The Loyal Citizen Revived. A SPEECH MADE BY Alderman Garroway, AT A COMMON-HALL, On Tueſday the 17. of January, 1642.Ʋpon occaſion of a Speech delivered there the Friday before, by Mr. Pym, at the reading of His Majeſties Anſwer to the late Petition.

BEfore we enter upon the buſineſs of the day, I muſt in diſcharge of my du­ty ſpeak freely to you of the laſt days work which lies ſo heavy upon us, that if we find not ſome way to free our ſelves of the ſcandal and diſhonour of that day, farewel the reputation of this Council, and of this City. We ſent a Petition lately to His Majeſty, by ſix worthy Members of this Court, if you will believe them, they received a very gracious anſwer back from His Majeſty, and if you will believe moſt wiſe men, they brought a very gracious anſwer back from His Majeſty, with directions by a Servant of His own, that the ſame ſhould be communicated to the whole City, from whom the Petition was preſumed to be ſent; a circumſtance as gracious as the matter itſelf. See now how we have requited him: His Meſſenger ſtays ten days at the leaſt before we can vouchſafe to ſpeak with him: whereas ours ſtayed not an hour for admiſſion to His Majeſty, and but a day for an anſwer. Upon the receipt of our Petition, His Majeſty ſpake very graci­ouſly of the City, very affectionately of the moſt conſiderable part of it; when his anſwer is read (an anſwer I muſt tell you, worth another manner of debate) Strangers are admitted to make bitter invective Speeches againſt it, and the King that ſent it; Whilſt no honeſt Citizen; who have only right to ſpeak here, durſt ſpeak his Conſcience for fear of having his Throat cut as he went home. Think (Gentlemen) what an encouragement we have given His Majeſty to Treat and Correſpond with us, whilſt he is thus uſed: I am far from undervaluing both, or ei­ther Houſe of Parliament, I have been often a Member of the Houſe of Commons, and know well my duty to it: but though their Priviledges are infinitely grown and enlarged ſince that time, I hope they have not ſwallowed up all other mens; though they are the great Council and Court of the Kingdom, yet there are other Councils and Courts too, what do we elſe here? And though they have a great liberty of Language within their own Walls, I never heard that they might ſpeak what they liſt in other places. In my time when there was any occaſion to uſe the City, as often there was, the Lord Mayor, or Aldermen, or ſome truſted by them were ſent for to attend either Houſe, but for Members of either or both Houſes to come hither, and be preſent at Our Councils, and govern here by Priviledg of Parliament, was never heard of till of late: you will ſay tis a great honour to us, that thoſe Worthies take the pains to come to us, when they might ſend for us, it may be an honour too great for us to bear: and truly I be­lieve it hath been ſo chargeable to us, that we ought not to be ambitious of ſuch honour. Mr. Pym (who hath been a very coſtly Orator to us) told us (and his Speech is ſince Printed for our honour2 too, to ſhew how tame a people we are) that there were many things in that anſwer of great aſper­ſion upon the proceedings of Parliament, and ſo forth. Truly I know no ſuch thing, if we Petitioned for Peace, we were to expect His Majeſty would tell us by what means that Peace came to be diſturbed, and then preſcribe us a means for our reparation. If any mans guilt hath made himſelf concerned in it, though he be not named, he is his own Accuſer.

He told us that there was no occaſion given by any Tumults which might juſtly cauſe His Majeſties departure, and this he ſaid was the opinion of both Houſes, and his proof was, becauſe His Majeſty came into the City without a Guard, and Dined at the Sheriffs next day after his coming to the Houſe of Commons, and returned back again to White-Hall, where he ſtayed ſome days. I am willing to believe both Houſes as far as I am able, and if they had declared that it had been lawful to beat the King out of Town, I muſt have ſate ſtill with wonder, but when they declare to us matter of Fact, which is equally within our own knowledg, and wherein we cannot be deceived, they muſt pardon me if I differ from them. If they ſhould declare, that they have paid us all the Mony they owe us, or that there is no Croſs ſtanding in Cheapſide, could we believe them? Why, Gentlemen, neither of theſe is better known to us, than that there were ſuch Tumults at Weſtminſter, as might very well make the King think himſelf in danger. We all well remember what excellent company flocked by White-Hall every day, for a week be­fore the King went to the Houſe of Commons, and for His coming to the Guild-Hall the next day, when he did us ſo much honour, to vouchſafe us ſo particular ſatisfaction, and came with­out a Guard, to ſhew how much He truſted in our Duty and Affection. (I pray God the de­ceiving that Truſt may never riſe in Judgment againſt this City) we too well remember the rude carriage of many people to Him, as He went to the Sheriffs to Dinner, which was not ſo much as reprehended by any Officer; and we all know what paſſed the night following, when an A­larm was given, that there was an attempt from White-Hall upon the City, and ſo all men put into ſudden Arms, and if by the great induſtry and dexterity of our good Lord Mayor, (Sir Richard Gurney) that Hubbub had not been appeaſed, God knows what might have follow­ed, if you will belive ſome men, they will tell you the Deſign of thoſe, who gave that Alarm, was no leſs than to pull down White-Hall. There is no queſtion but there was cauſe enough for His Majeſty to remove from White-Hall, and how quietly he ſtayed after at Hampton-Court, and at Windſor, cannot be forgotten, not to ſpeak of the Army by Land and Water, which accom­panied the Perſons Accuſed to Weſtminſter, the next day after His Majeſties remove, I think, the danger of which was ſo great, that no honeſt man could have wiſhed the King had run the ha­zard of it by ſtaying.

His Majeſty ſeems to be ſenſible that the Government of this City is now ſubmitted to the Arbitrary Power of a few deſperate perſons, to which this Gentleman gave us this Teſtimony from both Houſes, that we had in moſt of the great occaſions, concerning the Government of the City, followed their direction: Troth Gentlemen, would they had furniſhed us with a bet­ter Anſwer. Have we our Charter by the Grace and Favour of the two Houſes, or by the Goodneſs of the King? Have we thoſe Priviledges with Foraign Princes, by which many here have gotten ſuch Eſtates, by the power of the Houſes, or by the Protection of the King? Why ſhould we then govern the City by direction of both Houſes? I am not willing to ſpeak ſlightly of any perſons gotten into Authority, only we may ſay, there be ſome amongſt us we did not think two years ago to have met here, and yet we were wont to ſee an Alderman coming a do­zen year off. I cannot tell what you mean by Arbitrary power, but I am ſure we are governed by nothing we were uſed to be governed by. I have been Lord Mayor my ſelf, in a pleaſanter time than this, and ſhould have ſome ſhare ſtill in the Government; before God, I have no more Authority in the City, than a Porter, not ſo much as an Aldermanbury Porter. If to be Governed by People whoſe Authority we know not, and by Rules which no body ever heard of, or can know, be a ſign of Arbitrary Power, we have as much of it, as heart can wiſh.

To the Kings charge of our Contributing for the maintenance of the Army which had given Him Battel, we were told that diverſe practices were made againſt the Parliament before they made any preparation for their defence. By practices I think they mean Fears and Jealouſies, for all the particulars mentioned by Him, we know, and are underſtood by all the Boys in the ſtreet; but we are ſure there were Ten thouſand men Raiſed and Armed out of this Town, and the Neighbour Counties, before the King had ſeven hundred. To the danger that the Kings Perſon was in (at the thought whereof every honeſt heart trembles) the Gentleman told us they were ſorry for it, I dare not tell you what I think their ſorrow was. But (Maſters) if you knew how much your Eſtates and Being depends upon the life and ſafety of our good King, you would no ſooner apprehend Him in danger, than you would run to His reſcue, as you would fly from the Plague and Beggery. But that reproach of maintaining the Kings Children here, I con­feſs made my heart riſe, I hope it did ſo to many here: Is our good King fallen ſo low, that His Children muſt be kept for Him? it is worth our enquiry who brought Him to that conditi­on. We hear Him complain that all his own Revenue is ſeized and taken from Him; Is not His Exchequer, Court of Wards, Mint here, his Cuſtoms too are worth ſomwhat, and are His Chil­dren kept upon Alms? How ſhall we and our Children proſper if this be not remedied?

They will by no means endure that His Majeſty be obeyed in the apprehenſion of the Lord Mayor, and the other three Gentlemen, for it is the ſenſe of both Houſes that this demand3 is againſt the Priviledg of Parliament, and moſt diſhonourable to the City. For the firſt I dare not ſpeak my mind, though I muſt confeſs my ſelf not able to anſwer the Kings rea­ſons in many of His Declarations upon that point; but for the ſecond, (under the favour of both Houſes) whether it be diſhonourable for the City, whether it be fit be done or no, we are the beſt, indeed we are the only Judges. I will take the liberty to ſpeak freely my Conſcience in this Caſe, as a friend to Juſtice, as a lover of theſe men, and as a Servant to the City, and as all theſe I proteſt to God, if I were now Lord Mayor, and the other three were my Father, and my Brothers, I would ſatisfie the King in this point. Did His Majeſty ask to have them put to death meerly upon His Accuſation, or have them ſent bound hand and foot to Oxford, where it might be in his power to proceed againſt them in an extraordinary way, it might ſeem unreaſo­nable: but to apprehend them to keep them in ſafe cuſtody, that His Majeſty may proceed a­gainſt them according to the known Laws, under which they were born and bred, where if guilty, they muſt be left to the Juſtice of the Law, and His Majeſties mercy, if innocent will re­ceive an honourable acquittal, ſeems to me ſo juſt in the King to ask, and ſo neceſſary for us to yield to, that the denying it implies a doubt in us of the Innocence of thoſe whom we will not ſubmit to Juſtice. Here is a way to find out the Kings Evil Counſellors! If theſe men do their part like men of good Conſciences, ſubmit to the Tryal of the Law, which is the only Judg of Guilt and Innocence, and are found clear from that heavy charge His Majeſty accuſes them of, how gloriouſly will theſe men live hereafter, and the King cannot refuſe to deliver thoſe up who have wickedly conſpired the deſtruction of honeſt men, but if we ſhall only cry out that the King is miſinformed, and dare not truſt our ſelves upon a Tryal, we may preſerve our ſafety, but we ſhall loſe our reputation: Thus much for Juſtice, for the Gentlemens ſakes now: This way you ſee, a way to honour and ſafety too, if there be innocence; but do you think after a months longer enduring the miſeries which are now upon us, men will not more importunately and impatiently enquire after the cauſes of their ſufferings, if they ſhall find that the denyal to give up four men (who it may be are not of any known merit too) to be Tryed by the Law, being accuſed of High Treaſon, and conſpiring to take away the Kings life, incenſed our Gracious King againſt us, and kept him from being amongſt us, whereby our Trade decays, and ſuch violences and outrages are every day committed; I ſay, can any four men bear the burthen of this envy and malice? Will not ſome ſtout bold perſons, incenſed and made deſperate by their, and the common ſufferings, tear theſe men in pieces? We have been all young men and Apprentices, let us remember the ſpirit was then amongſt us; would we have ſuffered all our hopes to have been blaſted, and deſtroyed by any four, or fourteen men? Let us not flatter our ſelves, there is the ſame courage ſtill in the City, which at ſome time will break out to the ruine of more than theſe men; but I thank that Worthy that told us, that it is againſt the Rules of Juſtice, that any men ſhould be impriſoned upon a general Charge, when no particulars are proved againſt them; How inſenſibly in other mens caſes do we accuſe our ſelves; why, how many of us within theſe ſix months have been com­mitted upon a general Charge? How many perſons of Honor and Reputation are now impri­ſoned in this Town, when particulars are ſo far from being proved againſt them, that they are not ſo much as ſuggeſted. Was ever any Charge ſo general as to be a Malignant or Cavalier? yet you hear all ſuch impriſonments are againſt the Rules of Juſtice; my opinion is, that for Juſtice ſake, for the Cities ſake, for their own ſakes, theſe four men ſhould quietly ſubmit themſelves to the Tryal of the Law; if they refuſe, that they be delivered up to the hands of Juſtice.

Mr. Pym told us, there was no proof that my Lord Mayor, and the other perſons named, were countenancers of Browniſts, Anabaptiſts, and other Sectaries. Where ſhould this proof be made? Do we not all know this to be true; are they not all ſo much countenanced, as there is no coun­tenance left for any body elſe? Did not my Lord Mayor firſt enter upon his Office with a Speech againſt the Book of Common-Prayer? hath the Common-Prayer ever been read before him? hath not Captain Venn ſaid that his Wife could make Prayers worth three of any in that Book? Oh (Maſters) there have been times that he that ſhould ſpeak againſt the Book of Common-Prayer in this City, ſhould not have been put to the patience of a legal Tryal. We were wont to look upon it as the greateſt Treaſure and Jewel of our Religion, and he that ſhould have told us he wiſhed well to our Religion, and yet would take away the Book of Common-Prayer, would never have gotten credit. I have been in all the parts of Chriſtendom, and have converſed with Chri­ſtians in Turky. Why, in all the Reformed Churches there is not any thing of more reverence than the Engliſh Liturgy, not our Royal Exchange, or the name of Q Elizabeth, ſo famous. In Gene­va it ſelf I have heard it extolled to the Skies. I have been three months together by Sea, not a day without hearing it read twice. The honeſt Marriners then deſpiſed all the world but the King and the Common-Prayer Book; he that ſhould have been ſuſpected to wiſh ill to either of them, would have made an ill Voyage. And let me tell you, they are ſhrewd youths thoſe Sea­men, if they once diſcern that the perſon of the King is in danger, or the true Proteſtant profeſſed Religion, they will ſhew themſelves mad bodies before you are aware of it; I would not be a Browniſt or an Anabaptiſt in their way for — But we are told of an Army of Papiſts who will root out our Religion; for my part, I am ſure I am not ſuſpected for any affecti­on to Papiſts, yet I confeſs at this time, I have not the leaſt fear of danger from them, and the truth is, the Bugbear is grown leſs terrible to every body. We know from the beginning of this Parliament, the diſcovery of Plots by the Papiſts, and what thoſe diſcoveries have coſt us, and yet to this day not the leaſt probable Charge objected againſt them. When the King4 was at York, no diſcourſe here, but of the Papiſts being there in multitudes, when it is well known, His Majeſty took all poſſible care to prevent the reſort of any Papiſt to the Court; and I have been aſſured by very honeſt men, that in a month there was ſcarce the Face of one Papiſt there. When he firſt raiſed his Army, did he not by Proclamation forbid any to come to him? — But hark you Gentlemen, where would you have theſe Papiſts be? can they live in the Air, or in the Water? Beyond Sea you will not ſuffer them to paſs; if they ſtay at their Houſes they are Plundered, 'tis good Juſtification for Plundering, that they are Papiſts. Are they not the Kings Subjects, and ſhould they not fly to Him for protection? Is there any Law that ſays the Papiſts muſt not aſſiſt the King with Men, Arms or Mony, when he is in diſtreſs, and when he con­ceives Himſelf to be in danger of His life? Let us look about us, if this world hold, not only all the Papiſts, but all the Gentlemen of England will find it neceſſary to carry all they have to the King, and venture it in that bottom.

But both Houſes have declared that there has been no Plundering by the direction of Parlia­ment. Here I think they would be willing to admit the King to be a part of the Parliament to ſave their honour, otherwiſe if Plundering ſignifies the coming with violence into ones houſe, and taking away his Goods without his conſent, ſure there has been much Plundering, even by the direction of the Houſes; but have they ever puniſhed Plundering in the worſt ſort, if they have not directed it? Will a Declaration of both Houſes repair the fine Wainſcot, and the good­ly Leads of honeſt George Bynions houſe? Let me tell you, the time hath been the loſs of ſuch a Citizen would have been talked of in another way — I wonder what kind of Government is preparing for us, when they will not allow that the impriſonment of our perſon is the taking away our Liberty, or the taking away the twentieth part of our Eſtates, is the deſtruction of our Property; and did you mark what a notable reaſon was given for this; the ſame Law that doth enable them to Raiſe Force, doth likewiſe enable them to require Contributions. It doth indeed; yet one might be without the other: but I would theſe Gentlemen had choſe another Auditory to have convinced with this Argument; the Country people will be no more couzened by the City, when they hear what kind of Oratory prevails over us. We ſhall be ſhortly told when they have a mind to our Houſes, that the ſame Law which gave them Authority to take away our mony, gave them power likewiſe to do the other too.

The King tells us, if we ſhall hereafter Contribute any thing for the maintenance of the Ar­my, which He ſays is in Rebellion againſt him, (He pardons what is paſt, mark that,) He will deny us the benefit of his Protection with Foreign Princes, which He will ſignifie to His Foreign Miniſters, what remedy have the Lords and Commons found for this now? Sufficient to do the buſineſs, they declare, That this is an exceſs of Rigor, and Injuſtice beyond example, and there­fore they hope His Majeſty will be induced by better Counſel to forbear the execution. A very Soveraign Declaration, but it is ten to one if we do not obey His Majeſty in the Injunction he hath laid upon us, He will uſe the exceſs of rigour, I know not how little you, that Trade only within the Kingdom, may think your ſelves concerned in this, but I ſay whoſoever underſtands the Trade abroad, and the benefit of being a Subject to the King of England, will not run this hazard; for let him be aſſured in the inſtant the King diſclaims him, he is ruined; and therefore you who have Eſtates abroad, look to it.

Gentlemen, I have troubled you very long, but in good Faith, the manner and the matter of the laſt days work, hath lain ſo heavy upon my heart, that I ſhould have thought I had forfeited this Gown, and this Chain if I had been ſilent; and that I had betrayed the Liberty of that fa­mous City, which I am ſworn to defend. One word I had forgotten to mention, the caution which was given us of ſuch Meſſengers as His Majeſty ſhould ſend, that we ſhould obſerve them, that they might be dealt with as Meſſengers of Sedition. God forbid we ſhould live to ſee any Meſſengers ſent to us from our Gracious King evilly entreated, I would be loath my ſelf to out­live ſuch a diſhonour. If His Majeſty ſhall vouchſafe us the Honour to ſend to us, let us uſe and defend His Servants, as Perſons ſent to us for our good; if it ſhall be otherwiſe, Fire from Heaven will conſume this City. Let us not be wrought upon by fair words, to Contribute or Lend more mony for the maintenance of this Civil, Bloody diſſention, or bring deſolation and confuſion of this glorious City for the ſupport of four men, who if Innocent will be ſafe: but let us remember the happineſs and flouriſhing Eſtate we enjoyed, whilſt we yielded obedience to our Royal Soveraign. Let us not upon the general diſcourſe of Evil Counſellors Rebel againſt a Prince, upon whoſe Perſon, Malice, and Treaſon cannot lay the leaſt blemiſh, but muſt confeſs His Religion, Juſtice, and Charity to be ſo tranſcendent, that if He were a Subject would render Him moſt amiable. Let us conſider that if He be oppreſſed, there can be no end of theſe trou­bles, but we and our children ſhall be perpetually weltring in a Sea of blood; whereas if His Enemies be overthrown, the whole Kingdom will within a moment to be reſtored to all the calm Pleaſure and Plenty of Peace. And therefore if we intend to enjoy what we have, and that the younger men ſhall grow up to the ſame Eſtate we enjoy; if the memory of our Forefathers, or the hope of our Poſterity can move any thing with us, let us lay hold on the Kings Mercy, and ſubmit to every Propoſition in His Anſwer.