Sun at noon whoſe was the invention) and give them nothing in their deſcription but what himſelf impreſſeth the marks of Folly and Tyranny upon. His Propoſition he makes no doubt to pronounce in theſe plain termes, — The calling in the King is the certain and only means for the preſervation of the Kingdom, and alſo of the Rights and Intereſts of all ſingle perſons in it. I hope the Reader will expect this be well proved: To drive this Nail to the head; having before uſed his beſt wits, to perſwade of the indiſpenſible neceſſity of this expedient, by rendring any other endevours for a Settlement fruitleſs, and ſo unavoidable ruine conſequent: and having ſtated the pretentions of all parties, ſo as might moſt render them at his mercy, he makes no bones as occaſion ſerves to calumniate and traduce, ſay and unſay, fawn and diſſemble; one while he tels you of the gallantry of the Army, and their excellent diſcipline; that they have ſtill owned a Publique Spirit; that every Common Soldier knows how to direct as well as to obey, to judge no leſſe then execute. Elſewhere, That it is their deſign to Govern the Nation5 themſelves, to keep from being disbanded, &c. One while, That the differences between the Epiſcopal and Presbyterian, are eaſily atoned t and in the ſame breath, That from under them have grown up thoſe tha utterly oppoſe all Government in the Church, &c. And elſewhere, That Presbytery is intolerable, a galling and heavy yoak, &c. Now he tels us, That the Parliament deſigns to ſet up an Oligarchy, reſembling the Thirty Tyrants of Athens. And by and by tels us, That the Petition of Julii the 6. was penned by themſelves, and after by themſelves addreſſed to themſelves, for which they themſelves give themſelves hearty thanks. And yet this Petition in expreſs Terms as directly contrary to an Oligarchy, or the continuance of any men in Power, as it is poſſible to be Worded: ſurely the man is wondrous forgetful, or very malicious: But a Lyar had need have a good memory. I doubt a little, Whether we are under ſuch neceſſity as he pretends, ſince he uſeth ſuch Artifices to reduce us to other extremities? It is not for nothing that he turns Mutineer, and would create jealoſies between the Parliament and Army; not doubting if he could effect that, he might bring in his King upon what tearms he pleaſed: tis therefore that they muſt believe that the ſecurity of the one, is founded in the ruine of the other. 'Tis for no other reaſon that he tels the Army, They have been ill requited for their good ſervices, by being ſtopt in Pay, defeated of their Arrears, in danger of Disbanding, not ſuffered to communicate Councels, or meet at a General Randezvous. That their recompence for their greateſt merits, have been only expoſing to new, and greater dangers: That their certaineſt pay hath been ſuſpicion, affronts, and injuries. Let any ſober and impartial man judge at the drift of this Gentleman; eſpecially let not the Army miſunderſtand him, who while he is perſwading might and main for an agreement, doth what in him lies to break us to pieces, and render us uncapable of defending our lives. Having then diſpatched a great part of his work, viz. Shewn our undone condition, which he hath Propheſied, not Proved, and uſhered in his expedient as you have ſeen, his next work is to apply his Plaſter to the Wounds he had made: He begins with the common National intereſt, and pretends to accommodate his expedient to all its diſtempers, wherein he thinks a bare aſſertion, to be ſufficient Demonſtration; goes on like an Emperick, or States Mountebanck, telling this it is good for, that it is good for, wherein if I ſhould follow him, I ſhould loſe my ſelf and my Reader too; but I ſhall give him a turn by and by: however this is very obſervable, that he layes much ſtreſſe upon the merits of his King, being it ſeems the beſt reaſon in his Budget to commend him to the Nation; but Needham hath galled him ſo ſeverely on this wing, that I ſhall make no ſtay here, but put on full ſpeed to the main Battel, taking only a ſlight view of ſome inconſiderable forces that6 way-lay me, which I ſhall ſoon breake thorough.
Firſt he tels, It is the intereſt of the Roman Catholick to bring in the King; for, ſaith he, by this means the heavy payments now on their Eſtates, with other burdens, will be taken off; and as to the preſſures of Penal Laws, they cannot but remember how far from grievous they were in the late Kings time, the Catholicks living here notwithſtanding them, in more flowriſhing condition then they of Italy, France or Spain, under their reſpective Princes; and would do infinitely more under their natural King, then if any forainer ſhould acquire the power by conqueſt: Beſides having generally adhered to the late King in his Wars, have no reaſon to diſtruſt, finding favorable treatment from his Son, and to ſhare that indulgence, he is ready to afford even his greateſt enemies. And yet theſe are the men, that our Author tels us before would reſtore the Pope his ancient Revenue and Juriſdiction in England; and to the Church all that was alienated in Hen. 8. time, and would utterly eradicate all he cals Hereſie: ſo far you are right; we doubt not they will get better terms then the poor Presbyters.
Secondly, It is the Intereſt of the Royaliſts, &c. Yea it is ſo, although he have no reparation for his loſſes: I cannot paſſe this without a ſmile, our Author tels us before, That it is the deſign of the Royaliſt to bring in the King a Conqueror, and to recover his loſſes in the late War; and in the very next leaf he tels us, That he is confident the Cavaliers expect no ſatisfaction at all: It ſeems then tis their intereſt though they have no ſatisfaction, I leave them this as a bone to pick; in the mean time I want an Interpreter of this myſtery, The deſign of the Royaliſt is to recover his loſſes in the late War, — I am confident the Cavaliers expect no ſatisfaction at all — Very well bowled in good earneſt, they will and they won't, Anglice-good skill why, all the craft is in catching.
Thirdly, The Presbyterians are concerned alſo. As how? for example, to leap out of the Fryingpan into the fire; for fear of thoſe leſſer parties, to proſtrate themſelves unto the revenge of a Pontifical zeal: what courteſie is to be expected at their Graces hands, Mr. Pryn is yet a memorable example of, but the Presbyterians do not conſult him as their Oracle (for all your haſt) he having borne his witneſs with ſufficient bitterneſs againſt them, enough almoſt to unchriſtian any man but himſelf.
Fourthly, It is the intereſt of the Baptized Churches — as alſo to acquieſce in a Moderate Epiſcopacy, enjoying the liberty of their conſciences. I wonder how this ſhall become practicable, or ſort with the honour of Epiſcopacy (which he throws in the diſh of Presbytery) to ſuffer thoſe leſſer parties (as he cals them) to grow up with it, who utterly oppoſe all government in the Church, and being of the Miniſtery. No doubt your knowledge of the practices of the Anabaptiſts7 in Germany, their cruelty and all manner of diſorder, their taking away all property of Eſtates, founding it in Grace and Saintſhip; with the hard treatment the Papiſts in Ireland have found from them (theſe are his own words) will inſtruct you into ſome pretences, why you ought to be more partial in your affections towards them, and your better Sons of the Church, then why a Father ſhould be fond of one Son, and diſcourage another, upon pretence of their divers hairs or complexions, which our Author would willingly skrew into their belief; but it will not be.
Fiftly, It is (ſaith he) the interest of the Army. Under this head he grows out of meaſure copious; but the wonder is not ſo much, ſince here lies his work, to bring the Army into diſorder: Tis their concernment to be under a ſingle perſon, and conſequently to be under his King: he proves it thus, Becauſe there is ſcarce a Common Soldier who is not ſenſible of it: Verily this is notable Demonſtration; the whole Army is ſenſible that they are concerned to be under a Single Perſon, therefore not long ſince they reſtored our Common-wealth, and declared unanimouſly againſt a Single perſon, without ſo much as any muttering among the Common Soldiers to the contrary; and ſince all their Commanders have given up their old Commiſſions, and received new from the Parliament. Our Author is in very deed a notable Sophiſter, he goes on and tels, By this means (the Army putting themſelves under the Standard of his King) they ſhall be out of danger of being Disbanded, and without fear of Wars: Very good arguments to Soldiers to be afraid of enemies; but better to Chriſtians, that when the danger is over, they ſhould refuſe to disband: ſhall we know our friends from our foes Gentlemen? What are they who kill our honours and good names, while they court our friendſhip? But in the progreſs take notice, how much the calling in his King will anſwer the expectations of ſome, while he promiſeth to keep the Army up, notwithſtanding the dangers will be over; and for this end the King is the only perſon to raiſe Taxes and Contributions; they are his own words. He goes on to tell, this only can ſecure their Pay, and ſatisfie their Arrears; very good Sir, but I hope you will make no ſcruple to pay us in our own coyn. He proceeds — No body elſe dare truſt you as a ſtanding body; and endevours to exaſperate the Army from the treatment they received from the old Protector — but I conceive he was a ſingle perſon: Ay but his King being ſupported by his juſt title, hath no ſuch grounds of ſuſpicion, but may repoſe himſelf upon the loyalty of his people, which Uſurpers dare not do. How now Sir? this is ſtrange forgetfulneſs, remember the late King, I hope you deem him no Uſurper; and would you perſwade that the Son would repoſe himſelf upon that Army that hath oppoſed him and his Father unto bloud; when the Father put ſo little confidence in his Parliament? methinks8 his King ſhould con him little thankes, for this unhappy diſtinction between a Prince with a juſt title, and a Uſurper. More yet, — His King hath a particular reſpect for the Army, yea in ſpite of all their Rebellions. A ſtrong argument in good ſooth. Oh ſtrange! that they ſhould not envy any other the honour of being commanded by ſuch a Prince; who is the only expedient upon earth, to render them and their poſterity happy; I ſhall end this by inverting the force of his own concluſion, and turning its point upon himſelf: Were this directed to the Spaniſh or French infantry, thoſe Venal ſouls that underſtand nothing but pay and plunder; theſe arguments of Pay, and keeping themſelves from being disbanded, would paſſe their Pikes and be well received; but the Engliſh Army that have ſtill owned a Publique Spirit, where every common man knows how to judge as well as execute, will not fail to ſteer themſelves as prudence ſhall inſtruct: who ever hath converſed with my Author will finde I obſerve his own phraſes, and I aſſure you I am not a little delighted in his ſtyle.
Laſtly, It is the intereſt of the Protectors party and the Parliament to call in his King. He is in great haſt I ſee, his wildefire being nigh ſpent, elſe he would ſtill have maintained the diſtance he had been fomenting between theſe two before, which he had twice treated of diſtinctly, and not have joyned them together at laſt, but he cannot part them; I will leave them (as he hath brought them) together, to think whether they are ſo nearly concerned to jump in this Gentlemans judgement as he would have them imagine.
I have been forced to miſpend ſome time in picquering with ſmall Forces that were ambuſhed to intercept me, but have moved with as much ſpeed as I could, ſecuring ſuch paſſes as might ſeem of any advantage to the enemy, that I might not be ſurpriſed in the rear: I ſhall burn no more day light, but fall in with him pell mell, and as plainly deny what he hath as peremptorily aſſerted, and do ſay,
That the calling in the late Kings Son, is neither a certain, nor yet probable means, much leſſe the only means, for preſervation of the Nation, and the Rights and Intereſts thereof.
I ſhall think I have well acquitted my ſelf of this undertaking, when I have done two things.
Firſt, Evidenced it, That the calling in the late Kings Son is directly againſt the common National intereſt, in ſeveral particulars, whereby it will alſo appear to be againſt the Rights und Intereſts of moſt ſingle perſons in it.
Secondly, When I have exhibited another expedient that ſhall do the work.
For the firſt, The common National Interests (for I own no particular intereſt at variance herewith) that I ſhall mention are ſuch as theſe.
Firſt, Liberty of conſcience. It is the common intereſt of the Nation to be ſecure, that they may without diſturbance, worſhip God according to their conſciences, while they deſtroy not the Doctrines or life of Chriſtianity, and live peaceably in the State: this our Author concedes with a greater latitude then I propound it, whether in jeſt, or in earneſt, or between both, matters not much; ſaying, So all agree in Loyalty, though they differ in other matters; There is no reaſon why they ſhould not all be alike dear unto their Prince, their differences being of no more conſideration, then the complexion of Children to their Father. The Epiſcopal party claim this as their right, and think it hard uſage if at any time they are forbidden publique aſſemblies upon Chriſtmas day, and other good times; or are forbidden to read the Common Prayer book in their Churches; and really if no body were wiſer then I, they ſhould have no cauſe given them to be angry at it, ſo they would neither directly, nor indirectly promote Sedition againſt the Government. The Presbyterians would cry out of Oppreſſion, if they ſhould be bound to Surpleſſes and ſuch like Crotchets; to read Common Prayer, or be Lorded over by Metropolitan Biſhops; to do reverence to Altars, or bow at the name of Jeſus; to obſerve Saints Holy-dayes, to keep Lent; in a word, to have any thing impoſed on their conſciences. The Independent muſt not be confined to his Pariſh Church, or be determined by the judgements of neighbour Churches; nor have the liberty of expounding Scripture by a Lay-brother be denied. Theſe, and ſome others (every one for themſelves) claim this priviledge of a Free-born man, accounting it ſlaviſh to be impoſed upon in matters of Religion; and if I would be indulged my ſelf, and hold it my right as a man, and a Chriſtian, to be at liberty to ſerve God, according to what I know of his Will in his Word; Why ſhould we ſet at naught our Brother? Why ſhould we grudge that to him, that we claim for our ſelves? That every one claims this as his right and intereſt is out of doubt; yea that they who would deny it to others, think themſelves wronged to be without it themſelves, and would diſpute it with the hazard of their lives, rather then this Liberty ſhould be infringed, is evident to every mans experience. That hence10 it is become (though no other reaſon could be aſſigned for it) the common intereſt of the Nation, without which no quietneſs can be thought of, that ſo many as fear God, and are ſound in the ſubſtantials of Chriſtianity, howſoever they may differ in thoſe things that the Scriptures are not ſo expreſſe and clear in, and in modes and forms of Worſhip and Diſcipline; that ſuch ſhould be ſuffered without any diſcountenance or diſturbance, is as little to be had in queſtion. Whether the calling in the late Kings Son be a probable means for the ſalving this difficulty, is not hard to reſolve; that his affection, if not his intereſt, is ſo linked with the Epiſcopal and Romiſh party, as to give ſmall encouragement to any other of Tolleration, is ſo much to be preſumed, that few words are wanting to aſſure it: Tis not the Solemn League and Covenant, nor all the markes of Converſion, which he manifeſted to his Subjects of the Blew bonnet, that can waſh him clean. Pray who are his Chaplains and Confeſſors now? Who are they that have aſſiſted his Father and him, that have blown their Trumpets for him, prayed, preached, plotted, been undone for him? Who are they that have loſt Biſhopricks, Deanaries, and half a dozen fat Parſonages for him? who ſcorn to backſlide, but continue faſt friends and eager zealots for him, who told his Father formerly what it would come to; theſe whining Puritans will undo all; theſe he muſt needs conſult as his Oracle, and be governed by their counſel in all affairs: is it probable he ſhould ſettle any other Government in the Church but Epiſcopacy, or ſuffer any Nonconformiſts but the Papiſts; yes, but the Presbyterians have expiated their ſin, they ſhall have what they pleaſe indulged to them, it may be ſome may be ſo good natured men as to believe this, but I know many of that judgement that differ from this perſwaſion. Who doubts but Epiſcopacy and Presbytery will agree better together when there happens a Settlement, and Epiſcopacy returns unto its former glory; tis well conjectured, they that can hardly give one another a good word now, will be honorably treated by each other, when either ſhall get the Chair: and no doubt the Royaliſt did lately hope well for the return, of the Lawn ſleeves; which when it ſhall happen, if an honeſt Presbyter dare deny the body and bloud of Chriſt to any one that would be counted a Chriſtian, he may in requitall deny him his Tithes; ask Mr. Pryn if this be not Law. Yes, but his King being ſupported by ſo good a title, need not Cajol and fool any one Faction. Oh rare! pray who have been the favorites all along? No Biſhop, no King; good reaſon it ſeems to curry favour with them. Yes, but his Majeſty knows it to be his intereſt to grant Liberty of Conſcience: Well, be it ſo, by this means the greateſt ſinners will eſcape beſt; ſuch a Liberty as was formerly connived at, when a Pelagian, or an Antiſabatarian, might get to the top of preferment, and be able to confront a poor Puritan. To ſay the truth of them, if a man could11 do as they did, he might believe what he pleaſed: It was not ſo much an error in the Fundamentals of Religion, as a ſcrupulouſneſs about the Mint and Cummin of their Traditions that dubb'd a man an Heretick. Yea, but to kill all at a blow, His Majeſty will ſettle Presbytery, and reſerve liberty for the reſt, and there is very good aſſurance of it. This is more indeed then my Author promiſeth, who yet offers more then he can ever make good: but can he do this with honour, and without regret, leave his old friends to be glad of being pittiful poor Parſons or Country Vicars, when every one of them have deſerved at leaſt a Biſhoprick; can any body ſuſpect his affections of ſo great abatement towards Epiſcopacy, as to put their necks under the feet of Presbytery; this were an ill requital of their Loyalty, who deſerve to be head and not the tail. Yea, but ſuppoſe all that can be ſuppoſed, which we may chuſe whether we will believe or not, that the Epiſcopal ſhould ſo much deny themſelves, as to take up this Croſſe to follow his Majeſties intereſt, and be content to be any thing or nothing, ſo he may come to Rule whoſe right it is, as ſome have ill applyed it, and his Majeſty ſhould ſo far forget himſelf as to ſuffer it to be ſo for a while, yet I know what I know; hark what ſaith our Author, and then gueſſe at the ſecurity: Beſides that, Presbytery muſt be the overthrow of all other parties (which is as true of Epiſcopacy, ſaving alwayes the intereſt of the Papiſt) which are more conſiderable in the Nation then themſelves, that rigid Government no wayes complyes with the genius of this Nation, or the frame of our Municipal Laws, which the late King was well aware of, when he conceded to the ſetting it up for three years, being fully ſatisfied how effectual an argument the experience of that ſhort time would be, to perſwade the Nation to endure that galling and heavy yoak no longer. The application is eaſie. Three years would finiſh the courſe of Presbytery, and for thoſe leſſer parties that have grown up under it, the riſe of Presbytery muſt needs overthrow them. And ſo much for Liberty of Conſcience.
Secondly, Tis the common National intereſt to diſcountenance, and if poſſible to extirpate Popery. Whether my Antagoniſt ownes this as a National intereſt, is clear in the Negative, however, moſt of us, eſpecially thoſe that adhered to the Parliament, have miſerably forgot our ſelves if we renounce it. Tis almoſt in every mouth, the Papiſt, the Jeſuit undo us; theſe cannot claim the benefit of toleration, being the bane of any Proteſtant Nation; the Vipers that gnaw out the guts of their dam; that requite their protection, with endevouring the deſtruction of their Benefactors: of theſe that ſaying is moſt true, Save a Thief from the Gallows, and he will cut your throat; and no wonder, ſince their Religion teacheth them, they that kill an Heretick do God good ſervice: To this purpoſe they uſe all artifices immaginable to diſtract and diſquiet a Nation, when they cannot cope12 with it by force, and dare not break out into Rebellion, or attempt a general Maſſacre, which they make no more bones of, then cutting off a dogs head; witneſs the miſerable Proteſtants of Ireland, which our Author hath ſo much forgot, that he laments the hard treatment the Papiſts in Ireland have found. A reſtleſs generation they are, and will be alwayes endevouring to introduce their Religion, and ſubject us to the biſhop of Rome, and utterly to extirpate all that they call Horeſie. This deſign is going now amongſt us (as in other Nations) by creating and fomenting differences among all that are called Proteſtant, hoping ſtill to engage us one againſt another, till they riſe upon our ruines: To them Epiſcopacy, Presbytery, and Independency, &c. are one and the ſame thing; between whom they believe not ſo dreadful a difference, as we are made to think among our ſelves: we may be wiſer one day. It is then become our National intereſt to ſuppreſſe, and if poſſible to extirpate Popery, thereby to ſecure the Nation from threatned and impending ruine: Whether the calling in the late Kings Son be a probable redreſs of this grievance, deſerves to be ſo little a matter of diſcourſe, that I ſhall reſolve it in the very words of my Author, It is the intereſt of the Roman Catholick to call in the King; for by that means the heavy payments now on their Eſtates, with other burdens, will be taken off; and as to the preſſures of Penal Laws, they cannot but remember how far from grievous they were in the late Kings time, the Catholicks living here notwithſtanding them, in more flouriſhing condition then they of Italy, France or Spain, under their reſpective Princes; and would do infinitely more under their natural King, then if any forainer ſhould acquire the power by conqueſt: Beſides having generally adhered to the late King in his Wars, have no reaſon to diſtruſt, the finding favorable treatment from his Son, and to ſhare in that indulgence, he is ready to afford even his greateſt enemies — i. e. ſuch are Presbyterians and Independents — this is Authentick: Yea and beſides all this, who can tell he hath not ſucked in ſome of his Mothers milk.
Thirdly, The defence of Property is the common intereſt of the Nation. I will not miſpend a word to prove this, leaſt I ſhould reproach my Countreymen of ſo much eaſineſs, as ignorance of ſuch a foundamentall in reaſon as this, Whether Properly be in danger of being invaded by the calling in the late Kings Son, is more worthy of our enquiry: How many purchaſors are there, of Biſhops Lands, Dean and Chapters Lands, Delinquents Lands, and Crown Lands, whoſe Fee-ſimple would be no very wiſe title, but much worſe then Tenure in Villenage; let any man of reaſon imagine: this will not only concern Roundheads, but many who in other matters are at no great diſtance with Epiſcopacy have their hands full of them, they being bought and ſold over and over, many to whoſe hands this will come, will no doubt be ſufficiently13 ſenſible hereof: that theſe are alienated upon as good (if no better) reaſon, then were the Abby Lands, &c. in Hen. 8. time, none that were the firſt buyers had I believe any jealouſie to the contrary, nor hath any man any thing material to object againſt it: King and Delinquents Lands were juſtly forfeited for raiſing and levying War upon the Parliament: the Biſhops Lands, becauſe thoſe men involved us into thoſe Diſtractions, and abetted and adhered unto that party, and drove the Chariot of the Church ſo furiouſly, that they were like to overthrow all, wherefore the State found it good prudence to take down their mettle, by making better uſe of their Lands to ſatisfie publick debts, and ſo to leave them diſabled for the future to diſturbe our peace, which if their Lands had been reſerved, they would have been alwayes attempting to recover, and therewith the Government of Church and State too: the other Church lands went in company to help pay debts, being expoſed to forfeiture by the general malignancy of the incumbents, beſides were of no other ſignification then to maintain a company of lazy Lubbers: the Nation is hereby generally concerned to ſecure them their purchaſes, as thoſe were ſecured and untouched in Hen. 8. time: that Qeen Mary could do the Pope no courteſie in the former, my Author denies not, that if any ſhould go about to attempt the latter it would coſt him hot water, I do moſt willingly believe; however as the one was attempted, ſo moſt certainly would the other, and with much more violence, the temptation being now far greater, ſince he muſt be a ſorry King that hath loſt his Eſtate, Queen Mary was not altogether ſo nearly concerned: Is it imaginable when he ſhall return King of theſe Nations, he will endure to ſee the Crown Lands fallen into the fingers of John an Oakes, and John a Stiles, himſelf King of England and not a foot of Land, could he ſay, ſoul take thine eaſe, while thoſe Loyal hearts that followed him through thick and thin, in peril at Land, in peril at Sea, remain fleeced of thouſands, and ſome it may be of ten thouſands per annum, all the Church Lands gone, and nothing left to oblige thoſe props of Prerogative, would this give his Majeſty a competent ſatisfaction to ſit down and let it reſt thus? I trow not: How can he look upon himſelf as other then a burden to his Countrey, if he muſt live upon the Charity of well diſpoſed people, ſuch too would be the caſe of his Sequeſtered adherents, and could this comport with the honour of his Majeſty? could he ſee his Biſhops, Deans and Chapters thus brought to deſolation, ſo far from having their k•ngdom in this world, that they ſhould have ſcarce a hole to put their head in, and would not this be a hard Chapter? Could he look upon himſelf under the firſt conſideration, and believe he were The high and mighty Prince CHARLES King of England, Scotland, &c. or under the ſecond, and not think he had loſt the Crown of his Crown: could he believe himſelf Defender of the Faith. It is come to this iſſue, Either Purchaſers muſt be robbed of their Eſtates,14 for which ſome of them have paid dear enough, and ready money: or, he must live upon a general Contribution: which latter I have ſo honorable thoughts of him, as to believe he would not endure: the former would be diſhoneſt, the latter ignoble: the former would be an oppreſſion, the ruine of many; the latter an intolerable burden upon all. How well then they will befriend him, that ſhall put him upon this Dilemma, let our adverſaries themſelves be the judges. Beſides no body knowes how many new Delinquents muſt be made; it would be no eaſie matter to perſwade every man that hath adhered to the Parliament, that their Eſtates ſhould be ſo much their own, as at the pleaſure of Prerogative; yea, ſhould the ſtrongeſt obligations immaginable be faſtned on him, to bind up his hands from doing theſe Roundheads, and Puritans harme; yet would they hardly bind Him and his Heirs for ever. Whence muſt come thoſe rewards that our Author promiſeth they ſhall be ſure to finde that have ſerved him in any kinde, eſpecially they that are inſtrumental in his reſtitution. Certainly want of money, which he muſt needs be reduced unto, to gratifie them, being abundance, almoſt innumerable ſwarmes of crawling, croaking, creeping things that helped to undo his Father and him in the late Wars, will make invincible neceſſity good reaſon of State for ſome arbitrary proceedings; and then this decayed threedbare Courtier will beg that Roundheaded dog for a Ward, and that beggarly Cavalier will beg this Puritan, that Presbyterian, the other Independent, or Anabaptiſt for a fool; and veryly I would have them beg us all for fools when we have no more wit. And however he may be engaged to forgive us, yet can hardly be obliged to forget us, we ſhall be as bad as bound to our good behaviour: it muſt needs be enough (being added to our former tranſgreſſion) to entitle us to beggery, if not to the Gallows to piſſe againſt a Church wall. The Cavaliers that cannot contain themſelves from looking us through and through, and curſing us to our faces, while they are ſcarce yet in ſo good condition as to call it a State Militant, will make no great trouble of it when they arrive at their State Triumphant, to pick a hole in our Coats, that they may pick our pockets, and it is wonderful if they do not pick out our eyes. We ſhould ſoon be reduced to no better condition then that of Shimei, Go dwell in yonder place, and ſtir not thence, and if it ſhall be told, ſaying, He is gone to bring back a run-away ſervant, or to ſeek an Ox or an Aſſe that was gone aſtray (yea it may be though it were but a ſay ſo, yet) his bloud muſt be upon his head, and it would be rounded in our ears, Thou knoweſt all the wickedneſs thy heart is privie to, that thou didſt to my Father; therefore the Lord doth return thy wickedneſs upon thine own head.
Fourthly, Tis the common intereſt of the Nation to be eaſed of Taxes. To this I think no body will ſay nay. That the bringing in the late Kings Son is a hopeful remedy for the disburdening us of that heavy15 load of Taxes that have almoſt bowed us together, is demonſtrable from the deep arrear he is in to the Commanders and Soldiers of his and his Fathers Armies, every body knows how pitifully they were paid from time to time, whereby they were neceſſitated to make Plunder their help at a dead lift; and if where it cannot be had, the King muſt looſe his right, ſo muſt his Servants too, he could pay no farther then it would go; and a poor pittance it was he could raiſe, and much of that borrowed of his creatures, for which he remains their debtor; this would go but a little way, to ſtop ſo many mouthes as he retained in his ſervice: the Parliament having the purſe of England at their girdle let it then be conſidered, what a vaſt charge the pay of his Army amounts unto, during thoſe many years they were engaged againſt us, if our Arithmetick will reach it, and then let it be thought upon how little money they have fingered, and by the affaires of the Parliaments party, who notwithſtanding Crown Lands, Delinquents Lands, Biſhops, Dean and Chapters Lands, are moſt ſold to ſatisfie the Arrears of our Armies, who were yet three to one better paid then the Kings, through the help of Exciſe, and Contributions to a far greater value then the King could poſſibly command; notwithſtanding which, many of the Parliaments old Soldiers cannot much brag of being overpaid to this day, and thereby it may be ſhrewdly gueſſed, Whether it be not likely to prove a very notable expedient to eaſe us of our Taxes to pay theſe old ſcores, which though we ſhould think fit to diſpute, I doubt we ſhould not know how to refuſe, when they ſhall bring in their King, who muſt pay them their Arrears if he will keep them his friends, whom in all appearance he ſhould not do well to diſoblige, being more truſty to his intereſt then to be laid aſide upon eaſie terms; and verily he muſt be guilty of an implicit faith (for all the confidence of my Gentleman) that dare believe the Cavaliers will remit his Majeſty, and the Nation their debts, if ever they ſhall have opportunity to put their Debenters or Royal ſaith bils in ſuit: neither do I know, how the Maſter hath more right to the Government, then his Servants to their wages, and they that are ſo conſcientious of the one, will in reaſon finde as little ſcruple for the other, unleſs there be ſome prety fine diſtinctions that every one is not aware of. Beſides what hath been ſaid, it muſt not be forgotten, how long he hath been upon the ramble, at meer expence in Holland, France, Flanders, and Germany, and miſtake if you can, who are like to pay the reckoning.
Fiftly, Advance of Trade is the common intereſt of the Nation. But moſt probably it is not ſo obvious to every underſtanding, how Trade ſhould ſuffer a diſcouragement by the return of our old Monarchy; that it ſhould be taken for granted upon a bare Propoſition; and I the rather ſuſpect it, becauſe the calling him in would not finde ſo many Advocates and Votaries but upon a miſtaken belief, that Trade would thereby lift up its head: however, ſome there are very converſant16 in Trade, and moſt ſtudious for its promotion, who are not in doubt to conclude, That it muſt needs be a great diſturbance to Trade for a while, becauſe there must neceſſarily attend it a general expectation and ſilence, till the iſſue of ſuch an adventure, which ever makes Trade as ſt•ll as the times; yea and when this cloud ſhall be blown over, which cannot be in haſt, yet ſhall Trade receive no benefit thereby; for beſides, that the ſame oppreſſions, that are the now deſtroyers of Trade, muſt of neceſſity be continued (notwithſtanding there ſhould be peace) for the raiſing of monies to ſupply the neceſſities that would occur. I ſay, beſides this, Trade would•e a ſufferer by the return of our Monarchy: What have the beſt of all their Majeſties that ever Reigned in England done for the encouragement of Trade? If they had done any thing Material, England had been more bound to thank them then it is. Something it may be hath been done for the benefit of particular Trades, but Trade in general hath been little befriended. Trade and Tradeſmen all along have been the very ſcorn and envie of the Court: not fit to keep a Gentleman company, but at his diſtance, though ten times better then himſelf in eſtate; muſt be looked upon as ſorry Mechannick fellows, notwithſtanding in other Nations or Common-wealths, their beſt Gentry, Lords, Earls, Dukes hold it no diſparagement to Trade: Hereby Trade became of ſo good eſteem, that a Gentlemans Son ſhould be bread up for the Gallows rather then be diſhonoured by a Trade: Hence a man might play the good husband, Cart, Plow, buy and ſell Hogs, Sheep, Horſes, Cowes, Oxen, Hens, Geeſe, and yet be a tolerable Countrey Squire, but a Trades-man, no by no means, the time was when theſe were not fit to be numbred with the dogs of their flock: It was a noble knack to encourage Trade and Tradeſmen, that care muſt be had leaſt they ſhould be too fine, and be miſtaken for Gentry, and by all means their wives muſt be dreſſed according to Court directions, leaſt they ſhould vye gallantry with the Madams of Prerogative; by all means they muſt know themſelves, and tis pity ſome courſe is not taken now, that we may know a Tradeſ man from his betters; and however this may rather provoke ſome to laughter, then a ſerious thought about it, yet•t is not of ſo light conſideration; for whoſoever is concerned to keep Trade under, he hath two things to do that will effect it. One is, Set Trade into a condition of contempt, and this will keep a people of high Spirits (where the Gentry are highly honoured) it will keep them off from Trades, and make them ſeek their fortunes ſome other way, and if this prevail, then ſome reaſonable boones may be granted to thoſe few that maintain the Trade; for ſome Trade doth well under the greateſt Tyranny; but if men will be content to be any thing or nothing, to be baſe, and diſhonourable, to get rich s in a way of Trade, and ſo begin to overſtock a Monarchy, with Traders and Trade, then follows17 all manner of Gabels and Impoſitions, that if they will be doing, they ſhall be ſure to have no more then their labour for their pains: How much the flouriſhing of this City hath been envyed, ſome do yet very well remember; and how it was feared London ſhould grow too big for England. It hath alwayes been a maxime with Monarkes to keep the unruly Plebeans from being over purſey, leaſt their wits ſhould increaſe with their wealth, and they ſhould begin to contend for their Priveledges; and therefore to make the Conqueſt compleat, thoſe Projectors and Pattentees, were encouraged with their Monopolies, to eat out the heart of Trade, and keep the Merchant as bare as my nail: which (with ſome other grievances) was the very beginning and ground of our late Quarrel: when although ſome did arrive to vaſt Eſtates, by reaſon of the paucity of Tradeſ-men, ſcarcely any minding a Trade but ſuch as had very low fortunes to begin, and theſe living in times of Peace, and Court jollity. Yet was not this ſo general a good for the reaſons beforementioned, but ſo little encouragement was given, that if any Gentleman of a conſiderable Reputation had engaged any of his younger children in a Trade, he ſhould be looked upon to have debaſed his family for ever, and marred the generoſity of his childe; being only in a capacity to be put in Couples with a Hat and a Coif; a convenient match for a pair of Spatterdaſhes, and Leather Breeches; for ſuch were generally thoſe (ſaving only ſome few more ſerious then the reſt) that occupied any Trade when they firſt began their employment. How well the Citizens of London would be rewarded (by calling in the Scottiſh King) for not being like the men of Izachar, crouching under their loads in the late Kings time, let thoſe threatning letters of his late Majeſty to this City informe thoſe who are ſo ſollicitous for the return of Monarchy. Who ever would have Trade to flouriſh in England, muſt diſ-franchiſe two parts in three of thoſe that have ſerved Apprentiſhips ſince 1640. or muſt think of ſome better expedient then our old Monarchy for its advancement; it being abundantly manifeſt there are too too many Trades-men, and well willers to Trade, to thrive under that Monarchy, and receive that benefit by it they expect, who if there were ſuch reaſonable encouragement as might be given, would go near to be every ſecond man in the Nation. Trade is now grown, and growing into ſo good eſteem, which can never ſort with the intereſt and continuance of Monarchy, nor Monarchy with it.
Sixtly, Tis the common intereſt of the Nation, that the Soveraign powers and authority of Parliament be vindicated and maintained, and their freedom and priviledges ſecured. This is indeed Salus populi, all that we have to ſhew for the ſecuring of whatſoever we can call ours: Let Parliaments be rendred uſeleſs and unable to ſerve us, and all is cancelled that we hold by, we muſt become the moſt perfect ſlaves and18 villains that can be How well our Parliaments have been treated by our Monarkes, our Hiſtories are not ſilent, having ever been looked upon with an evill eye, as the bane of their Prerogative, and therefore were ſure never to be Summoned but upon moſt important and urgent occaſions for money, when all other artifices and contrivances failed: And if they durſt be ſo bold as to meddle with the general Grievances of the Nation, and were ſo ſturdy as vigorouſly to proſecute their Redreſs, ſhould not fail to be turned out of ſervice. What ever boones they procured for the people, were wrung like drops of bloud from the noſes of their moſt exc•llent Majeſties; and ſeldom or never, without venturing at leaſt, or pouring out their own bloud in the purchaſe. All the poſſibility they had to do us good, was diſputed by inches, and got now a little, and then a a little out of the very fire, and at a hard puſh at laſt came to ſignifie juſt nothing; Parliaments being utterly diſſolved and broken up by meer Will and Pleaſure, whenſoever they ſinned againſt the good liking of their Driver. A happy condition no doubt, and well agreeing with the Liberty of the Subject. We need look no further back then the late King Charles (though whole Volums could not contain what might be written) and we ſhall finde more then enough to our purpoſe: all the Parliaments that ever he called in his life till his laſt, being quickly broken to pieces by his arbitrary will, and not ſuffered to do the Nation any ſervice: This is ſo notorious, that no man will have the face to deny it; and therefore this Parliament finding that by no other way they could be made uſeful to the Nation, made tearms for themſelves, not to be diſſolved but by their own Conſent and Act. Mr. Pryn in his Narrative aſſerts this ſelf ſame thing; The King being hard put to it for Money, and ſorely vexed by the irreſiſtible clamours of the people, was forced to make a virtue of neceſſity, and to ſtrike a bargain with them. Having tyed up his hands that he could not diſſolve them, he muſt needs be pecking at them one by one; but finding himſelf prevented, not more by the Act he had paſſed for their continuance, and the priviledges they claimed for their Five Members, then by the honeſty of the City, who would not ſuffer him to do them harm: He ſoon diſcovered how much ſecurity his Act for continuance ſhould have yielded them; for departing the City, he ſets up his Standard, and declares them Rebels, and what not, again and again, and fights them to his own ruine. Yea, after he was beat out of the field, and could bear up againſt them no longer, he runs in diſguiſe to the Scots, hoping thereby to ſet us together by the ears, which after fell out to their very little honour. Wherein had he prevailed upon the Parliament, either by his Forces or his laſt reſerve of Policy, in turning himſelf over to the Scots; the moſt miſchievous and malicious deſign could be put in practice, and worſe in mine opinion then any of the reſt, having been the ground of all our miſchief ſince; and verily they muſt preſſe the19 Covenant luſtily, that after all this can perſwade us we were bound to preſerve his Perſon, and Honour, and Authority, and his Heirs for ever: I ſay, had he prevailed upon the Parliament, we had been the moſt abſolute Vaſſals of Europe, we ſhould have had amends made us for diſſolving former Parliaments, and the ruine of this, by never ſeeing another: But no queſtion the Son is otherwiſe enlightened, and ſeeing the Rock upon which his Father ſplit, will be ſure to avoid it, and will think it his happineſs and honour to be governed by his Parliaments; and therefore is willing to agree to us what our moſt wanton wiſhes can ask, as our Author thinks fit to abuſe us; but we are not ſo eaſily moved to believe againſt ſenſe, nor can be perſwaded, that the honeſty of his perſon, and the ſameneſs of his Intereſt with the Nation (which laſt proves a little diſputable it ſhould ſeem by this diſcourſe) of both which my Author makes ſo great brags, would be good ſecurity to embolden us to entruſt him with diſpenſing to us theſe unvaluable bleſſings that God hath givey us by the mediation of our Swords; ſince we are of full age, and know how to manage them our ſelves to our better advantage: but ſhould we diſtruſt our ſelves to be ſuch infants, as muſt call in a Guardian; it would be no great wiſdom to make a bargain, and ſale in Truſt, and put the price of our all into his hands in his name, to be kept for us, who believes himſelf Heir to his Fathers Prerogatives, and would make no bones to cry all his own, poſſeſſion being eleven points of the Law, it is ſomething to ſay, he is Fathers one Son, and must take his revenge upon Parliaments, for the good turns they have done his Father and him: and the old Charles being in rod letters in the Cavaliers Callender as the beſt of Kings, we ſhould wrong his memory to hope better of the Child then the Parent; who hath to an hair trod in his Fathers track, where ever he could ſet his ſhooe, and diſcovered his good affection to our Parliaments, both in his Fathers time, and ſince he pretended to be Charles the Second; being as perfectly fitted to riſe up in his Fathers ſtead, as if he had been ſpit out of his mouth: and they who ſo vigorouſly adviſe, for a treaty with him, hoping to kill him with kindneſs, to overcome evil with good; to court him into this Throne by ſuch ſmooth language as thoſe 1 King. 12.4. Thy Father made our yoke grievous: now therefore, make thou the grievous ſervice of thy Father, and his heavy yoke which he put upon us, lighter, and we will ſerve thee; will finde, although he ask counſel of the Old men that ſtood before his Father in his life time, who will adviſe him as verſ. 7. If thou wilt be a ſervant unto this people this day, and wilt ſerve them, and anſwer them, and ſpeak good words to them, then they will be thy ſervants, for ever: Yet notwithſtanding after three dayes (a ſhort times) breathing, after conſulting with his Young men, he will moſt certainly do, though it may be beforehand will not ſo plainly deal with us, as did Rehoboam with the20 men of Iſrael, verſ. 13. And the King anſwered the people roughly, and forſook the Old mens counſel that they gave him: and ſpake to them after the counſel of the Young men, ſaying, My Father made your yoke heavy, and I will adde to your yoke; my Father alſo chaſtiſed you with Whips, but I will chaſtiſe you with Scorpions. Whoſoever thinks it their benefit to quit the Priviledges of Parliament, for the Prerogatives of an Hereditary Monarchy, ſhall do well to believe it their intereſt to call him in. Yea routing of Parliaments is found ſo abſolute a requiſite to Prerogative, and ſo really the intereſt and concernment of a Single Perſon, that the Old Lord Protector (who ſwore ſo ſolemnly to preſerve the Laws of the Land) made no ſtick, but broke thoſe Parliaments in pieces which he called to ſerve his turn, if they could not ſay the Leſſon which was taken out for them: and thus it will be to the end of the Chapter, if care be not had; and they ſay prevention is the beſt phyſick.
Seventhly, Settlement is the common intereſt of the Nation. This is that every ones wiſhes zealouſly pretend unto, but few take the right courſe to procure; and therefore many being wearied out with expectation, fear we ſhall never ſee a Settlement, that no way can be found out, to give a rational content to all parties among us, that can be brought into practice, and therefore have doomed England to deſtruction, becauſe a houſe, or Kingdom divided againſt it ſelf cannot ſtand: becauſe we have been ſo many years labouring under diſtraction, and emptied from Veſſel to Veſſel, they fear it will never be otherwiſe: but theſe are their fears, not their deſires. Every one whoſe buſineſs is not to fiſh in troubled waters, heartily wiſhing a Settlement in theſe Nations; which would be ſo much the more welcome to us, as the want of it ſo long hath made us lament after it: It would be a great rejoycing to know where we ſhould reſt, that we might ſit under our own Vines and Fig-trees, without being alarumed with this Inſurrection, and that Change of Government, this Oath, and the other contrary Engagement, enough to make a wife man mad: but how this may be accommodated will fall in afterward, it ſhall ſuffice here to note how unreaſonable it is to hope for a Settlement by calling in the late Kings Son: For where ſeeds of Diſturbance and Diſcontents are univerſally ſown (which though now more hidden and underground, yet will ſoon appear after a little expectation) there no ſettlement can be hoped for. This then is made good by conſequence, it having been manifeſt, how he muſt needs trample upon the conſciences of Religious people, which can but little oblige them; give encouragement to Papiſts, who will be continually plotting to diſturb our peace: Entrench upon Property, which will create him not a few enemies: Encreaſe Taxes, which are the great make bate at this day: Diſcourage Trade, which will prepare men to raiſe their fortunes upon the ruines21 of the publique: and that his Prerogative will claſh with the Priviledges of Parliament, which if ever he grant us another Parliament, would moſt probably beget us another 20 years Diſtraction. If this then produce a Settlement of theſe Nations, it muſt be acknowledged a wonder is wrought for us: being a means not only very unlikely, but moſt contrary to its end; which only the hand of Omnipotency can over-rule. So that in all appearance, ſhould he acquire the Government of theſe Nations, it would be too hot to hold, and we ſhould be farther off from Settlement then now we are. From the whole I conclude,
That the Intereſt before mentioned under Seven Heads are Indiſpenſible.
That the bringing in the late Kings Son is imcompatible therewith.
Both which are ſufficiently cleared from any doubt; therefore it is by no means adviſeable to call him in. What ſhould I inſtance in Reformation of Religion: Eſtabliſhing the good and wholeſome Laws of the Land, which concern the Community: or Indempnifying irregular actions: Neither of which do require the application of ſuch a deſperate experiment; although ſome mercileſs. State Quackſalvers make this preſcription, and thereby keep our wounds ſtill bleeding, and diſtort us limb from limb, to practice their skill upon us, and make a triall upon their miſerable patients, till we ſwoon away and die under their clutches: when ſome Kitchin phyſick, ſomething more natural to the body of the Nation, would with much more reaſon, in leſſe time, and with leſſe hazard, reſtore the pale faced Religion of England, and confirm the good Laws of the Nation, which neceſſity hath ſomething weakned of later years, and procure a ſound indempnity which ſome think to be in a languiſhing condition; neither of which, for ought I perceive yet, are in ſuch extremity as to be under neceſſity of drinking in theſe Aſſes milk. I have done what I firſt promiſed, and made it clear, That the calling in the late Kings Son, is neither a certain, nor yet probable means, for preſervation of the Nation, and the Rights and Intereſts thereof. My next buſineſs is to produce an Expedient that may do what the other only did pretend; which trouble I give my ſelf and my Reader, not to preſcribe to men in Authority, referring it to their judgements, what form of popular Government will make this Nation moſt happy,22 whereunto my opinion ſhall ſubmit, though it ſhould not conſent; but becauſe our Author put in thoſe tearmes [The Only means of Preſervation] thereby inſinuating as if ruine were unavoidable, if his King could not ſave us, we muſt needs periſh. I think my ſelf thereby fairly provoked, not by my ſilence to conſent, that the Nation is left in an undone condition; having rendred his only preſervative fruitleſs and fruſtrate, but to perſwade my Countrymen to ceaſe from the Speeches and Actions of ſuch as are deſperate, and devoted to ruine, by offering a ſafe and facile way of recovery, to a better condition and temper of State, then our Nation hath enjoyed in the memory of Man, towards which the pulſe of the Nation is felt to beat pretty kindly. Wherein I ſhall not be ſo much an Innovator, as ſome others, ſeeing I do not much magnifie ſuch Propoſitions as have been made for new modelling foundations and ſuperſtructures, till it grows up to a Fabrick not unfitly reſembling a Windmill, which turns round, while it ſtands faſt: while an Engliſh way of a Common-wealth is no farther to ſeek, I ſhould miſlike it more then I do, if I took a voyage to Venice, of any other part of the world, to bring in a new pattern; ſince if my chothes did ſit as well to my back, they would pleaſe me no leſſe, then if they were alla mode a France. I ſay then,
That the Supream Authority of the Nation, being fully veſted in Parliaments of England ſucceſsively, and frequently Choſen by the Good People thereof, being free and without check upon them; this is an Infallible means (under God) of preſervation of the Nation, and the Rights and Intereſt thereof.
By the Supream Authority, I mean, the whole Legiſlative Power, and whatever Powers of right belonged formerly to Kings, Lords, and Commons joyntly. I add, that this be fully veſted in them; thereby I underſtand, that they have the ſole power of the Militia: which was claimed by the King, and by the Parliament; but whoever could get faſteſt hold would not let go, but would be ſure to have and to hold from that day forward; without this they would only be complemented,23 The Supream Authority of the Nation; as in courteſie we beſpeak Sir John and Sir Thomas Knights of the Lord Protector, but no ſuch matter — In Parliaments of England choſen, I intend Knights, Citizens, and Burgeſſes. By the good people of the Nation, I mean, ſuch as have not declared themſelves for the King againſt the Parliament in the beginning of the Wars, or been diſcovered in Armes, or Plots, upon the ſame account as diſturbers of the peace ſince; being ſuch as by Law are capable thereof. Succeſſively and frequently, I deſign, that the people looſe not their benefit of Elections after once chuſing, by Parliaments ſitting time out of minde, but that all Parliaments be choſen, and often choſen by the people, at leaſt once in two years. Being free, and without check upon them; I would have, that they be not overpowred by force, nor controuled by a Negative voice of Single perſon or Peers. Thus explained I will ſtand to my tackling,
That ſuch a Parliament is an Infallible means (under God) for preſervation of the Nation, and the Rights and Intereſts thereof.
I ſhall take the leſſe pains to clear the equity of my Propoſition, ſince the Malecontents of the Nation that have made ſo great a noiſe lately, ſeem to make this their only wiſh; and profeſs to acquieſce in the reſolutions of A Free Parliament, whoſe Supremacy they make ſo little doubt to acknowledge, that they, or ſome body for them profeſſe they will be content to be accounted Traytors if they diſpute. I ſhall only ſay this, That the Knights, Citizens, and Burgeſſes are thoſe, and only thoſe in whom we repoſe our truſt, as thoſe from whom we expect our benefits; they are as it were the Covenant Servants of the Nation, are a part, and the beſt part of our ſelves too, if we be not overruled in our choice; ſuch who if they ſhould harm us muſt wrong themſelves, being obliged in every thing they impoſe upon us, our intereſts being common and inſeperable: but that of King and Lords diſtinct, yea contrary to our Liberties, and ſo ſelviſh, and ſelf-ſeekers, and moſt unlike to be our Saviours. The other are embarqued in the ſame bottom with us, and ſo are concerned to make the beſt advantage for us they can: When theſe are bound to maintain their Honours and prerogatives, though upon our ruine: who are uſually never the leſſe Purſey, and powerful, as we are the more flaviſh and indigent. Therefore it concerns us, that the Supream Authority be24 veſted as I ſaid. I propoſe them the Militia, becauſe it would be poor Providence to betruſt them with conſulting for our welfare, if they have not power to ſee their reſolutions put in effectual execution: give a Parliament power of declaring Laws, and ſome other perſon or perſons power to diſpute thoſe Laws, or to ſubvert them, and then you may ſave the labour of the firſt, ſince the latter ſhall render the Supremacy of the former Subordinate. I know there can be no Supream Authority without the Militia; tis the ſame thing, but this (ad homines) to men that would unwillingly part with the Sword, yet ſeem very free the Parliament ſhould be the Supream Authority. We remember who diſputed the Militia with the late King, I would they had it now without diſpute.
I propoſe that they be ſucceſſively and frequently choſen, becauſe it is moſt unreaſonable that Parliaments, or what ever we call that we ſhall chuſe, ſhould continue as long as they pleaſe; this would make way for corruption, as it is commonly ſuggeſted againſt ſome in this Parliament, whoſe blame is very improvidently laid upon all the reſt, for certainly there is no greater temptation upon a Parliament then Continuance, and I would not they ſhould be lead into this temptation; this would make Parliaments ten thouſand times worſe then Monarchy.
I would have them frequently choſen, becauſe it is better for us, that they be often choſen, then that they do not alwayes continue; that they be quickly in a condition, or in poſſibility of being in a condition of ſubjection is more for our ſecurity, and more likely that they ſhould provide for us, and themſelves, then if they ſhould continue long in rule.
I would have them choſen by the good people of the Nation, as before explained; for it ſeems to me unreaſonable that thoſe who in the firſt quarrel took part with the King ſhould be admitted as yet to elect or be elected; who having waved the Umpirage of Parliament, and referred themſelves to the arbitration of the Sword, cannot expect that after a direct judgement given againſt them in the caſe; they ſhould have recourſe thither from whence their cauſe had been before Superſeded; and for the others they are or might be more ſenſible of their miſcarriages then to expect equal benefit with the more truſty and upright in the Nation; neither of which can with ſafty preſently he admitted to chuſe or be choſen, leaſt their choice and counſels ſhould lead to involve again the Nation in bloud.
I add, that they be not controuled by King, Single Perſon, nor Peers, or forced by Power: for if they ſhould be under the Law of the former, or under the force of the latter; as good never a whit, as never the better: there would be a Law in thoſe Members, would war againſt25 the law in their minds; and they could not do the things they would; ſo that though to will were preſent, yet how to perform, they might truly ſay, they knew not; they could finde no ability.
In a word, Two things very much commend the nature of my Propoſition, It takes in all intereſts, and it doth it by choice.
Firſt, The whole intereſt of the Nation is taken in to conſtitute this Supream power, every County, City, and conſiderable Burrough, ſend or ſhould ſend in competent Numbers to ſecure and aſſert their intereſts, no ſort of men but have an intereſt going here, the Clergy not excepted, who though they do not ſit here, leaſt it ſhould hinder their ſtudies, yet ſtrike a great ſtroak in Elections, and never looſe themſelves by a Parliament. The Nobility, if they be not too high in the inſtep, and think it below them to ſerve their Countrey, may ſerve themſelves too in this Counſel; being as like to be choſen as any other if they pleaſe. A Parliament alwayes takes in, or is taking in all Intereſts, every body hath his ſtock going here, which can be ſaid of no other Power; therefore moſt rationally may we expect it ſhould give ſatisfaction to all, ſince it takes care of the intereſts of all.
Secondly, It is performed by choice, which gives the moſt abſolute and undoubted right, and is that under which we are infinitely obliged to ſit down ſatisfied: a Woman cannot diſpute the right, nor ſcruple to ſit down content under the ſhadow of her husband, eſpecially if he be not obtrud d upon her conſent, ſince he is the fruit of her own choice; ſhe might have taken another if ſhe would: but ſhe could not ſo well content her ſelf under the right and rule of a Maſter unto whom ſhe was betrayed againſt her will; though ſince ſhe cannot help it, ſhe complies to make her ſlavery the more tollerable: but now the Woman that hath choſen her husband, though he prove worſe then ſhe expected, her choice hath obliged her as long as he lives. How undoubted then is their right of Supremacy, and with how abundant content and ſatisfaction may we give up our ſelves under their rule whom we chuſe our ſelves, unto whom we plight our troth for ſo little time; unto whom we do not ſay, Be our ſervants to day, and we will be yours for ever after (though I would ſay this to Parliaments in general, yet not to particulars) but have a power in our ſelves after a little pauſe to mend our Maſters, and put them into the ſame ſtate of ſubjection with our ſelves, which is not found in other conſtitutions; by the late. Other Houſe we may take a ſurvey and eſtimate of the beginning and original of the Houſe of Peers.
Thoſe that deſire full ſatisfaction of the Peoples right to chuſe their own Government, and Governors, I refer them to Mr. Harringtons Oceana, where they ſhall not loſe their labour, if they do not ſhut their eyes.
I paſſe on to commend my expedient, by its neceſſary effects, which will moſt certainly preſerve the Nation, and the Rights and26 Intereſts thereof. Let us try it then upon thoſe common Intereſts of the Nation mentioned before, and ſee how we ſhall ſucceed, which I ſhall refer to be judged fit to be received or rejected, as it abides the tryal.
Firſt then, for Liberty of Conſcience. What, in the world, can be imagined to ſecure this better then a Parliament; they are obliged to no one particular party ſo as to humour them, to the opreſſion or ſuppreſſing of the reſt, having experiance both of the affection and valour of the Presbyterians, Independents, and Baptized, towards the recovery of their juſt Supremacy; beſides are too vaſt and too noble a body, to be agitated by ſo low, ſo narrow, and ſuch a contracted ſoul, as ſhould ſtrait lace them ſo cloſe, that they ſhould be inexorable, and ſtiff to all diſſenters, from the more generally received faith**I do not mean Fundamentals. of the Nation, ſo as they ſhould not be able to breath the bleſſing of their protection upon them. Tis true Monarchy hath this Maxime, No Biſhop no King: I know no ſuch Maxime of a Free-State, of whom only this is true, their title is ſo good, they need fool no party to prop up themſelves; yea, tis their direct intereſt, to indulge to every man, what liberty he can claim as a Man or a Chriſtian, which is not repugnant to Reaſon or Scripture. Tis a ſenſe of our juſt rights and our claim of them, that bear up the Pillars of a Parliament, it was this that not long ſince brought them out of Egypt, and tis this that makes them the delight of our eyes, and the joy of our hearts; it muſt need then be their intereſt, to gratifie us herein. Let us looſe the ſenſe of our juſt rights, or retaining the ſenſe of them, looſe the courage of heart to demand them, and our Free-ſtate will ſoon degenerate into ſlavery, and become a prey to ſome Nimrod, ſome mighty Hunter: a Common-wealth can never ſit faſt upon Blind Bayard. Beſides, that it is their intereſt to do every man right, there can be no party which can pretend to Liberty of Conſcience, that can want their Advocates in this Aſſembly, every party may tell their tale here, and if they want not reaſon on their ſide, need not fear of ſucceeding to their content; can it be thought to ſort with the Wiſdome or Intereſt of the Parliament, to carry it on in a way of Faction as ſome dream, and thereby to diſoblige any conſiderable number of their Members and Friends, when they ſhall urge nothing but what may be with ſafety conceded? Can they ſo little underſtand themſelves, as to forget, that to cement; and unite is their intereſt, which cannot be otherwiſe performed then by gratifying all Religious pretenders, ſo far as Reaſon and Religion will allow, divide & impera may not be written among their Politicks. Yea, the Epiſcopal party, who are not eaſie to be perſwaded, that the Supremacy of Parliaments can ſignifie any good to them, cannot fail to receive an equal benefit with the reſt in matters of Religion, if they will not leave us without27 hope of their compliance with the Government, ſince they cannot be without many wel-willers to their way of Worſhip in that Councill.
The Presbyterians too, muſt needs finde friends there to bear his head above water, notwithſtanding that mighty deluge of Quakers and others, having taken ſo deep rooting in the mindes of many, that thoſe winds and waves, may do their worſt againſt this Houſ•, and not finde its fo•ndation in the ſand. So that it is evident a ſufficient liberty muſt be had by a Parliament, to content any but ſuch as will be ſatisfied with nothing leſſe then being abſolute Lords over Gods heritage, and having abſolute dominion over our Faith. There are ſome in the world that think it good diſcretion to indent for Liberty of Conſcience, as not thinking it fit to truſt our Repreſentatives herein, fearing they ſhould take up a little, and not throw the reigns upon the neck of every opinion as it is this day: But for mine own part I am free to truſt my all with a Parliament, as not fearing them in the leaſt; and for my Religion, I ſhould not think it much, if it would not engage me freely to obey, or patiently to ſuffer, in caſe I muſt needs run counter to the unanimous reſolutions of the Supream Authority, thinking it expedient that one man ſhould die for the people; better I ſhould ſuffer in my ſingle concernment, then they ſhould diſturb the Publique Tranquillity. But put the worſt, think as hardly as can be thought of Parliaments, here is a ſufficient courſe to be taken with them, if we do indent with them at Elections about Liberty of Conſcience; they cannot meddle in what they are not betruſted with. Thoſe that are ſo tender for ſecurity in this point, cannot deviſe any way to hold if this will not, if they can let us know, which project we will allow in a due latitude rather then looſe our buſineſs, but we ſhall not elſe need it: however this is neither Epiſcopal nor Presbyterian policy, which makes me wonder that either of theſe ſhould be ſo much eſtranged from the Supremacy of Parliaments: and makes me often lament the hard fate of Parliaments, that one ſort of men dare not truſt them for a ſufficient tolleration; and the other ſort of men are unwilling to credit them, for an uniformity of worſhip; laying both together, makes me conclude, They are moſt like to be our Saviours, being diſpoſed for middle perſons, to ſalve thoſe extreams amongſt us, which are not to be reconciled, but by the interpoſition of ſuch, as will not eſpouſe the pretenſions of either, but endevour to make both yeeld as much as may be to the ſatisfaction of all; and if Parliaments were more a party with either, they would be move unlike to attone the differences among us, but being a mixt body, and neceſſarily made up of all parties, muſt needs receive ſuch an allay thereby, as ſhall diſpoſe them to ſo great an indifferency, as may give every man reaſon enough to abide their award and judgement, unleſs we will reſerve to our ſelves a liberty28 of making Exceptions (as we may againſt ſome Jury-men) without ſhewing the leaſt reaſon in the world for ſo doing: I conclude with Mr. Harrington, Either liberty of Conſcience can have no ſecurity at all, or under a Popular Government muſt have the greateſt ſecurity.
Secondly, Extirpation of Popery. Here now I cannot chuſe but run ſous againſt Portland, and fall foul upon Mr. Prin; how I ſhall get off, no body knowes: Ipſe dixit: He tells us in his True and perfect Narrative, as he calls it, that it was a Plott laid long agone by the Jeſuites, to reduce us to a Common-wealth: That Richelieu bequeathed it as a Legacy of his Politicks to Mazarin, to root out our Royall Family, and to perſwade us into a Popular Government: And that a Confeſſor of the Queens waved his Hat at the Decollation of the King, in great triumph; as who ſhould ſay, The day was their own. And much more to the ſame purpoſe, to enforce his Allegation, That the Government of a Common-wealth is Popiſh and Jeſuitical, and tends to the advance, and encreaſe of Popery. I ſhall make no doubt, ſo farre to agree with Mr. Pryn, That the Papiſts and Jeſuites great deſign is, and all along hath been, and will be, To daſh us in pieces one againſt another: And it might be no inſignificant Artifice to put us upon laying aſide Kingſhip; hoping thereby eternally to engage us in Parties and Factions, that might in the end be the ruine of each other: And who can tell whether Mr. Pryn hath not been an unhappy inſtrument in promoting their ſervice. It is not to be doubted but the Jeſuites were well enough pleaſed, with the firſt Differences between the Parliament and King, and yet I hope the Parliament were not Jeſuited: I dare ſay it did not trouble the Jeſuites that Mr. Pryn was brought into London from his houſe of bondage with ſo much triumph; for he muſt needs make a good Incendiary: And he tells us, The plot was laid long before; no doubt it pleaſed them as well that the Scots and Engliſh were engaged one againſt another; a hopefull way to ſettle our Common-wealth: Did it go to their hearts, doth Mr. Pryn think, that old Cromwell thruſt this Parliament out of dotes; that he made himſelf Protector, that he broke up ſo many Conventions at his diſcretion; that the Protectorſhip was laid by? and are they not more then ordinarily concerned now to rout this Parliament, before they can lay the foundations of our Free State? Doth not Mr. Pryn think they would cry, Aha, aha, ſo we would have it, if they could by any means ſet the Parliament and Army at variance? And were not th•s a bleſſed project for ſettlement of a Free State: I will not ſay Mr. Pryn is a Jeſuite, but this I muſt ſay, He hath done more then one mans ſhare to diſtract us, and to lay the foundation of this laſt Sedition; which ſmells more of the Jeſuite then any of the reſt, being more cunningly deſigned, more ſecretly managed, and29 univerſally ſpread, then any that hath been on foot to this day: And yet Mr. Pryn will not ſay this was a deſign for a Free State. 'Tis the Papiſts deſign out of doubt, to diſturb and deſtroy us; to unſettle us all they can, that they may ruine us. And therefore it was not unlike the Diſciples of Machiavell, to drive us from a ſettlement, hoping to crumble us to duſt, before we could arrive to a better conſtitution: If it were their plot, as I know no great ground to believe, (and Mr. Rogers hath well anſwered) more then to diſtract us; I ſuppoſe they meant us no good by it, but they are fallen into the pit they digged for us; the Lord is known by the Judgements he executeth, the wicked are ſnared in the work of their of their own hands: Higgaion Selah. We are now in a hopefull way of ſetling a Common-wealth, and we ſhall quickly underſtand what advantage ſuch a ſettlement would yield to the Papiſt: It is not at all to be diſputed but another Queen Mary would do their buſineſſe as well as a Common-wealth; who would hardly be perſwaded to joyn our Nation to Saint Peters Patrimony. I appeal to all the World, whether their deſigns be not more eaſily wrought out of a private intereſt, then a publique: Whether it ſhould be harder to make one perſon for them, or the whole Nation? We are no ſtrangers to the genius of our Native Countrey. If the ſingle perſon ſhould deny to pleaſure them, it were no hard matter to take their revenge there; by Poyſon, Ponyard, or Piſtoll: They could quickly remove out of their way an Edward the Sixth, or a Prince Henry, if they were like to ſpoyl their deſigns; Were they not more likely to advantage themſelves by matches of our Kings with Popiſh Women? Doth not Mr. Pryn acknowledge the Jeſuites had a great number of Colledges in England, in his forecited Book? Do we not all know, the Papiſts had as much countenance as they can imagine under our Free State? Remember what my Author ſaith, which I mentioned before. Yea, have not our Parliaments been their greateſt Enemies? I appeal to Mr. Pryn, If the Houſe of Commons have been any of their best friends ſince our Nation hath been Proteſtant? He tells us himſelf, How angry the Papiſts were at the Propoſitions of the Iſle of Wight, which the King conſented to againſt the Papiſts: We all know whoſe was the contrivance. Yea, all the Papiſts of England appeared for the King in his warres againſt the Parliament; you will judge then whether they be for a Common-wealth againſt Monarchy; or whether they mean us a ſettlement of our Common-wealth; eſpecially ſince Monarchy is now cryed up hotter then ever, by that party, and their Agents; or any thing rather then we ſhould ſettle in the way of an equal Common-wealth: which certainly if ever they put us in purſuit of, they never meant we ſhould reach, or overtake.
But let my Expedient be put in practice, the Nation ſetled upon30 the Foundations of Parliaments, and my life for it, the Papiſts ſhall receive their deadly wound, which ſhall not be healed; nor ſhall they have power to vex our Nations any more, for they have been the mortall enemies of Parliaments, engaged in wars againſt them all along: and alwayes practiſing ſedition againſt them. Inſtances are familiar here, and in Ireland: whereby they have engaged the Parliaments their everlaſting foes; ſo that thoſe of the Parliament that would have reſtored the King, ſhewed their good will unto the Papiſts, by cauſing the King to agree to their perſecution: Yea Parliaments ever ſince Queen Mary eſpecially, have ſhewn their teeth at them, and bitten too as often as they have been able to reach them; till they have been rated off by their Maſters: And it cannot be but their ſins muſt come in remembrance before our Parliaments: And then falling into their hands whom they have obliged not to befriend them, they may expect what will follow, even the wages of their iniquities, which I ſee by their buſtling they are well aware of: their Religion is an enemy to our Peace. They have done nothing to merit the Parliaments favour; nor can finde any advocates in that Aſſembly, that dare ſpeak out for them; no Cottington, no Digby: There ſhall be Epiſcopal, Presbyterian, Independant, and Baptized, all vying their zeal againſt them, who ſhall moſt fervently expreſs his anger at them. Yea, and he ſhall think he hath ſufficiently purged himſelf from all Damnable Errors, that ſhall wou•d the Hairy Scalp of the Scarlet Whore: The Papiſt will have good luck, if they do not receive at their hand double for all their villanyes; being more like to give them bloud to drink, who have drunk bloud in abundance, then to give them any encouragement or toleration among us: Yea the very Fift Monarchy-men, who of late years have been mentioned with as much deteſtation and indignation, as if they maintained ſome damnable Opinions, or Doctrines of Devils, are as forward as any to ſhew their zeal in this particular.
Thirdly, Defence of Property: This Parliaments muſt neceſſarily make good for their own credits. 'Tis irrationall to fear that Property in generall ſhould be endangered by a Parliament; but thoſe Eſtates which have been ſold by former Parliaments, muſt be made good by following Parliaments, elſe they crack their reputation, and undo their credit: They who have been faithfull to the Parliament, need not fear, no nor the Cavaliers, for having compounded, there will remain no more ſacrifice for their ſin, if they live peaceably in the Land. Beſides for Crown-lands and Church-lands, they can have no temptation to alienate them from the Purchaſors, ſince it cannor be, but they will have a Stock going in them themſelves; and Kings, Biſhops, Deans and Chapters being outed the Nation, there will be no occaſion of thoſe Lands to maintain their Grandeur: And for Delinquents31 Eſtates that are ſold, there can be no thought of their reſtitution, for care will be had that their Provender do not prick them to ſedition againſt the State. However, if any of their Eſtates have been ſold without due proof of their Delinquency (as it is pretended of ſome) God forbid but their eſtates be reſtored them, the Purchaſors receiving their Money from the State, or ſatisfaction ſome other way: So that without peradventure, Every man ſhall enjoy the purchaſe of his Penny, under the Supremacy of Parliaments: And yet would there be no cauſe of Conteſt, but it would be a matter of generall content and applauſe, if the Parliament ſhould be ſo highly juſt as to enquire in good earneſt into the frauds of the Common-wealth; and make them pay the full value of their Purchaſes, who have plaid the Knaves, and cheated both the Souldier and the State; and then they too, may enjoy their Purchaſes, when they have paid the ſame rate for them with other men, who were forced to pay to ſuch a value, or go without them.
Fourthly, Eaſing of Taxes. This is ſo abſolute a benefit that we have had by the Houſe of Commons formerly ſo called, that our Kings looked upon them only as our Purſers. And our laſt Lord Protector in his Speech to the other Houſe, and the Commons aſſembled in the late Lords Houſe, directed himſelf to the Commons, as if ſo be they had ſignified nothing in the world but to look to the peoples Caſh, and to ſee which way their Money went before they parted with it. And the truth is, they have been alwayes very frugal for us, till the late unhappy differences; which have neceſſitated ſo many Charges, as hath forced them to a ſtrange kinde of Prodigality, ſuch as hath almoſt made the Nation Bankrupt: Which certainly had been repaired long before this time, had not that unparalel'd Uſurpation been practiſed upon our Government, that hath put us many hundred thouſand pounds in debt, which muſt be paid; and may juſtly excuſe the Parliament for having lately made bold with us, to pay a little before hand, and muſt leave them without blame, though they puniſh us a little more then ordinarily, till the Nation be in ſome meaſure our of debt: No man in his right ſences but muſt willingly contribute thereunto as he is able, having no reaſon to expect it can yet be otherwiſe. But the Debts of the Nation being brought into a narrower room, which a little time may compaſſe, we may expect, and ſhall finde, our Taxes will be broght as low as poſſible: for 'tis the concernment of themſelves to do us what good they can herein; they paying equall Taxes with other men, according to the value of their Eſtates: Beſides being not of long continuance, and ſo not likely to advantage themſelves by Offices, muſt needs be willing to go off with applauſe; every Parliament ſtriving who ſhall leave leaſt burden upon the people: There being no greater ſervice they can do,32 to commend themſelves, to the generall good liking of the Nation: And therefore the Lord Protector after once he brought the Tax to Thirty five thouſand pounds per menſem, with all his Rhetorick, could never perſwade any of his Parliaments to raiſe it a penny, being unwilling to draw the envy of the people upon themſelves: And it may be hoped, That the Parliament now ſitting, will do ſomething towards our relief herein; although perhaps at preſent they cannot avoyd a greater Tax then hath been upon us theſe Four or Five years, for reaſons mentioned before, yet may we not hope in vain, to have amends made us, one way or other: It being a ſhrewd temptation to gain a general applauſe; that when they have finiſhed their courſe, and done their work, they may have the Nations Euge, Well done good and faithfull ſervants. Something of this nature they have already under conſideration; I wiſh it may ſucceed according to their deſires: For I am very ſure they are induſtriouſly ſtudious to render us ſome ſuch ſervices, as may ſignalize the care they have of our welfare: In the mean while (pardon my homely Proverb.) It is not wiſdome to loſe a Hogge for half a penniworth of Tarre: But when they can, let them give us as much eaſe as poſſible; ſucceeding Parliaments will be ſure to take off what they may, but will hardly be perſwaded to lay on more load, as you may well imagine: And every ſucceeding Parliament will have advantage of the other, to do us a pleaſure, as we ſhall grow better quieted, and leſſe diſpoſed to ſedition and disturbance; which fruit we muſt needs reap by a Parliaments Supremacy, which cannot but give content to all Partyes.
Fifthly, Advance of Trade. Here I dare ſay, I ſhall little need to beſpeak attention; every one greedily liſtening after this advantage. Trade is the very life and ſpirits of a Common-wealth; it makes the complexion of a people lively, and pleaſant: When it flouriſheth, you may obſerve a general Jubile. Break the Neck of Trade, and you break the Heart of a Common-wealth, and make it fit to be ridden by every Tyrant and Uſurper. When people have more then enough to doe to get their Bread, they will have little leaſure or heart to contend for their Rights and Priviledges: 'Tis when Riches abound, that men are in a condition to bear up their Priviledges; when Trade flouriſheth, then Riches flow in, and then no coſt will be ſpared to preſerve our Rights: Every body knowes the generall benefit of Trade; I need ſay no more to that. But this obſerve, Whereſoever you take notice of Rulers giving all poſſible encouragement to Trade, you may be confident that people are already arrived under a juſt Government; or that it is really deſigned for them: And whoever they be, that Curtail Trade, whether ſingle perſons, or others, and think it not fit to give it its juſt Priviledges; (although they may do ſome common Courteſies for33 it, to pick thanks) never doubt but they intend to make us their Slaves; let their pretenſions be bever ſo ſpecious for liberty. The more refined any Government is, the more exactly ſquared to the line and Plumet of Reaſon; ſtill the more of their countenance will be beſtowed on Trade; knowing, the more wealthy we grow, the more we ſhall contend for them: It is not to be doubted, that Government which is moſt rationall, and gives beſt ſatisfaction to the people; that ſhall be ſure to thrive beſt, where the people thrive moſt; they grow up together to the greatest height; that Government encourageth Trade, and that Trade ſupporteth the Government: But Uſurpations, and Prerogatives being againſt common reaſon, are beſt born up upon the ruines of Trade: The more Beggars the more Soldiers for your Money: And therefore ſome have ſaid, If his late Majeſty could have kept this City from getting to ſuch a head, he had ſate faſt in his Throne. And our old Protector plaid this game pretty well, by getting the Cuſtoms and Exciſe raiſed much higher then ever; and expoſing them to Farmers, to ſqueeze the Trader to ſome purpoſe: which hath cauſed many a man to take Sanctuary in the Upper Bench; and made many others forbear Trading to keep what they have; not knowing which way to get more; which brought Trade to ſuch a paſſe, that certainly if he had lived Protector Six years more, he had beggered half the Tradeſmen in the Nation. And whoever he be that ſhall ſnatch away the power, out of the hands of our Parliaments, be he one man, or a few men, the beſt of men, what you pleaſe to term them; this be ſure, they will have ſuch a witneſſe in their conſciences that their cauſe is not juſt; that they will finde it prudence, to keep the Tradeſmen low enough; being thoſe that ſet all the wheels of the Common-wealth a going, and bring in the wealth of the Nation; and are ſturdy fellowes themſelves, againſt Oppreſſors: And therefore the deſign of this Parliament, to take off Cuſtomes and Exciſe, as it is generally reported; which hath been had in deliberation among them, and which they are very deſirous the project propounded may anſwer expectation, of which they were informing themſelves by an enquiry throughout the Nation; and therefore have continued the Cuſtomes and Exciſe but for three months longer, to ſee what may poſſibly be done in it: I ſay, this is with me a very important ſign, that they did indeed intend us an equal Government: Wherein I heartily wiſhed them good ſucceſſe. It will be a good day in England indeed when Exciſe is taken off, better if both Cuſtoms and Exciſe could be taken off; but if the Exciſe were laid by, and the Cuſtoms halved, brought as low as any other Nation, or but half the Rates impoſed that now are paid;••would be a great eaſe and benefit; and give infinite content unto the Merchant; and ſhould nevertheleſſe bring more Sacks to the Mill, be a greater Revenue thou now it is, as is eaſie to demonſtrate. Well, had this Parliament given us one lift, and I dare warrant, the next ſhall not be behind hand;34 for ſtill as Parliaments come to be of ſhorter continuance, and can have no deſign upon us; they will work while it is called their day; that they may give all encouragement to Trade; which muſt, and will be unto them inſtead of Walls and Bulwarks: And ſhall for ever ſecure them, againſt King, or Houſe of Lords. So that their Intereſt conſidered, there will need in the Parliaments no Advocates for Trade; it will be ſo generally the Intereſt of the whole; but to make the ſecurity good beyond poſſibility of miſcarriage; a conſiderable number of Tradeſmen cannot fail for Cities, and Boroughs, to make voices for the advantage of Trade: Yea, few Gentlemen of the Parliament, but muſt have younger children, younger Brothers, or very near Relations that are engaged in Trades; who will not be wanting to do them a pleaſure; That a more then common advantage to Trade is hoped for from the Supremacy of Parliaments; I have this to adde, viz. The extraordinary abounding of Tradeſmen, ſince this Parliament firſt began to ſcuffle with the King for the priviledges of the people: It is not to be diſſembled, how little encouragement hath been given to Trade theſe many years; through the extraordinary Impoſitions that have been upon it; and yet 'tis no more to be conceated, how Tradeſmen have multiplyed in London; ſo that if reſtraints had not been laid upon Buildings, it would not have been farre from London to Brainford. This is that which hath made Rents ſo unreaſonably high in London; a ſtrange kinde of wilfullneſſe there hath been, that every body will be Tradeſmen; when all the Trade that hath been going in the Nation theſe two years and upwards, hath been too little to afford one third part of them a comfortable livelyhood: 'Tis certainly a providence they have for future Benefit that muſt neceſſarily accrue after our Hurliburlies are over, and we arrive at a ſettlement, under an equal Common-wealth. And it is, no doubt ▪ a good piece of diſcretion not to be beaten off from engaging in Trade by preſent diſcouragements, when the long run promiſeth the greateſt advantages that men of but competent Fortunes can hope for: Neither doth the multitude of Traders, when Trade is open, and free, at all hinder Trade, but the more the m•rryer, and the better cheer too: Though when Trade is ſhut up, and ſpoyled, every one ſtands in the others way. I have wondred many times the reaſon why moſt of our Gentry have of late affected, to place their ſons Apprentic•s, and will give any money, rather then fail to diſpoſe of them in Trades: I durſt never think them all, to be fools and their money ſoon parted; yea, the beſt Gentry of England, are very deſirous, and do daily match their Daughters into the City, and give three times the portions that twenty years ſince would have been given to a Citizen; when money was much more plentifull then now; ſo that men are concerned to ſee it the better laid out. And yet Trade, ſo miſerably bad as it hath been of late; I know not how to reſolve it otherwiſe, then a preſage of future good dayes unto the Trader,35 grounded upon the alterations that have befallen us; and if Tradeſmen have ſo much encreaſed under ſo many opreſſions, when fed upon ſtones, and getting what they have out of a flint, living moſt upon hopes; what may we expect, when under a conſtant Succeſſion of Parliaments, enjoying our peace, trade ſhall receive all poſſible furtherance by Authority, but that we ſhall grow to an immenſe wealth, that ſhall make us with Gods bleſſing, a wall of braſſe, and a terror to our Neighbours round about us. Yea, if Trade already be ſo well eſteemed, that Tradeſmen to a great number, are acknowledged to be men of very good ingenuity, and of commendable behaviour, ſo as many of them are hardly diſtinguiſhed from the beſt bred men of the Nation, and are received as companions for them: to how much greater Reputation will they arrive when the incombrances of Trade being removed, men of the beſt literature ſhall think ſome of their time well beſtowed in canvaſſing a Trade; and ſuch curteſies yea ſuch juſtice muſt needs proceed to Traders from a Parliamen•s Supremacy. Some there are, more nice then wiſe, the Gallants of the times, who are very jealous if the Tradeſman have much countenance, he will go cheek by jole with them, and not give them the reſpect belongs to them, a meer fancy — Say they, who doth the Tradeſman live by, but the Gentry: Very good, and ſo long as they receive a benefit by you, never fear, be not too long in their books, and you will not want their congees; but I tell theſe Gentlemen they will reap a benefit hereby, for Trade getting reputation, you will be eaſed of thoſe retainers in a great meaſure, thoſe bloudſuckers that leave you not a peny in your purſes by Quarter day. Younger Brothers, and Unkles, and Cozens, that ſtick as cloſe to you as your ſhirts to your backs, who ſcorn a Trade ſo much, that they do as it were rather beg their bread in a Gentile faſhion. Theſe then will be engaged in Trades, and be able to live by their own ingenuity, beſides leſſe portions will ſerve turn to ſet them up bravely, then now they draw away from their elder Brothers, which pincheth hard ſometimes, and yet after a little roaring ſpend all, and are turned upon their good Brothers keeping at the laſt, who cannot be ſo little a Gentleman as to ſhut his dores upon them, and if he leave them open, they will be ſure to come in, without crying, by your leave Sir, thinking it high injuſtice he ſhould have ſo much when all theirs is gone.
Sixtly, Soverain powers and priviledges of Parliament, aſſerted and vindicated. This is ſo well cared for by this expedient; as if every thing elſe were of no comparative conſideration with it; ſo that thoſe who are our Truſtees in Parliament, whom every part of the Nation chooſeth to act for them; thoſe that the great Patrons of Prerogative will tell you, were never known any otherwiſe then as Peti•ioners to their Majeſties, they are ſtated in the Supream Authority of the Nation, without King or Lords to controal them; ſo that they may then command36 what formerly they might beg, and go without: that thing which we ſo much complained of, and was indeed a real grievance, that our Commons in Parliament were without power to do us good, by reaſon of the Negative Voices over them, is hereby ſufficiently redreſſed, and we may expect the benefit of it, if we will be ſo true to our ſelves, as to chuſe the beſt deſerving Patriots, and moſt publique ſpirited men to act for us. I ſhall inſtance in three Particulars more that are the common concernments of the Nation, which were only named before, not inſiſted on, and haſten an end.
Seventhly, Tis the common intereſt of the Nation that Religion be reformed according to the Word of God, and the examples of the beſt reformed Churches. I do not diſpute whether this be State Policy, but ſure I am tis good Chriſtian prudence. This comes to be our intereſt, not only as we have lift up our hands to the moſt high ſo to do, (which upon no account that I know can be diſpenſed) but as we expect God to bleſſe us, ſo it becomes our intereſt to glorifie him by bearing our witneſs to the truth; without which tis moſt high preſumption to expect his bleſſing, eſpecially ſince we profeſſe our ſelves Chriſtians, it is ſurely our duty to glorifie God by a publique profeſſion of our Religion, atteſted unto by the Supreme Authority, ſuch as the publique vote of the Nation ſhall judge to be moſt of Divine Authority: it would be hard meaſure, that the minor part of the Nation, by claiming the benefit and right of ſerving God according to their conſciences, as tender ſpirited men, ſhould deprive the ma•or part of that tenderneſs, their conſciences muſt needs oblige them to expreſs to Religion; for if the minor part claiming liberty of Conſcience, ſhall debar the major part from a publick profeſſion of Religion; then the major part is bereaved of their liberty of conſcience by the minor, which is moſt unequal, as Mr. Harrington hath excellently well obſerved. It is ſtrange to me, how any man ſhould reſolve, that a publique profeſſion, and a Chriſtian toleration are inconſiſtent and unpracticable: unleſſe this be inſeparable from a publique profeſſion, that all diſſenters muſt be perſecuted, which can by no means be admitted; yea, I am bold to juſtifie Mr. Harrington in his 45 Aphoriſm, That there may be Liberty of Conſcience, there muſt be a National Religion: it will then be the intereſt of the Nation, that a publique Miniſtery be encouraged and maintained: I have Mr. Harrington my friend in this too, Aphoriſm•46. That there may be a National Religion, there muſt be an endowed Clergy; and verily he hath many things to this purpoſe of much concernment and unanſwerable. I will repeat ſome few.
Aphoriſme 42. Where the major part is deprived of the Liberty of Conſcience by the minor, there they will deprive the minor of that liberty of Conſcience, which they might otherwiſe enjoy.
Apoh. 43. In Iſrael there was an endowed Clergy, or Prieſthood, and a National Religion under inſpection of the Magiſtrates; whence the37 Chiſtians in Apoſtolick times, defraying their own Miniſtery, could have Liberty of Conſcience; whereas if the Chriſtians by going about to take away tithes, and aboliſh the National Religion, had endevoured to violate the Conſciences of the unconverted Jews, theſe being far greater in number, muſt needs have taken away the Liberty of Conſcience from the Chriſtians.
Aphor. 44. Paul in Athens could freely, and undiſturbedly convert Dionyſius and others, therefore in Athens there was liberty of Conſcience; but if Paul and his Converts, had gone about to drive hirelings, or an endowed Prieſthood, or Clergy out of that Church, who ſeeth not that the Athenians w•uld have driven Paul and his Converts out of Athens? I do not forget my ſelf, there muſt be a pu•lique Miniſtery maintained, without which our publique, yea and our private Chriſtian profeſſion will be loſt; to which the Parliament by their late memorable Votes, as alſo by their very kind receiving of the Leceſterſhire. Petition, have given their publique teſtimony, Gods bleſſing on their hearts for it. However ſome in the world taking advantage of the raſh actings of ſome few, who ought to have been better diſciplined, yet were overruled by the blinde zeal of their private ſpirits, have thruſt ſore at the Miniſtery of the Nation, Theſe are they who receive your Tithes, you ſee now how much beholding you are to the Miniſtery; what ſhall they have Tithes ſtill? when will you know your friends from your foes? but theſe men know not what ſpirit they are of; and it appears, that you have not ſo learned Chriſt: that for the inconſiderate actings, of ſome fiery zealots, you ſhould call for fire to conſume them, and ſtarve all the reſt: A Miniſtery ſo learned, ſo pious, ſo ſpiritual, as no Nation, no age of the world hath enjoyed, in ſo great plenty. Yea, thoſe very men, againſt whom many cannot finde words bad enough to expreſſe their malice. The Presbyterian Miniſters, of whom I may truly ſay, they come behind in nothing of the chiefeſt Apoſtles (thoſe that pretend more immediate converſe with the Spirit) having their witneſs in the ſouls and conſciences of very many, the ſeal of whoſe Miniſtery many are in the Lord, who are their crown, and glory, and rejoycing; of whom thouſands will ſay, though they had ten thouſand inſtructors, yet theſe were their Fathers, for in Chriſt Jeſus they have begotten them, through the Goſpel: and a thouſand pitties it were, they ſhould be expoſed to the rage of unreaſonable men, who would ſtarve them out of the Pulpit, unleſſe God ſhould ſend them Ravens with food. In this digreſſion I have only betraied my affection, not at all my ſuſpition, of this or future Parliaments neglecting the Miniſtery; for I believe it will be owned for a National intereſt, that a godly and able Miniſtery be encouraged, that ſo the Ordinances may be purely diſpenced amongſt us, without this there can be no Reformation of Religion. Care too muſt be had concerning Hereſie and Blaſphemy, or there can be no publique Chriſtian Religion. (I am f•in to huddle things together) Shall38 that Nation be called Heathen or Chriſtian, that ſuffers men to Preach and Print, that Jeſus Chriſt is not God; that he is not Man? that the holy Spirit is not God: that the Scriptures are not the rule of Faith, and life: that the Sabbath day is no more to be taken notice of then every other day? and many other abominable opinions? I am ſorry to mention it, but ſome care muſt be had in it: there muſt alſo be Reformation of life, this is our conce•nment no leſſe then the former, and muſt be as neceſſarily and carefully inſpected, elſe there can be no reall Reformation: Swearers, Drunkards, Unclean perſons, Sabbath breakers muſt be puniſhed, or there can be no reall Reformation, otherwiſe Reformation is a meer gingle: there are good Lawes for theſe already, let them be put in practice, but I am too prolix. That Parliaments will take care of this, is moſt certain, he is ſtrangly unacquainted with the temper of the Nation, that fears it in the leaſt, yea ſome there are, that are ſo ſenſible of it, that fearing their Reformation ſhould take cognizance of their unwarrantable behaviour, uſe their beſt wits, to argue the Supremacy of Parliaments to be dangerous to the welfare of England; of whom I will not ſpeak in the very words of the Apoſtle, They have reigned (yet this I am bold to ſay, they would reign) as Kings without us; and I would to God they did reign (over their own diſorderly and carnal affections) that we alſo might reign together with them.
Eightly, Tis the Common intereſt of the Nation, That our good Laws be preſerved, and the Liberty of the Subject duely regarded. This muſt be taken for granted, I think it is no more to be queſtioned, but our Repreſentatives in Parliament muſt be the beſt ſecurity can be taken for performance of theſe conditions, eſpecially ſince they are ſo nearly concerned. For example, The Adventurers for Ireland have ſome things of very great concernment to be done for them, would they not think themſelves highly befriended, and the beſt provided for that could be, if they might chooſe ſo many of their own number as were convenient, to ſettle their affairs for them; could they doubt of having their dues, ſince the Truſtees were themſelves Adventurers, and would be ſure to conſult their own benefit, which they could not carry on without including the generality of Adventurers. Tis the very caſe in hand, as to matter of benefit, their caſe and ours as much the ſame, as one Adventurers with another; but it holds not as to matter of right, for they are but a party, and might do themſelves kindneſſes right or wrong.
Ninthly, Indepnity, and a general amneſty, and Oblivion, is the common intereſt of the Nation. And what can be conceived more compleat, then that this be performed, and granted, by thoſe that repreſent every County, City, and conſiderable Burrough of England, and conſequently every individual man. What can be more honourable? What can be more ſafe? ſhall we not think our ſelves ſecure, unleſſe we obtain their forgiveneſs, who would have ſcorned to have crept to39 us if we had been beaten. I wonder at the degenerate and ſordid Spirit of ſome people; ſurely after a generall Indempnity, Amneſty, and Oblivion granted by a full repreſentative, every man will be out of the Laws gunſhot, for what is paſt: which we have no more reaſon to doubt of obtaining from the next that ſits then of enjoying our lives and eſtats under them, it will be their intereſt and wiſdome to be friends with all they can, that they may have no enemies if it be poſſible.
Finally, Settlement. When the Supream Power is fallen into ſuch hands wherein the whole intereſt of the Nation is combined, ſuch as are the fruit of our own choice, whoſe intereſt it muſt needs be to do us all imaginable good; to allow us a Chriſtian Liberty of conſcience, To root out Popery: To defend our Property: To eaſe us of Taxes: To advance our Trade: To make good the powers and priviledges of the Parliaments: To reforme Religion: To ſecure the good Lawes of the Land, and Liberty of the Subject: To grant a compleat Indempnity, Amneſty, and Oblivion, and when if it could be imagined one Parliament would wrong us, we are ſure it cannot be long lived, having its period, and bounds that it cannot paſſe; what ſhould all us but we ſhould reſt ſatisfied, what likelihood remains there of diſturbance? I am ſure cauſe there will remain none at all. Upon the whole I am certain I have made it evident:
That the Supream Authority being fully veſted in Parliaments of England ſucceſsively, and frequently choſen by the good People thereof, being free, and without check upon them, is an infallible means (under God) of preſervation of the Nation and the Rights and Intereſts thereof.
— I marry Sir, this would do well; but you write merrily, when the skie fals, we ſhall catch Larkes.
It is Objected, as our Author hath it: whom I had now almoſt forgot, That the PARLIAMENT intended nothing otherwiſe then utterly to ſubvert Parliaments. Others there be of the ſame40 minde, That we ſhould never ſee Parliaments more in England: but that our Parliament lately ſitting meant alwayes to be the Supream Power.
I Anſwer, You might poſſibly have been miſtaken, be not overhaſty to conclude, you know whoſe bolt is ſoon ſhot, and you may peradventure be found peccant of ſpeaking evill of the Rulers of the People; I cannot propheſie what they would do, but can eaſily foretell what would come on't, if they ſhould have done as you ſay; but I muſt take leave to differ from you, if this be your judgement, upon better grounds I believe then any you have for your conceit, and a little time would have told the truth of the matter: I take them to know their buſineſs better then ſo; and however ſome are never ſatisfied of ſpeaking evill enough of them, malice hath never yet had the impudence to brand them with the imputation of folly: and would it not well advance the wiſdom of thoſe Sages, utterly to deprive us of, and totally to ſubvert the very conſtitutions of Parliaments; when but the interrupting, forcing, or impoſing upon Parliaments, hath been of ſo dire and fatal conſequence to the late King, and ſome body elſe: what could they expect but the general murmurs, ſeditions and revolts of the people, of worſe conſequence then any yet have been to them, who if they ſhould be driven from Weſtminſter; though they drew the Ark after them; ſhould be perſwaded with never ſo Golden and glorious pretenſes of Religion and Toleration; yet would not be gotten on; but as they ſhould prick them forward, and would nevertheleſs be continually lowing, and looking backward.
Parliaments are the Darling of the people, whoſo toucheth them, toucheth the apple of their eye; and wherever you ſee any ſhy of Parliaments, 'tis certainly in relation to Faction; or ſuch things as they know well enough cannot hold water: Ye•, I wonder at my Author, but that it is no wonder to take him tripping; who tells us, That it is the Intereſt of the Arm•to break the Parliament to pieces; that he ſhould think them guilty of ſo little foreſight, as to give the Army ſuch advantage againſt them, greater then ever old Oliver could ſhew to do what he did. If it were the Intereſt of the Army to break the Parliament to pieces, (which no man under the degree of Bedlam can fancy) could they contrive a better pretence, then what my Author ſaith, will certainly be matter of fact, that this Parliament had overthrown the very Foundations of Parliaments; certainly if this were true, we ſhould all throw up our Caps, and hollow at this ſecond rout: But you might have expected this at latter Lammas. The Parliament ſeeming reſolutely bent for the good of the Nation; which every day appeared more and more, ſince this Paper hath been under my Pen. I make no queſtion but they have made this obſervation, that Honeſty is the beſt Policy. Theſe have been and yet are ſifting times, ſuch as few Ages have been acquainted with; ſo as thoſe that have ſtudied the moſt prudentiall proceedings;41 have been Non-plus'd in their reſolutions how to ſteer themſelves; and have not been able to ride it out, in thoſe ſtorms and fluctuations that have betided our State: and I miſtake my ſelf wonderfully, if the moſt downright honeſt men of the Nation, do not appear ere long to be accounted the wiſeſt; theſe who have ſcorned to ſpeak or do any thing aga•nſt their conſciences; and yet too did not altogether hold their peace; and therefore many of them were brow-beaten, and others as faithfull men as any in the world neglected, and diſregarded; but let them lift up their heads, for their Redemption drawes nigh; they will be the men whom God ſhall delight to honour in the ſight of the Nations; when thoſe that have been as the waves of the Sea, carried to and fro with every winde or breath of pretenſes; thoſe Weather-cocks that have ſtood right with the winde from any point of the Compaſſe, though enough againſt their own Conſciences; meerly as Time-ſervers, to ſave their own ſlakes, and get in other mens too into their fingers; would be glad to ſhiffle in among the Company: But their diſguiſe is by this time ſo notoriouſly known, that they will not be hid under their Sheeps-clothing. The Parliament could not but foreſee this, and certainly nothing hath appeared but that they really intended to doe honeſt things for us, which one would have thought had been good ſecurity for them againſt the courſe uſage they have met with a ſecond time; ſo this objection, and the Parliament are out of dores together. But it is further objected, that this is variable; though it ſhould be ſo ſetled, yet it may not long hold here, we ſhall be liable to continuall alterations. I anſwer, After it is thus ſetled, if it be altered, it muſt be either by force, or by free conſent: And there is no Government but is liable to both theſe, as much as this: It may be forced away, by a greater power; or given away by free conſent; this is true of any Government: And there is no Government can pretend to unchangeableneſſe in this world: But this let me ſay, No people are in like difence againſt Invaſion, as thoſe that are under Popular Governments; I will not inſtance, I am ſure I need not: As for inteſtine diſturbances from the generality of a people, that is leſſe to be feared then under Monarchy; for as hath been proved, it muſt needs give beſt ſatisfaction. All the difficulty then will be as to matter of force in this Common-wealth, (as of any other in our caſe) whether the Army will not be more then Quarter-Master: This is that that our Air hath rung the Eccho of, ile warrant you the Army will turn out the Parliament before long, and then where is your Common-wealth you bragg'd ſo much of, and thoſe glorious dayes of liberty you ſo much exulted in the foreſight of. Verily, it troubled me to hear this language; but I meant not to break my heart with that which I hoped ſhould never otherwiſe•fflict me, then as a Reproach: I ſhould not know well what to think, if our Army were, as generally Armies are, mad upon Rapine and ruine; but ſhould hope we ſhould be ſo much Engliſh-men, as to42 ſell out Lives in company with our Liberties, at ſo dear a rate, that if they were Conquerors, they ſhould have little cauſe to twit our Survivours of their Conqueſt; if we could not carry on our cauſe in deſpite of their reſiſtance. But our Army have profeſſed a good will to our Liberties and Priviledges; and did not long ſince bewail their Apoſtaſie in ſubverting them; and did therefore reſtore this Parliament, beſides whom there is no viſible nor ſeeming face of Authority in England, to ſettle the Nation upon their juſt Rights, and freedome; ſurely we will not believe our own eyes. It can never be thought that this Army ſhould return again to their vomit; without ſome Witchcraft or ſtrong operation and Inchantment of the Jeſuite, to undertake the Government again; under which they ſo pitifully miſcarried a while ſince; although the Northern Brigade gave very ſcurvy ſymptomes, of being Buſie-bodies, and troublers of our Iſrael; ſuppoſing themſelves wiſer then the Parliament, who I am ſure are as farre engaged as the beſt He of them all, to conſult both the ſecurity of themſelves, the Army, and the Nation, againſt the Intereſt of the Norman Race; and to preſerve the Intereſt of all the Godly, and liberty of Conſcience; but I hope the beſt part of the Army will not be fooled; but if they will make us their Slaves, we muſt endure till we finde a remedy; but I am ſure any Government is liable to this inconvenience; if they cannot maſter their Army, if their Army be Knaves, they will maſter them: As for giving away the powers of Parliaments, by Parliaments themſelves, as their own Act and Deed; is beyond that little forecaſt that remains with me to fancy: Is it probable that a Beggar being put into the condition of a Gentleman, whereby he may command his full ſatisfaction; ſhould of his own choice be reduced into his former condition, it were certainly a ſordid ſpirit where it ſhould ſo happen: But if this could be ſuppoſed; yet how little doth it pretend to likelyhood that the Repreſentatives of England; men of noble and ingenuous ſouls; who have not formerly been known under any other notion, then that of Petitioners; as ſaith Mr. Pryn, and others, who could never get a Dole for themſelves, and us, but in a way of begging; and moſt commonly too when they got any thing, ſent away with a bit and a knock: Having now got their Supremacy vindicated by the dint of Sword, and ſet upon the Pinacle of Government; whereby they may oblige as their Servants, by the good turns they may do us; it b•ing more bleſſed to give then to receive: I ſay, doth it come within the compaſſe of Suſpicion, that they ſhould ſwap away their Supremacy, that they may be returned into their former capacity of being poor Knights of Weſtminſter? I trow not: Nay I conjecture, That if the affairs of the Nation were ordered under the peculiar inſpection of our Repreſentatives in Parliament, ſo that they may do us thoſe kindneſſes, and that juſtice we may43 expect from them; that in one ſeven years, it would be impoſſible to chuſe ſuch a Parliament in the moſt free way of Elect on imaginable; that ſhould betray their power into the hands of any Monarch whatſoever; they would finde ſo many advantages and ſo much ſweet accruing by this way of a Parliaments Supremacy: But it is farther objected, That a ſingle Councell is not ſo well conſulted; it were better, and more to be relyed on, that we had a Senate, and a great Aſſembly; or two Houſes of Parliament: I anſwer in generall, This age is very pregnant of projects; every body ha•h a fling at the State: and ſet their wits aworking to hammer out a Government for England: They ſay, Every body that comes into Weſtminſter-hall, hath his Modell in his Pocket, what Government he thinks fitteſt for the Common-wealth. Whether this be true or falſe is no great matter; this I am ſure is not unknown, that every Book-ſellers Basket, and Shop, hath ſome new thing to ſhew for a Popular Governm nt: Among the reſt, a few days ſince I caſt mine eye upon a Paper, that had for its Buſh, this title: A Modell of a Democraticall Government. A truſty Trojan he is no doubt, and an excellent Democracy he propounds; no leſſe then two Counſels will ſerve his turn; that he may be ſure to be one of the wiſer ſort: A Senate and an, &c. the Senate to conſiſt of the Parliament men lately ſitting; who ſhould chooſe to themſelves ſo many as ſhall compleat their number three hundred: Every year one hundred to go off, and themſelves to chooſe an hundred to fill up the three hunddred: And theſe to have the ſole power, of debating, and propounding Lawes: — Rare invention upon my word, and a gallant exchange, for Monarchicall Slavery; and very well worth the blood and treaſure that hath been ſo prodigally expended: I ſhould not much grudge at a little expence of time, ſo I did thereby a little ken this well-inſtructed Scribe; that I might know him another time from a Black Sheep. However, I hold his Modell not worth the whiſtleing after, but deſerves to be hiſſed out of countenance, and the Ingenuity of the Author to be rewarded after the Deſert of a Libell: And let me adde this as a piece of my minde, Thoſe endeavours that make the greateſt noyſe, and moſt ſpecious pretences for liberty, and freedome; and promiſe the greateſt Refinings, and Reformation of Government; which yet in themſelves tend directly to enſlave and oppreſſe us; thoſe are to be had in the greateſt deteſtation and abhorrence, and ought more ſeverely to be cenſured, then thoſe others that deal more plainly with us; and oblige us by their Soveraign Unction, to be their Vaſſals: For while they promiſe us Liberty, they themſelves are the Bondſlaves of Corruption, and would entangle us again in the yoak of bondage: But if nothing leſſe then a Senate, and a great Counſell can ſerve the turn, (which I will believe when any body gives me good reaſon for) I ſhall immediately joyn my Forces with thoſe publick ſpirited men, in44 their Petition of July 6. tranſcribed from Mr. Harringtons Oceana; a Work which I greatly eſteem, and a Perſon I very much honour for his Labours about Government: And really I am ſometimes almoſt angry with my ſelf, that I am forced to diſſent from his opinion of a Senate: I think I have hunted his works over and over, to finde out the utmoſt of his reaſon for a Senate, which is not ſo ſwaying with me as to over-rule me in this matter; but I know 'tis no new thing to Mr. Harrington to meet with Diſſenters from his Judgement; and I doubt not he will pardon me; ſince I will aſſure him I ſhall be willing to learn of him, and ſhall think my ſelf honoured to be his Scholar; for in very deed if I erre, 'tis through ignorance, not willfullneſſe; that I differ from him, is of conſtraint, not of choice; for I am ſo well informed of my ſelf, that I ſhould not ſeek occaſion of difference with him whom I very well know to be more then my match: With Leviathan then if that be it at which Mr. Harrington ſo much wonders, I muſt acknowledge my opinion to be firm for a Single Aſſembly, as it hath ever been, notwitſtanding, what I have ſeen in Mr. Harrington, o•any other to the contrary: The greateſt matter I have obſerved in Mr. Harrington for a Senate, is that of dividing and chooſing; and that of Faction in a Single Aſſembly. Which for ought that I perceive (though it be the moſt that can be ſaid) availeth little to the buſineſſe. Let me ſtate the Common-wealth into 20 perſons with Mr. Harrington; why ſhould the Cake be divided between 14. and 6. in two parcels, and not among the 20 into twenty parcels? Why ſhould the ſix have ſo much ſhare as the fourteen? is this an equal Commonwealth? Our work would be done by halves, and there would be ſtrange dividing in the end I fear: But this muſt not run upon all four, there is a myſtery in the buſineſſe, I cry you mercy: And as to faction and ſcrambling, I do not foreſee it, unleſſe this be faction, A generall agreement about the Cake, how it ſhall be divided, and parcelled out among the people; elſe 'tis a Paradox to me how twenty perſons ſhould diſagree together, and yet have perfect harmony, by an entercourſe of ſpirits, when the entercourſe of their perſons in counſell fails by dividing 6 from the 14. would they agree better apart then together about dividing this Cake? I ſtrange at the myſtery of this ſcrambling; here is neither King nor Houſe of Peers to ſcramble with; if there were a King there might be ſome reaſon for halving, and the Popular Aſſembly might be given to ſcramble for the other half that was kept from them: But what reaſon of ſcrambling, when the whole is in the ſingle Aſſembly? unleſſe for failing they muſt ſcramble among themſelves; the major of the 20 with the minor of the 20. ſo by the ſame rule may the major of the 14 with the minor of the 14. and the major of the 6 with the minor of the 6. and the 14 and 6 ſcramble with one45 another: It is frivolous to think that the 14 in England, like little Babies, would be pleaſed with this Rattle, of Chooſing; when it is evident it muſt be Hobſons choice, this or none; and as I have been cheated my ſelf when a Boy, and thought it priviledge enough to chooſe, the Wags have cu•the greateſt piece of an Apple, and offered me the Remainder, and bid me take that or chooſe; which proved an Apple of Contention; and preſently down goes our Apple, and we fall to Boxing to end the quarrell: Which is moſt like to fall out here, when the Prerogative Tribe doe not like what the Senate propoſes; how ſhall they help themſelves? The Senate muſt goe to dividing again, which it may be, ſhall pleaſe no more then before; which if it end without Boxing will do very well. But let us conſider again, the whole 20 are choſen by the people, theſe together would ſcramble and be factious; carry on a Party, or ſhare places of Profit and Honour. Well, what benefit accrues by the Diviſion, (unleſſe becauſe of the diviſion, the 14 will be againſt the 6. right or wrong, as is ſomething probable) if 4 of the 6. be for ſomething to be propoſed as to Faction, or Scrambling, 8 or 9 of the 14 will not fail to ballot for them; if they be corrupt, they will be corrupt ſtill; if they be filthy, they will be filthy ſtill; 'tis not two Houſes that will hinder Faction, or ſcrambling if they encline to it: 'tis not the praying 6 of the 14 to go apart, that will make them either the honeſter or wiſer; or will make them ever a jot leſſe minde themſelves and their private intereſt, and more the publique, or be more mannerly at the publique Table, and give the beſt from themſelves to decency, and common intereſt: But put caſe that the 6 be over reaſoned by 1 or 2 of their own number for ſomething that before they thought not to be the common intereſt of the Nation, yet the Major part of the 14 (ſuppoſed by Mr. Harrington to be the leaſt wiſe of the 20) are like to perſiſt in the more common and firſt received opinion; being ſtripped of the benefit of hearing matters fully debated among themſelves pro and con, which in a ſingle aſſembly they receive the benefit of; where hearing what any man can ſay, their judgements are fully informed, and they finde cauſe many times to alter a prepoſſeſſed opinion, for who ſo ſpeaks the beſt reaſon may expect to be followed with the greateſt reſentments; who (as Mr. Harrington hath it I think againſt himſelf) will be ſure to lead the herd, as Stags of the largeſt heads; for while the 6 diſcourſing and arguing one with another, ſhew the eminency of their parts; the 14 diſcover things they never thought on, and are cleared in divers truthes which formerly perplexed them; but this I hope is not ſo well performed, while the 14 are ſhut out of their debates and conferences; or ſhould not theſe 6 better inform thoſe 14 if they were but one ſingle aſſembly. But again, the 6 ſhall Debate, but not Reſolve; the 14 ſhall Reſolve, but not Debate: if the 14 meddle with the46 buſineſſe of the ſix, ruine is conſequent, ſo ſaith Mr. Harrington, the 14 of Athens debating was their ruine: ſo Rome, the 14 debating cauſed her ſtormes; though it ſeems it fares not ſo ill with Venice, whoſe 6 ſometimes make bold to Reſolve: and Carthage is reprehended by Ariſtotle becauſe her 6 Propounded and ſometimes Reſolv d too, her 14 ſometimes Reſolved and debated too: We do not want examples out of Mr. Harrington, of the enterfering of the 6 with the 14, and the 14 with the 6; both which are of ſuch diſmal conſequence; neither could there be wanting ſad examples of the like nature in England, if ever the Senate take place here: I doubt we ſhould follow the fate of Athens and Rome. Would our Grand Counſel endure to looſe the benefit of debating among themſelves, that all their communication ſhould be yea yea, nay nay, and that too only in d•mb ſhewes; the genius and natural d•ſpoſition of England would never away wich it, a Nation that cannot endure to be tongue tied, her meaneſt Aſſemblies not ſparing, but delighting to exerciſe their ſpeeches; and certainly the temper and conſtitution of a people are very conſiderable to Governments, which are to be made for men, and not men for them.
If theſe ſilent items of the minde be paſſable with ſome ſtupid heavy mouthed people, yet will they not take at all, with ſuch a prompt and ready people as the Engliſh, upon whom I never deſire to ſee them obtruded; yea, but ſhould it be forced upon them by ſome ſole Legiſlator; would it not debaſe the Spirits of the Nation, Parliament men ſhould be bold as Lions, to ſpeak freely their mindes, and to enter their Proteſtations if need be of diſſent and diſlike; and not be obliged to ſneak their mindes into a box, as if they were afraid or aſhamed to ſpeak out. This would be of very ill importance in the Grand Counſel, and yet all this the benefit of two Houſes: It was counted a great oppreſſion that the King and Lords had a Negative Voice, and could hinder the Commons (which anſwered to the Prerogative tribe, as that was the Intereſt of the people) from what good they would do for the Nation, and yet the Commons were as free to propoſe and debate, as their Lordſhips; and I miſtake exceedingly if thoſe that propound, have not the better half of the Cake, if the other can only diſſent, and are bound up from debating, or giving their reaſons of diſſent. Nay, how unreaſonable it is that 1050 men ſhould give their ſuffrages, without ſo much as the benefit of a Jury, going together to conſult and debate about it among themſelves, after only a meer Oration in praiſe of the matters propounded; when Mr. Harrington ſuppoſeth them to be none of the wiſeſt, and therefore deſerve to be better informed, before they proceed; and to what purpoſe ſuch a goodly number ſhould come together, to play, at blindmans buff I cannot imagine, I ſhall never47 expect the intereſt of England to be made good, though ten thouſand and fifty ſhould come to be of our prerogative Tribe, if they ſhall be like that great multitude, that the moſt part of them knew not wherefore they were come together; for ſo they muſt needs be, if all muſt keep ſilence: Neither will the Printing and publiſhing of the Reſolves of the Senate before it comes to the Ballot, mend the matter much, but mar it rather in my ſorry judgement; every body hath the benefit of reading that which is Printed, and may by that reaſon be as well informed as themſelves: but 'tis a ſorry information that we can make to our ſelves by our own inſight, and the advantage of occaſional meetings, in compariſon of that clearneſs of reaſon that convinceth in ſo grave an Aſſembly; but I did not mean to contend, only to ob•ect. I haſten, We have hitherto conſidered the Common-wealth to the number of 20 chiefly, they will differ ſomething it may be under a multiplication.
Saith Mr. Harrington, Aph. 70. The popular aſſem•ly in a Common-wealth, may conſiſt of too few, but can never conſiſt of too many.
72. If a popular Aſſembly conſiſt of ſo few, and ſo eminet perſons, as are capable of any orderly debate, it is good for nothing but to deſtroy the Common-wealth.
73. If the popular aſſembly conſiſt of ſo many, and ſo mean perſons for the greater part as are not capable of debate, then this defect muſt he helped by a Senate.
74. The reaſon of a Senate is, that a popular aſſembly rightly conſt••uted, is not capable of any prudent debate.
76. A popular Aſſembly without a Senate cannot be wiſe.
109. As the ſoul of man can never be in the body of a Beast, unleſſe God make a new creation; ſo neither the ſoul and freedom natural to democracy in any other form whatſoever, then that only of a Senate and a popular Aſſembly.
Verily this laſt is ſmart, but wounds not much; the great matter is, That the popular Aſſembly being the intereſt of mankinde, cannot be ſufficiently ſecured, but by ſuch a num•er, as are uncapable of any orderly debate.
To which I return, That ſuch a number as cannot underſtand, that cannot make out to one another the benefit of mankind, are too many to make good the intereſt of mankind in away of reaſon, and if in any particular they hit upon it, tis more by hap then any good cunning. Therefore I believe, that ſo many and no more, as may among themſelves, be well informed of their own and the peoples in creſt (being univerſally the ſame) are the only men, and number of men, to preſerve the intereſt of mankind. When a fire breaks out, tis the intereſt of the whole neighbourhood to quench it, but they may be too many to be uſeful, therefore the ſupernumeraries had better be at home, that they be no hinderance:48 That may be the intereſt of the whole Nation, that doth not call for ſo great numbers to keep it on foot, therefore thoſe that may be well enough ſpared let them keep at home, too many are troubleſome, and ſtand in one anothers light. Why 1050, and no leſſe, to look to the intereſt of England, beſides 300 to be the light of England? Or, why the light of mankind, muſt be ſeparated from the intereſt of mankind, is very dark to me. If the one body be all eye, where is its taſting and its feeling, if the other be all laſting and feeling, where is its ſeeing this is not altogether ſo good contrivance, as where two half-blind Coachhorſes are ſo placed, that this may ſee on the one ſide, and that on the other, though, they can ſcarce ſee each other, their blinde ſides being next together.
The people, ſaith Mr. Harrington, can feel, but they cannot ſee: well then, the light of this Body is the eye, that is, the Senate; if then the Eye be at Weſtminſter, and the Body be at St. Pauls Church, for a little place cannot hold 1050 men; I perſwade my ſelf this body muſt be full of darkneſs. Why 1050 pray? a leſſe number was formerly thought enough to aſſert the intereſt of mankinde, againſt the light of mankinde, the Lords ſpiritual and temporal, and the Judges to boot, which was the intereſt of ſome men beſides; when yet the Commons were thought to have, and were found to have the light of mankinde in them too, yea and have ſo well aſſerted and made good the intereſt of mankinde, againſt thoſe lights and private intereſts, that leaves no man great cauſe to except againſt their number. Why 500 or thereabouts being equally diſtributed for elections according to the intereſt of every part of England, ſhould not as well preſerve the intereſt of mankinde, as 1050, eſpecially when hereby the Body hath its eyes in its head, hath in it ſelf the light of mankind and the intereſt of makind, can ſee and feel both, I know not? And unleſſe we ſhould put out our eyes, becauſe ſome ſay, they that ſee beſt, here worſt ſometimes, and they that hear worſt, ſeebeſt oft times; the loſſe of one ſenſe being the increaſe of another: and ſo becauſe the Great Counſel is blinde, it ſhould feel the better; or the Senate, becauſe it doth not feel ſo much, muſt ſee the better; unleſſe this be good reaſon, I am bound to think beſt of A ſingle Aſſembly.
But ſtay, The Senate is the light, reaſon or learning of mankinde: and how eaſie it is for, reaſon and learning to delude ſenſe, let any one imagine. It is true, there are ſome things ſo ſenſibly certain, that they are not to be over ruled by any ſhew of reaſon, but reaſon ſeldome buſieth its ſelfe about theſe; nor are theſe the things that ſo frequently occur unto the conſideration of our Repreſentatives, if theſe were the things, there would be the leſſe neceſſity for the light of mankinde; the reaſon of a Senate being to debate hard matters, things that are not ſo liable to ſenſe: This difficulty will yet remain, Whether, ſince Mr. Harrington ſaith a Senate alone will not be honeſt,49 it be like to be ever the honeſter hereby, while by their light of reaſon and learning, it will be no hard matter, in many things, to dazle the weak ſight of that vaſt Animal, if both parties do at all agree; whereby the benefit to reſult, will be this only, that iniquity be eſtabliſhed by a Law, by a more ſeeming or pretended reaſon and intereſt: Senſe doth not much foreſee the benefit of a Law to be made, though it feels the good of a Law that hath been ſometime in force; therefore it will be no hard matter for ſeeming reaſon to ſeduce common ſenſe: This great Counſel wherein it may be ſome may be found to have ſcarce common ſenſe, had need to be well inſtructed, better then a Senate can inform them by an Oration or Preachment, where every ones tale is good, till anothers is told, or elſe they are like enough to do they know not what; for I doubt me every man hath not a light within him, to a certain knowledge of good or evill, the intereſt or prejudice of the State, that without any more adoe, we ſhould be left to do as God ſhall direct us: let me put a caſe, 1050 are choſen for the Great Councel, and 300 for the Senate according to Mr. Harringtons free way of Election for fear of fixing any in oppoſition. The 300 propoſe, That CHARLES STUART be made King of England; I may ſuppoſe this, for Mr. Harrington ſaith in effect, The Senate will not be honeſt if they can chuſe, and a King might not do much amiſſe with theſe two Counſels; well what will the ſenſe and intereſt of the 1050 ſay to this; ſuppoſing there muſt be no debating this buſineſſe there, but every one muſt put their mindes in a box, without telling tales; there be ſome in the world that would lay two to one their ſenſe would ſoon inform them that it is their intereſt to make him King: I leave the Reader to a free judgement — once more: the 300 would ſeem wiſer and in their grave judgements propound to the 1050 to ſettle ſome Sectary as we call them, Lord Archon, and Sole Legiſlator of England, and ſignifie to them, that it is the National intereſt ſo to do, without debating the matter, but away preſently to the Balloting box. I conceive their ſenſe would hardly convince them, that either the one or the other were their intereſt: the ſenſe of people in many things is a kinde of prepoſſeſſion; they muſt be ſoundly convinced here if they believe any thing but what they thought before; be it true or falſe: but in other things they are more facile and ductile, and not ſo hard to be impoſed on.
If they are prepoſſeſſed with an error, then the work is done to hand; 'tis but propoſing, and 'tis preſently reſolved. If they are prepoſſeſſ•d with their true Intereſt, if the contrary be not of neceſſity to the deſign of the Senate, it may lie ſtill till better leaſure; but if it be of abſolute neceſſity, I hope it will be held fit that this be introduced at once, and not committed to chance, to be wrought out by little and little, according to the ſenſe of the people ▪ The Senate may eaſily50 over-reach them, in an error wherein they are prepared for them, this might be remedyed by a full and free debate, if it be capable of remedy; if they be prepoſſeſſed of their right, which is not with the pleaſure of the Senate to ſuffer, though its contrary be not of abſolute neceſſity; they can over-reach them here, by delay, and not propoſing it; or it may be circumvent them ſome way unſeen: What is of abſolute neceſſity for the Senates turn, is cared for before by the ſole Legiſlator, ſo that we ſhall not ſtirre their humours about that; and how many other things will fall under the conſideration of the Senate, and under the Ballot of the popular Aſſembly, wherein they ſhall be ſo farre from being prepoſſeſſed, that it may be the major part of the great Aſſembly ſhall be wholly ſtrangers to them; and how eaſily to be over-reached in theſe, by following thoſe Stags of the largeſt heads, I cannot but muſe now and then. And this I obſerve, That men generally are more apt to miſtake the common Intereſt, then to underſtand it rightly; and are commonly more ſtiffe and inflexible in their errors that they ſuck in by Tradition; then aſſured and confident of ſome Truths they hold, which yet are of eaſie demonſtration; and will yield no ſmall advantage againſt them. All which are cogent reaſons with me, that the Counſell wherein the Intereſt of the Common-wealth conſiſts, ought not to be without debate. Upon which conſiderations, if it be poſſible to conſtitute ſuch a Counſell as may enough make good the Intereſt of the people, and yet preſerve its own eye-ſight; (not knowing why one, and the greateſt Counſell ſhould wink, while the other takes aim;) I ſay, if there can be ſuch an one, as may preſerve the benefit of debating, and arguing among themſelves in a way of prudence, and preſerve the Peoples Intereſt too; hereby thoſe inconveniences will be taken off, that muſt needs ariſe from two diſtinct Bodies: If then the Houſe of Commons were ſufficient for the light of Mankinde, and the Intereſt of Mankinde; when there was the light and Intereſt of a particular party uppermoſt, to grapple with; when yet by the ſwarms of petty Burgeſſes the Intereſt of that Houſe was made as much as poſſible for the Court; and if they would have betrayed the people, or could have been ſeparate from the Intereſt of the people, they might have had what recompenſe they could hope for; have yet made good the Intereſt of the people with advantage againſt all oppoſition. What reaſon is there then, when the ſtream that drove ſo hard to turn their Mill, but could not, is diverted; that when there remain no temptations at all upon them, to deſert the Common Intereſt, that any one ſhould fancy they would turn Cat in the Pan? Why ſhould any think they would make good our Intereſt, when as things went then, one would rather have thought they durſt not do what they did: And yet now when they ſhall hardly dare to doe otherwiſe then make good our Intereſt; and nothing in the way to51 terrifie them for doing it, and it ſhall be their own Intereſt ſo to do, and when they ſhall be ſo equally diſtributed, as to take in the whole Intereſt of the Nation alike; that now they ſhould deſert the Common Intereſt, and muſt now be an inconſiderable number, and not ſufficient to maintain it; is to me ſuch a fond imagination, as I have hardly patience to repeat it.
Well, notwithſtanding Mr. Harrington voucheth theſe two Councils of Legiſlators, and warrants them ſound wind and limb, I dare not take them upon his word, for I expect a halt; that the great Council would fall to debating; and then, ſaith he, ruine is conſequent; and if the Prerogative Tribe be ſullen, and will not jog on, the Senate muſt not only Propound but Reſolve too, with Carthage and Venice: And then as Mr. Harrington ſaith, If ſhe that divides muſt chooſe too, it had been little worſe for the other, in caſe ſhe had not divided at all, but kept the whole Cake to her ſelf, in regard that being to chooſe, ſhe divided accordingly. Wherefore if the Senate have any more power then to divide, the Common-wealth can never be equall. The Reader will obſerve what hath been ſaid, even againſt Mr. Harringtons Senate, the moſt rationall that hath been propoſed: If any other that I have met withall, ſhould be examined, they would appear an hundred fold worſe then this, admitting ſuch abſurdities, and Slavery as would make one mad to think of them: I have done. But muſt give my ſuffrage for a ſingle Council, that thing called in England formerly the Houſe of Commons; 'tis that our Nation is well acquainted with, and extreamly jealous leaſt it ſhould be robbed of; and is without exception the beſt Government in the World, being disburthened of the King and Lords; and doth not want a way to help it ſelf, in any thing wherein a Senate is of good uſe, making choice of Committees for this purpoſe, who**The Parliament. can with more judgement finde out thoſe men that are the light of Mankinde, then the rude Multitude, whoſe choice I conceit would put little difference between the wiſdome of the Senators, and many of thoſe they returned for the Great Council; which Committees (for all what my Lord Archon hath ſaid to the contrary) are capable of ſuch Reformations, as ſhall render them every manner of way as uſefull as a Senate; and yet not be obnoxious to its Exceptions. And as to matter of Faction it holds no water; or if it doe, the remedy is worſe then the diſeaſe; and would encreaſe the Malady. Wherefore upon the whole there remains but one important Objection, which I confeſſe I cannot obviate; and my Lord Archon hath Knockt the nail on the head;
That a ſingle Aſſembly is like a Game at Football:
And truely it is not fit we ſhould all be fellowes: And therefore ſome who think themſelves, more Honourable, more Wiſe, or more Religious then the reſt; I wonder not, they think much to ſtand•n the croud; elſe I think few know why they promote it, unleſſe to ſhew their Reading, or others, as Mr. Rogers conceives, That the Nation may be put into the fitter method for a Single Perſon. Such an Aſſembly as I have ſpoken o•, being frequently choſen, I ſuppoſe will with moſt reaſon doe the Nation right: wherein I think it may ſuffice that the people preſerve their Right of frequent election; without any neceſſity that all of the former Parliament, be debarred of ſitting in the next following. For if any man or men, have ſo well deſerved of his Countrey as to be more then ordinarily ſerviceable for their good, I do not know why they ſhould be diſabled to ſhew their thankfulneſſe, by chooſing them again if they think fit. In this I agree with Mr. Rogers, though I underſtand not what Oligarchy he would have; wherein he is as dark, as if he were all Hebrew; at which one might venture divers Interpretations. Mr. Harrington ruleth me, where he ſaith, Give us good Lawes, good Orders, and they ſhall make us good men: Good Orders are the very foundation of Government; and then good us as good men as you can with reſpect bad to thoſe Lawes and Orders: As good men as you can, but by no means break Orders to pick and chooſe. They that would ſet up a Scripture Government, or the Kingdome of Chriſt in England, by overthrowing our natural Birthrights, are mightily to be pitied, but little to be truſted: 'Tis dangerous truſting good men too farre, they may ſeem good to day, and prove bad to morrow: We have ſeen ſad inſtances of truſting good men. Who would have thought old Oliver had not had the ſpirit of the cauſe, and that he would not have carryed on the Refined Intereſt: But alas! alas! how ſhall we know the men that will continue faithfull. And if any think or ſay with Peter to Chriſt, Though all forſake thee, yet will not we: they know not how ſoon their faith may fall them, and may do well to remember, that High-places are ſlippery places, and doe endanger Back-ſliding; who unleſſe they have given over to pray — lead us not into temptation, would (be very fearfull of falling into this ſnare. The beſt men prove bad Legiſlators, if truſted with, and continued in Arbitrary power: And this is one evil I have ſeen under the Sun; we call that good which is moſt like us, of our own party, or faction, and humour: but who ever are truly good will be beſt pleaſed to be preſcribed by Rules, which may keep them within compaſſe, if they ſhould fall into an hour of temptation, that though their Grace ſhould faile, yet our Faith ſhould not faile, while we know, that though they would, yet they cannot hurt us.
53I have done what I deſigned, only have tranſgreſſed my intended bounds and limits; I hold it no good manners to venture too far, to offer my thoughts about government, knowing very well thoſe whom it concerns to Settle us, underſtand their buſineſſe better then I can teach them; and verily if ſome had not been overbuſie in Print, I had kept all this in my breaſt, and nor diſturbed the publique with it; let this provocation plead my excuſe. Only by the way, I do a little wonder at ſome who are ſo purely popular, that they are angry at a Councel of State, for fear of Uſurpation, but tis like they fear where no fear is.
I had made it my requeſt to the Parliament (which I believe they would have well received) to ſtate us ſuch qualifications for Members to be choſen into the next Repreſentative, as we might have ventured our all with them; wherein I had delivered my opinion againſt admitting any of the late Kings party, without fearing to fix them in oppoſition againſt us, being already fixed in ſuch bitter oppoſition againſt a Common-wealth, that they would not believe the benefit of it, though they did a little feel it, much leſſe would they believe it at the firſt; but ſhould all manner of men be promiſcuouſly admitted into the next Parliament, many would be brought in, who when they were there would undoubtedly conclude, we had wonderfully beguiled them, and had put out their eyes that they ſhould grinde in our mill, and would be confident, we called them in only to make ſport: wherefore they would not fail to lay their hands upon the pillars of the Common-wealth, and bow themſelves with all their might, if poſſible, to pull the Houſe upon our heads, though they themſelves were ruined by the fall.
Some other things I had humbly propoſed to them in reference to the next Repreſentative, tending to the ſecurity of the Government, of the good Cauſe we have been contending for, and Liberty of Conſcience: all which I doubt not, but they would have put in practice, or have taken better care for all: and then when this Repreſentative had found the want of a Senate, I ſhould have ſubmitted my judgement to theirs, who I doubt not would have had every jot as much foreſight as the People of Venice, and if they had found the want, would have called for the remedy, without the help of a LORD SOLE LEGISLATOR.
I have done, and was indeed ſince this unluckie change, reſolved wholly to omit this Argument of a Senate, which was ſent to the Preſſe a week ſince, the whole being intended for the Parliament, who are ſince perfidiouſly forced, judging it little boot to plead for this or that way of a Common-wealth, when we are like to go without this or that either, and be ruled by meer will and pleaſure; but obſerving ſome endevours for this Senate, and Popular aſſembly, by54 HOOK or by CROOKE who think that LAMBERT ſhall deſerve 20000 l. per annum during his life to ſettle it: I am overruled to publiſh my Exceptions againſt it, and ſubmit them to cenſure: however, expect not what I propound ſhould be Setled by ſuch Juglers, who but yeſterday cryed Hoſana to the Supreme Authority, the Parliament, and now nothing will ſerve but, away with them, away with them, let them be crucified.
I had prepared (beſides my Addreſſe to the Parliament) to cloſe my Diſcourſe with Addreſſes to the Epiſcopal, Presbyterian, Independent, Baptized, Protectorians, Army, and the whole body of the Nation; quieting them towards a ſubmiſſion to the Supremacy of Parliaments, chiding them heartily, and ſeverally, as I ſaw occaſion. But now the Army becoming the ſole Maſters of Reaſon, I dare make no Addreſſes but to themſelves, wherein yet I ſhall hardly flatter them, as moſt of themſelves did the Late Protector, and betrayed him with a kiſſe.
IT hath been in every bodies mouth, The Parliament were your drudges, that you were twice or thrice about to diſcard them ſince they ſat laſt: No doubt, they ſpake it moſt of them as they would have it. Well, you have broken this Parliament, yea, you have broken your ſelves and us too, yea have turned all topſie•urvie. Tis true of you, Theſe are they that have turned the World upſide downe: you have made England, Scotland, Ireland a Chaos, without form and void, and I doubt your Omnipotency will never ſpeak the word for ſuch a creation, as any honeſt man ſhall ſay when he hath looked upon it, that it is very good: You may pardon me ſince you have put all out of Order, if you have diſordered my thoughts, ſo that I obſerve no method, when all is without any method among us. I tell you, this action is the moſt faithleſs, ſenſeleſs, bootleſs, ruinous action that ever appeared upon the Stage56 of the world: the moſt falſe hearted and traiterous: the moſt ridiculous and inſignificant: the moſt raſh and fruitleſſe: the moſt dangerous and deſtructive adventure that ever men took in hand. Oh my ſoul enter not thou into their ſecrets! nor let any honeſt man ſay a confederacy with them; let them aſſociate themſelves, they ſhall be broken to pieces, God will finde them out in due time. I beſeech you what do you mean, are ye Chriſtians and yet will not be men? to paſſe by all former Obligations: did you not the other day bewail your Apoſtaſie, that you had wandred from your GOOD OLD CAUSE? did you not tell us, You took ſhame to your ſelves, and remembred from whence you were fallen, and repented, and would do your firſt workes; and therefore finding that God bleſſed you all along till you forced the Long Parliament, but after that, made you labour as in the fire, and no good came of all your after actions; therefore you aſſured them, that now they ſhould ſit freely, and you would ſtrengthen their hands and be their ſervants. Is not all this truth in theſe very words, or to this effect, and much more if I had leaſure to repeat; but it is freſh in every bodies mouths and mindes, though you have forgot it: and are you not paſt ſhame now: muſt we bewail your Apoſtaſie now, as fearing ſince you are fallen away after being enlightened, it will be hard to reſtore you again by repentance; eſpecially ſince ye have taſted of the powers of this world.
But beſides this, did you not every Mothers childe of you Officers, did you not take your Commiſſions from the Parliament, and one by one promiſe your obedience: Yes, that moſt faithful and gifted Brother Collonel Packer, promiſed when he received his Commiſſion at Mr. Speakers hands, That he would not only promiſe them to be faithful and obedient, but they ſhould ſee by his actions that he would be a true ſervant to them and the Common-wealth. Yea Lambert himſelf was the greateſt ſtickler for the Parliament (God forgive him, for what ends I know not) and yet theſe men. Act like as they had given the Parliament Commiſſions, and turn them out, whom they juſt now promiſed ſo ſeriouſly to obey: a Tu•k, a Heathen would have ſcorned this falſhood, and baſeneſs: What not be faithful to our truſt! O faithleſſe and perverſe generation!
Add to this, that flattering and inſinuating Petition and Repreſentation but the other day, wherein they ſo ſadly bemoan themſelves that the Parliament ſhould ſo ſharpely rebuke their humble ſervants, their faithful ſervants, that meant nothing but to Petition in a peaceable manner; where they artificially conceal their int•ntions for a General, only deſire that Fleetwoods Commiſſion may be renewed: other things they Petition for (we underſtand what your Petitioning ſignifies) ſome to inſinuate into the favour of the Militia; others to ſecure the Government of the Nation in the hands of the Officers of the Army; it is ſo57 in the effect; and then moſt Saint-like, promiſe all to be well-meaning men, to be Servants to the Parliament; and the moſt ſweet expreſſions imaginable. But we have tryed them that ſay, they are Saints, they are the faithfull Servants of the Common-wealth, but are not; and have found them Lyars. Who, Lambert put the Northern Brigade to petition for a Generall? no ſuch matter, he perſwaded them (good man) all he could againſt it; yes, I'le warrant you: And yet the Fift Monarchy-men, (the Mad ones of them) think now Chriſts Kingdome goes on amain, and flock down in Shoals to Wallingford-houſe, to make way for Chriſts coming, who may be coming for ought that I know, as he ſaith, — When the Son of Man comes ſhall he finde faith upon the earth? Upon my word, theſe were fit to live and reign with Chriſt a thouſand years, who cannot keep Faith an hundred dayes. Let me ſay with the Pſalmiſt, Help Lord, for the Godly man ceaſeth, for the faithfull fail among the Children of men; they ſpeak vanity every one with his neighbour; with flattering lips, and with a double heart do they ſpeak.
'Tis a moſt ſenſeleſſe, ridiculous, and inſignificant action; you pleaſure your Enemies, and make your ſelves and us, the whole Nation, a ſcorn, a deriſion, and a Proverb in the earth. In the beginning of this book I have been dealing with a Malignant Impoſtor, whoſe whole buſin•ſſe was nothing elſe but to make you break the Parliament to ſerve his deſigns; for I tell you, they fear their Wiſdome, more then your power. Are the Cavaliers your friends? are ye bewitched to believe them, and to ſlight your old true friends; I thought I had not needed to ſay much in the beginning of the Book to anſwer that treacherous Cavalier; I thought it was enough to tell you whoſe was the plot, to perſwade you to break the Parliament; But before I could bring my Book to light, ye are cheated into a belief of his Impoſture. Ah me! are ye not proud of your wiſdome? Whoſe is this Invention? who put you upon this exploit? Oh ſad! Will you pleaſe your enemies, and grieve your friends. Know him or them that put you upon this groſſe piece of folly, and avoid them. We that put you upon calling back this Parliament, and encouraged you in the day of your ſtraights, and told every body we met, how honeſt the Army would be, now they underſtood themſelves; that they would ſtandby the Parliament, while they did ſettle the Nation upon the foundations of righteouſneſſe and truth: We, even we, are laughed to ſcord; and I muſt ſpeak to you in the words of Joab: Ye have ſhamed this day the faces of all your ſervants, that have ſaved your lives, (that have ſaved your credits, which ſhould be as dear as life, and that have appeared for you in the day of your diſtreſſe) in that you love your Enemies, and hate your friends; for you have declared this day, that you regard neither Princes nor Servants; for this day I perceive that it pleaſeth you well, though all we dye, ſo Abſalom live. We know58 not how to look any body in the face; though we thought we had done well when we appeared for you, againſt your enemies. But every one of us get away by ſtealth, as people that are aſhamed ſteal away when they flee in Battell; — Not only ſo, but you have made your ſelves the moſt abſolute Changelings in the world; It is a Proverb beyond Seas, to expreſſe any Uncertainty thus, — As certain as England.
Our Agent Lockhart is laughed at, when he comes to treat with the Spaniſh Favourite: What a peace with you! who are your Maſters? you have as many Maſters at Moons: Goe make peace among your ſelves, and then talk of peace with us.
Ambaſſadors here in England know not who to make their Addreſſes to; and have ſaid, What ſhall we treat? we know not who to truſt to: You will have new Maſters within this Six Weeks, and then we muſt begin again. This is greatly for your honour; 'tis your interpoſing hath begot all theſe changes; ſtill as we have been ſetling you have broken us to pieces, this is all your wit, you mend the matters wiſely; if we will have any Government to hold, better heads then yours muſt conſult it. I am loth to think 'tis your deſign to unſettle us; if it be, God help your heads, you will feel the ſmart of it in time, as well as we; you are good Souldiers, but bad Statesmen, profeſſing your ſelves wiſe ye are become fools: Be not wiſe over-much, nor take too much upon you; ye have miſcarryed over and over; will you be doing again? I dread the conſequence of this hair-brain'd Action; and there are ſuch fools in the World, though they ſhould be brayed in a Mortar, yet their folly will not depart.
Well, but the Parliament muſt out; why, what evill have they done? for which of all their good works do you ſtone them? Have they not gone through good report and evil report for the good of the Nation? Was not their hand in all that was done for the aſſerting the Nations Birth-rights? and were they not carefully providing for us when you firſt turned them out; it was an abuſe put upon them by thoſe that turned them out, to ſay, They intended to perpetuate themſelves, that ſo they**Cromwell and his Creatures. might Colour their Uſurpation and Tyranny. Out of your own mouths I judge you, you evil ſervants; remember your Declaration, wherein you bewayled your Apoſtaſie. Did they not return to their duties again, to ſerve the publike if poſſible, and forget all your former abuſes? And did they not ſet themſelves ſeriouſly to work for the Nations welfare? and did they not doe as much a men could doe, that found things in ſo much diſtraction, to reduce us to better Orders? Yea verily, they did as much as mortall men could doe. Yea, did they not diſcountenance ſome men more then there was abſolute neceſſity of, to give you content? yea, did they not get you a whole Years Taxe to be paid in Three Moneths, and a Three Moneths Tax more to be paid in Three Weeks, and all to keep fair with you, and to pay you59 your due? Did they not prepare an Act for one hundred thouſand pounds per menſem to be immediately levyed for you; and Ordered to ſell every thing almoſt to pay you your Arrears? and thereby drew an odium upon themſelves, more then ever any other Parliament would do ſince you firſt turned them out: And yet though men grumbled at theſe Charges, yet generally hoped the Parliament would make them amends by doing good things for them. Yea, did not the Parliament give them new Commiſſions, whom the Protector had caſhiered, without reſpect of perſons, if they were judged Faithfull; as Lambert his own ſelf, though a worthy Member of Parliament gave good reaſon to the contray; all without reſpect to their opinions; dealing their reſpects without partiality, hoping hereby to oblige their affections? yea did they not encourage all that did the Nation ſervice, and ſhare their Rewards without diſtinction to all that deſerved it; to Duckenfield and Creed, who deſerve a thouſand times more the reward of a Rope for their late Treaſon, then a Chain of Gold for their Cheſhiere Service: Oh ungratefull unthankfull Monſters of Mankinde! could it be believed, ſo much diſingenuity ſhould be harboured in Engliſh breaſts? Nay, I pray heartily, had you any reaſon to miſtruſt the Parliament? no more then I have to miſtruſt my own heart: Have they not been enbarqued all along in the ſame common cauſe with us? is it not as much their Intereſt as yours to conſult the ſecurity of the Nation, and all that have been the Parliaments Friends? Yea, is not their life bound up in your life? They could not deſign to ruine the Army, but they muſt ruine themſelves: You were and are as neceſſary by your Forces to defend us, as their Counſell to give forth ſuch Orders as may make us happy being ſo defended; and enable us to maintain you as our Guards: When as through want of good advice, if the Common-wealth ſink, (as undoubtedly it muſt without better Counſellors) ye may go and defend Jamaica; here will be no uſe of you. Certainly the Parliament cannot be without you, he is beſides himſelf that thinks they can; they could no more ſettle a Commonwealth without your Arms, then you can without their Heads; neither could they ſecure themſelves, but they muſt ſecu•e you; nor make any Lawes that ſhould be bad for you, but they muſt be bad for themſelves; which every body thinks they would be as carefull in as they could, and no body doubts but they could conſult it as well as any company of men that ever were in England: Yea, and ſay, I ſaid ſo. You must call them back again if ever you make any work of it againſt the Norman Race.
Goe your way then, think upon it: What have you done? certainly, the moſt barbarous, ſavage, and inhumane action that ever was done; it ſeems, you neither fear God, nor reverence man; the moſt brutiſh, childiſh, wilfull, headlong, giddy Undertaking that ever was put in practice. And Wo, aye woe indeed to the Nation whoſe60 Prince is a Childe: And no leſſe wo to that Common-wealth whoſe Rulers are Children. Yet more, 'tis the moſt bootleſ•, raſh and fruitleſſe Enterpriſe that ever was introduced by men that•••ld pretend to a deſign: Good now, What benefit did you propound••your ſelves, or the State? Do you Propound no end of your actions? do you not think before hand, what you ſhall ſpeak or doe? But doe you in that very ſame hour whatever is upon your Spirits? I doubt, if you have not thought of it before hand, it will hardly be given you ſo ſuddenly how to anſwer me aright; What, do you overturn, overturn, overturn; and take no care for the Nation, nor your ſelves; what we ſhall eat, or whether we ſhall drink; or whether we ſhall have any clothes to our backs? Is this Heatheniſh? Sure our Lord never taught you this Leſſon, to underſtand him after this rate: Do you ſay to us, Be filled, be warmed, be clothed? Will this do the work? Do you deſign the benefit of the Nation, by diſturbing our Settlement, by obſtructing our Trade, by beggering the Nation, by undoing every thing as faſt as it is done, by breaking our Parliaments, by ſetting the Sword above our ancient Birth-rights? is this your Providence for us? Gramercy Horſe.
But ſtay, what did you get by breaking this Parliament before? but ſubject your ſelves to the pleaſure of your Generall, who turned — out all he pleaſed, that would not be his Janiſaries: And after Six years were forced to call them back again with ſhame enough. And now you have broken them again, what will you be gainers? Whoever gets the power, and not by right, will make us Slaves, and you too; inſinuations and fair pretenſes muſt be uſed to Trepan you at firſt; but they that are faithfull among you will be known, and weeded out, as ſoon as the buſineſſe is effected; honeſt men may be inſtrumentall to ſet up a Tyrant, but are not fit inſtruments to keep them up; nay, honeſt men ſhall be ſo ſure to be rooted out, that it is among their Politicks, to remove all that have been the Inſtruments of their Advancement, leaſt they ſhould preſume that their good Services had for ever obliged their Maſter, or Maſters, and ſo ſhould not be ſo wholly at their devotion as others that they ſhould gratifie with their places; who were more bound to deſerve that, which they received without any merit. Are the pretenſes fairer now then before? No, there is not half that pretenſe that was on old Olivers ſide. Can you not ſee through them; No ſingle Perſon, no by no meanes; we abominate the thoughts of that: What then? No body knowes, unleſſe ſomething that is a thouſand times worſe, Three, Ten, Thirty, or it may be Seventy Tyrants for a while, till ſome one can get above the reſt. The Second Generall Officer is an unlucky place; it was Lieutenant Generall Cromwell once, and then he was a Saint, a precious Saint, could preach, and pray, and promiſe ſtrange matters; then61 it was — Is thy ſervant a dog, that he ſhould do ſo and ſo: what be Protector, be King, rule by my meer will, no by Gods grace I will never do it.
Put caſe Fleetwood will not act as General, nor grant Commiſſions to them that have none, them the Parliament Voted out, and thoſe that ſhall be brought into the place of thoſe honeſt Commanders that did their part for the Parliament, the ſalt of the Army, who being put out (as certainly that will be their fate, if the weather clear towards the North) the Army will ſtinck in the noſes of all Europe. I ſay, if Fleetwood will not, I hope ſomebody elſe will; what's next then, why not a King? one King, or another King, and then what is the benefit, Richard Lord Protector is laid aſide, and King JOHN the Second comes up in his place: At firſt it may be a Senate, but then ſomething for the honour of England, a Duke of Venice Elective; Election will do the work to get into the Throne, but when once up, it muſt be theirs and their heirs for ever, if it be not made hereditary, I'le warrant you they know whom to nominate their Succeſſor, for it will not be prudence to leave that matter undetermined and go out of the world, leaſt theſe Diſciples ſhould fall together by the ears about this queſtion, Who ſhould be greateſt. If you will not believe your own experience, who can help it; I hope by this time your Commander in chief may make bold to put in and pull out who he pleaſe; out with an Overton, a Rich, a Harriſon, and in with my Son Falconbridge, my Cozen Lockhurt, and the reſt of his well affected kindred: and I ſhall not pity you a jot.
But if it ſhould hap to Lamberts chance to be Dominus fac totum, I hope thoſe thorough paced Protectorians who laughed ſo heartily when his Lordſhip was turned out of ſervice by the Old Protector, ſome of whom told me, when I complained of my Lord Protectors carriage to him, that it was no matter, never was any man leſſe pityed, or lamented after, he was all for himſelf, he hoped to be next Protector, and becauſe nominating the Succeſſor was agreed of, therefore he was diſcontented. I ſay certainly theſe men will now be contented to yeeld their places to men that were better affected, and are the more endeared friends of his Lordſhip: hitherto then, you have notably well projected for your ſelves, ye are ſhrewd Politicians. What then ſhall you Govern the Nation your ſelves, a great purchaſe, a burden to any honeſt man, more then a benefit: how many of you are like to ſhare in this if that were true? two or three of your Grandces, and theres your deſign; no you hate the thought of this, we miſtake the matter, and do you a great deal of wrong to ſuſpect this. What then? you ſhall be better paid: that's well gueſſed in good ſooth, how will you have it? why one way or othe•,62 any how rather then fail, we will have it by foul means, if it will not come fairly: no no, you abuſe us, nothing ſhall be gathered, but what is levyed by the people in Parliaments; ſo far you are right, and if ever you ſee a Parliament in England that will take ſo much care of you as this Parliament hath taken, and was a taking for you, that will raiſe you 120000 l. per menſem, or 100000 l. per menſem, as they have done for you, if you could have kept your ſelves honeſt: then ſpit in my face, and tell me I lie. No, tis this Parliament that muſt hazard their Reputations to pay your Arrears, and the Debts of the Nation, and then future Parliaments may be more eaſily perſwaded to grant ſuch a Tax as may keep us alwayes out of your Debt. What then, hath the Parliament Voted 9 of your Commanders out of their places: doth this anger you, and is this the bottom of the buſineſs, and is this all your deſign to be avenged of them, and the Nation for it? goodly great ones! What are theſe men trow, that their particular concernments to be kept in Pay and Command, ſhould ſtand in campetition with the Ruine of Three Nations, a huge reach indeed: But pray, was it without good reaſon? could the Parliament do leſſe? had not ſome of them promoted a General being of the Northern Brigade; notwithſtanding after the Parliaments diſlike of it, and after the Petition and Repreſentation of the Army was preſented and debated in the Houſe, which though it did not expreſly require a GENERAL, yet did ſtrongly imply it, and reqiured ſome things of worſe conſequence.
I ſay, after this, theſe 9 Grandees combined together in a Letter ſigned by them all, to engage the ſubſcriptions of a Regiment thereunto, which was produced in Parliament, and could have no other conſtruction, but if the Parliament would not grant their commands, they ſhould be made to do it: which deſerved a greater ſeverity then being put out of their places. The like practice they alſo ſet on foot in divers other Regiments.
If this became faithful ſervants, I wonder who are Maſters; but for the honeſty of the matter, they thus combined to effect, to inſtance only in one particular, No Officer muſt be diſplaced but by a Councill of Officers. What is the myſtery of this iniquity? why all muſt turn out that will be faithful to the intereſt of the Nation, and the truſt repoſed in them, they would pack their Officers to their own mindes: ſhuffle and cut both: verily then, if they ſhould Petition in a peaceable way (as they call it) a priveledge not to be debarred the meaneſt Engliſhmen; I wonder what Supreme Authority durſt ſay them Nay: this is a thouſand times worſe providence, then to grant them a General, and to give him power to place and diſplace at pleaſure; worſe providence for the Nation I am ſure: we might poſſibly finde one honeſt man in England whom we might truſt, if it could not63 otherwiſe be avoided, but how to make a whole Councel of Officers honeſt; moſt of whom have ſprouted up from no very generous principles, this is next of kin to an impoſſibility. What a Corporation of the Army! what the Army the Repreſentative of England? Muſt your General (as of late) be the Archon, or Sole Legiſlator; your Councel of Officers our Senate, and your ſmall Officers the people of England; out upon it, this is too bad in all conſcience: why not a Corporation of the Navie too? as much reaſon every jot. What, the Supreme Authority of England, that pay you your wages, that can put in and out at their pleaſure (and it is reaſon they ſhould) the Lords Keepers of the Great Seal: the Judges of the Land: the greateſt Officers of State: yea and beſides whom none can give you Commiſſions: but they are Rogues, and Robbers, as bad as any High-way-men, and worſe, who take upon them to act and have no Commiſſion from them; it is the caſe of ſome among you.
Tis a Combination and a Conſpiracy among you to make a GENERAL, and give him Commiſſion, and then he to give you Commiſſions, or to ſet up any number of men as Supreme: (but ſuch as the good people of the Land chuſe) and then to take Commiſſions from them; this is Idolatry, to fall down and worſhip the work of your own hands, and to cry aha! we are warmed, aha! we are warmed. What not the Supreme Authority be able to remove a Lieutenant, an Enſigne, a Serjeant, a Cororal! But by your leave moſt Omnipotent Councel of Officers, 'tis true, it is dangerous truſting a General with this Power, he may turn all to his own Intereſt, which moſt commonly accords but little with that of the Nation, you have had wonderful experience of this already; but the Parliament, whoſe intereſt is the intereſt of the Nation, and can be no other; that their noſes ſhould come under the girdle of an Army, Oh ſad contrivance!
What was it the Good Old Cauſe that the Parliament muſt have the Militia, and not the King; was it then reaſon they ſhould command the Sword, who carryed the Purſe, and carried the Intereſt of the Nation among them? and poor King muſt he ſuffer death for ſtanding upon his terms with them: And now when the Parliament is by Your ſelves declared The Supreme Authority of England, now they muſt touch none of your anointed; now they muſt not ſo much as remove one ſingle Officer of your Army, but through the mediation of your grace and favour: could the Parliament ſay Amen to this part of your Petition and Repreſentation, and not betray the Nation and their truſt, and make themſelves the ſcorne and hatred of the Nation, and future Parliaments? Yea, could they underſtand this private Combination, to force this unreaſonable deſire, and proceed with leſſe tokens of their diſpleaſure, and not give the Nation a jealouſie that they would64 betray them; And is this the reaſon why you hugge theſe 9. Powder-plotters, to effect this moſt horrid, helliſh miſchief. I can imagine nothing ſo like the truth of the Deſign, if there be any deſign in it as this; well ſhould this be effected for you, that you ſhould give Law to England, pray what will be the deſign of it? to what end I pray? to bewray your deep inſight into the affairs of State? To gain your ſelves Honour and Renown for your rare Conduct of the State; no I fear ſhame would be your promotion; you would have little better ſucceſſe then you have had; you may joult your Jobernouls together long enough, before you can hammer out a Settlement for us; no body thinks that ſaying true of you, I am wiſer then all my Teachers: Where will be the Deſign, if when you have run your ſelves out of Winde, and out of your Wits too, you ſhall be reduced to the like exigency as of late, and be forced to bewayl your Blindeneſſe and Apoſtaſie again; I ſay, what is become of the Deſign then?
And it is not in reaſon to foreſee how you can manage the Chariot of the State long, but all muſt run into diſorder; your Sin, yea and your Undertaking will be a burden, a puniſhment greater then you can bear: Very conſiderate men think you can hardly carry it a Moon. Oh ſhallow, oh incogitant, oh pitifull, oh fooliſh Army! who hath bewitched you? you did run well, who hindred you? will you now altogether run in vain? will you loſe the things you have wrought? will you ſell the righteous for nought? Our Lawes, Liberties, our Good Old Cauſe for leſſe then a pair of Shooes? Will you harm us, and do your ſelves no good? Oh peeviſh! oh wilfull! Are ye Children? are ye Fools? are ye mad? Do you diſcover your Gallantry by grapling with Impoſſibilities? For ſhame men, for ſhame give over. Oh but you miſtake us all this while, our Deſign is, To carry on the Refined Intereſt, the Spirit of the Cauſe.
Good! good! is this the buſineſſe? what is this new thing nothing, you now make ſport withall, a Refined Intereſt; the ſpirit of the cauſe; hard words, what is the Engliſh on't: I wonder, whether Sir Henry Vane hath opened theſe abſtruſe terms to your underſtanding; you apprehend things more nimbly then it ſeems, then honeſt old Engliſh-ſpirited Sir Arthur Haſlerigge, that moſt highly deſerving Patriot; I think it will be hard to underſtand the thing you drive at, by the terms you dreſſe it in; you will teach us to ſpeak Engliſh after a new cut; certainly ſuch an Intereſt, was never till now phraſed a Refined one. The Refined Intereſt, ſaith Mr. Harrington is that which carries ſo much reaſon in it, and ſo much the Intereſt of the Nation, that it being once underſtood, and we in poſſeſſion of it; needs not a Mercenary Army to keep it up: Is your Intereſt refined in this notion you ſo much bleſſe your ſelves in? what courſe will you take for65 the carrying on the ſpirit of the cauſe, the Refined Intereſt? what will you preſerve our choice inviolable? ſhall that power rule us, and you, that we chooſe ſo to doe? No, this would hazard the Refined Intereſt Ile warrant you. What then, ſhall all the old Friends of the Parliament, that are no more Turn-coals then your ſelves; and have ſerved the State as well as your ſelves, ſhall theſe in every County, City, and conſiderable Burrough, chooſe their Truſtees for the Supreme Authority? No, there hath been a great Apoſtaſie and Back-ſliding; honeſt men ſhall be choſen, who are true to the Cauſe; who are fit to be Kings and Prieſts, and to reign for ever and ever; ſuch as have the Spirit, and theſe will know what Iſrael ought to doe; and will make good Lawes and Statutes, and execute judgement in the Gate; theſe will hate the Whore, and burn her fleſh with fire: Is this the Refined Intereſt? what ſuch another Gimcrack, as that little Mungrell thing that Voted it ſelf a Parliament; any thing in the world that will keep our Faction in heart; that will carry on our deſign, this is the Refined Intereſt; whether it be honeſt, or whether it be juſt, it matters not: many men extoll that Junto to this day, though the very Conſtitution of it ſtinketh in the Noſtrils of every conſiderate man; as tending utterly to cheat us of our Choice.
And what do not men magnifie now adayes, that will but ſay as they ſay? Beſhrew that Chriſtian Policy that would ride over our Rights and Priviledges, under Pretenſe of a Refined Intereſt. Thoſe that will forget to be Men, will not long remember to be Chriſtians.
They that will daſh the Second Table of the Law to pieces, will hardly keep the firſt Table as they ought.
Will you rob us of our Rights, and kill us by Famine and decay of Trade? Surely we muſt all be Souldiers ere long, and then we ſhall get a Vote among you.
Will ye kill? will you ſteal, and ſay, Ye are delivered to work all theſe Abominations? No, you are out all this while: We will be honeſter then you think for; we will have Parliaments ſtill, choſen by the people: But it cannot be ſafe for the Godly, unleſſe we chooſe a Select number of faithfull men; Faithfull to the GOOD OLD CAUSE, that ſhall be a Check to the Parliament, an Influencing Senate, as Mr. Stubs hath it; who hath written a Book on purpoſe to prove Sir Henry Vane no Jeſuite.
Sure Mr. Stubs did not finde this in Mr. Harringtons Modell, which he admires as if it were a pattern out of the Mount. No certainly Mr. Harrington hath more Wiſdome and more Honeſty: His Senate is only to give light; he doth not propound a Senate66 to be the Interest of the Common wealth; to ſecure the Honeſt party; nor yet an Influencing Senate to be choſen by a few men, that call themſelves the Godly party: But to be choſen by the People as the other Houſe. Theſe two Senates are as contrary as White to Black.
And if Mr. Harringtons Modell came out of the Mount, I wonder from whence, from what Manuſcript this Library-keepers Noddle did bring one his. If there muſt be a Senate, ſurely none better, certainly none can be honeſt, and juſt, but that which the People chooſe, as Mr. Harrington ſaith. Pray why ſhould the Army chooſe? Are there not as Honeſt men as themſelves in every part of the Nation? What, I'le warrant, the major part is the worſe part, therefore they muſt not be truſted; But the Council of Officers.
I wonder indeed, how the major part of the Council of Officers, can take themſelves to be honeſt; who firſt Declared againſt.
A Single Perſon: Then routed the Parliament: Then ſet up a Mock-Parliament; then pulled it down: Then made their Generall Protector for life; then made him to beget a Protector: Then broke this Government: Then ſuffered the Parliament to ſit again: Now have broke them again. What comes next? That which they will break again ere long. One can hardly give a worſe Character of Men: Meddle not with them that are given to Change.
And muſt theſe chooſe us an Influencing Senate? It is like to be well done; Well, and when all is done, carry on your Refined Intereſt as well as you can, your Mock-Parliament, or Seventy Elders would never agree, ſome would ſee further into Milſtones then others, and had a more Glorious Cauſe to carry on then the reſt; and then this would be the Refined Intereſt; there would be no end, till we fall all to Errant Popery: Yea, your Senate and your Parliament would agree like Cats and Dogs, they would never unite; where then is your Deſign?
Have you no Guts in your Brains? Why do you rage, and imagine a vain thing? As ſure as you live, nothing but honeſt and righteous things will be a Foundation for us to bottome upon, if we mean67 to ſtand againſt the Windes and Waves that are like to beat againſt our Houſe.
He is no Deſigner now, that will not be Honeſt: Nothing but Honeſty, and a publick heart can carry us with credit and ſafety through theſe Diſcriminating times. Never were ſuch dayes of Triall in England: They may go to School again that have Machiavil by heart; there h•th been and is another Game going in England, then theſe Gameſters are aware of. He muſt have been purely honeſt, and not much pre-poſſeſſed, that hath not gravelled himſelf in theſe laſt twenty years. Ye have many Flatterers, but few reall Friends.
Glad my heart, and do Righteous things, you that are Honeſt: Ye cannot wipe your mouth, and ſay, What evill have we done now? Ye cannot have ſuch a Face of Braſſe; ſuch a Whores Forehead: Repent, repent: Deny us not our juſt Rights; let Righteouſneſſe take place: So ſhall you repair the Breach you have made upon us; ſo ſhall we be eſtabliſhed; for God eſtabliſheth the Juſt. And let us by no means talk deceitfully for God.
To ſay no more, It is the moſt ruinous, the moſt dangerous and deſtructive action that ever was taken to task. Parliament broken, the Nation unſetled, Friends diſcontented, no body but blames you, Lawes and Liberties, all a going; the Sword Rampant, the Nation undone, your Enemies more numerous and mighty; the Common Intereſt of the Nation in jeopardy; your GOOD OLD CAUSE at ſtake; nay, your own Throats ready to be cut; as if you were going like an Oxe to the Slaughter, or a Fool to the correction of the Stocks; like a Bird ſnared in an evil Net, like a Bird that haſteth to the net, and knoweth not that it is for his life: What ſay Friends and Foes;
The Army would not referre the Nation unto the care of this Parliament, that were, as one ſhould ſay, Fleſh of their Fleſh, and Bone of their Bone; ſurely no Parliament will ever do good upon them ſince this could not: If any other Parliament croſſe them, then they muſt turn out for Malignants: With this word in their ears, What ſhall we be Governed by them we conquered but the other day? are there no Engliſh ſpirits in the Nation.
What can you exp•ct, but a generall Revolt of the People? and that all the Nation ſhould be in Bloud: Surely it is as good68 for us to die as to live the Slaves of our Servants, moſt of whom our purſes have raiſed from the dunghil.
Sir George Booth is an inconſiderable Traytor now; you may be aſhamed to Sequeſter his Eſtate, who did but endevour to do what you have done; and had more to ſay for himſelf ten to one then you.
Every thing looks black about us at home, and abroad; Neighbours at home ready to cut our throats and yours too; at this very inſtant you have diſobliged your friends, and yet forain Nations threaten us hard: It is in every bodies mouth, and I doubt 'tis too true, Ambaſſadors are coming to offer us CHARLES STUART upon Terms, if we will not, then they will bring him in by Force; if this be ſo, Lord have mercy upon us: here are thouſands in England would rather the Turke ſhould come in, then things ſhould be as they are: and you have broken the hearts of your beſt friends, who will have ſmall courage to aſſiſt you in keeping out our COMMON ENEMY, ſince when it is done, we might be ſure to return to our former ſlavery.
France and Spain look at us untowardly, others beſides would put to their helping hand to Ruine us; for all whom we ſhould not have cared Three skips of a Louſe, if you had not diſturbed our SETTLEMENT, we ſhould have been formidable to all EUROPE, yea, to the WORLD, as the Authour of that Book,
— France no friend to England —
hath put his Chriſtian Majeſty in minde of.
This is the kindeneſs you have done for your ſelves and us, whereby you have made us careleſſe of our own and of your ſafety; wherefore let me ſpeak to you in the words of Joab,
— Now therefore ariſe, go forth, and ſpeak comfortable words to your Servants; for I ſwear by the Lord, if you go not forth, there will not tarry with thee one this night (when this night of trouble comes upon you, which haſtens apace, our Sun being almoſt ſet) and this will be worſe unto you then all the evill hath befallen you untill now.
I am not humourſome, nor have I ſo much intereſt going in this Parliament as ſome of your ſelves, ten of them do not know me I am certain; if you could call another Parliament fairly, whom you could and would refer your ſelves unto, I ſhould be ſilent, and glad that the ſalvation of the Nation might come that way; and ſo I dare ſay would moſt of that Parliament you have now ſhut out.
But I doubt, yea I am confident this will not be, can there be a Parliament fairly choſen, that ſhall ſo much be concerned to ſecure what we have been contending for hitherto, They cut off the Kings head: they Voted down Monarchy, and the Houſe of Lords: they ſet up the Common-wealth; they are concerned to venture their credits to get you money: do you think they are not moſt concerned to keep up what they have ſet up: another Parliament would ſtrain at a Gnat, and think it a Camel if they ſhould ſwallow an Act for 40000 l. per menſem; theſe men as far as I can ſee, muſt do the drudgery, and make way for another Parliament, by putting all out of debt, and putting things into a Method for a new Election, and then things may go on hanſomely; elſe I fear it much, we ſhall ſee no Settlement.
All things look with a ſad face, the cloudes threaten us from every quarter of Heaven; the Ship of the Common-wealth is now launched out into the Ocean of Confuſion, and it is greatly to be feared, the Voyage will be with hurt, and much damage not only of the Lading and Ship, but alſo of our lives, however the Maſters of our ſhip have perſwaded us that the Haven wherein we were was not convenient to Winter in, and have hoiſed ſail intending to run a deſperate courſe, and the winde now blowing ſoftly they ſuppoſe they have obtained their purpoſe: but I doubt me it will not be long, ere there ariſe againſt it a tempeſtuous wind, an Euroclidon, which will catch the Ship, that they cannot bear up in the Winde, but muſt let her drive, when if they can come by the Boat, and uſe helps for undergirding the Ship, tis well, they may ſtrike ſale, and be driven for fear of the quick-ſands, and to day light the Ship of the Goods, and to morrow caſt overboord the Tackling of the Ship with their owne hands.
Verily now there is no ſmall tempeſt to lies on us, and neither Sun nor Moon hath appeared for theſe many dayes, but all hopes that we ſhall be ſaved is well nigh taken away: we ſounded Wedneſday, and found it twenty fathoms, Thurſday, and found it fifteen fathoms, and in great fears we are of falling upon the Rocks, though but the other day we deemed that we drew nigh to ſome70 Countrey, to ſome Settlement; however our Ship-men diſcovering a certain Creek, that they knew not what Countrey it is, minded to thruſt in the Ship, but are fallen where two Seas meet, and the Ship is run aground, that it ſticks faſt; and great fears! there are all will be broken to pieces and all loſt: thoſe Ma•riners that but now managed the Ship are almoſt gone, but call them back by all means; you might indeed have hearkened to your friends, and not have loo•ed from Creet (from Weſtminſter) and ſo have gained this harme and loſſe; but put all again into their hands that are your beſt Guardians, they will by the bleſſing of God bring off the Ship ſafely; I dare warrant there ſhall be no loſſe of the Ship, nor of any mans life among you; Howbeit, as Paul ſaid to the Centurian, and to the Souldiers, I am confident I may ſay ſo, — Except theſe men abide in the Ship (for a while) ye cannot be ſaved.
(EEBO-TCP ; phase 2, no. A85519)
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