The Generall Reſolutions of the two King­doms of England and Scotland, concer­ning His Maieſty, and the Parliament, and concerning the Kings Reſolution for the taking Arms.

AT this preſent it is not unknown to the King who hath incenſed Him againſt His Parliament, and who have given Counſell derogatory to the Honour, and deſtructive to the eſ­ſence of all Parliaments, and to the Par­liament this is utterly unknown; Yet the King deſires evidence of theſe things from the Parliament: Nay, though hee diſavow the ſheltring of ill Miniſters, yet he conceals ſuch as have traduced, and ſlandered the Parliament in ſome things notoriouſſy falſe; and yet to an ordinary underſtanding, it is the ſame thing to conceal, as to ſhelter a Delin­quent: and if it be below a King to reveal a trayterous Incendiary, that hath abuſed His ear with pernitious Calum­nies, it is below him too to leave him to Juſtice being otherwayes revealed.

Here it is ſuppoſed that Parliaments may make an Ordinance contrary to Law, Nature, Reaſon, Sence; and it is in­ferred therfore, That they are dangerous and may bring the life and libertie of the ſubject to a Lawleſſe, and arbitrarie ſubjection; this ſuppoſition is inconſi­ſtent with one of the moſt ſacred and venerable pillars of all Law and poli­cie; and yet here it is inſiſted upon, let all Chronicles be ſearched, and let one Story be cited of any Parliament, which did tyrannize over King and Subject, or ordain any thing to the miſchief of both; Yet Kings I think will not make the ſame challenge. the beſt of them have done Acts of Oppreſſion, and the Rea­ſons are apparant for it; but no Rea­ſons can bee given why Parliaments ſhould uſurpe, or how they can uſurpe; yet the Kings inference runs againſt all Parliaments: He doth not ſay this Par­liament tyrannizeth, and therfore he re­ſides from them, and pronounces their Votes invalid, but becauſe Parliaments may tyrannize; therfore they have no power in their Votes at all, at any time whatſoever, further then the King rati­fies them.

The Parliament ſayes not ſo much; they ſay hee is now ſeduced by wicked Counſell, and therfore rejects their Re­queſts, to the danger of the State.

In ſuch Caſes they conceive there is a power in them to ſecure the State with out his concurrence: At other times when the Kings are not ſeduced, they ought to do nothing without their con­ſent.

Our Caſe is not as Scotlands were, for our malignant party is far greater then theirs; yet both England and Scotland are reſolved to aſſiſt the King and Par­liament againſt all ſuch oppoſers, and will to the uttermoſt of their Endea­vours root out all ſuch.

The queſtion concerning the Militia is not to be put indifinitely, whether or no the King ought to order the Militia in times of no extraordinary danger; our caſe is now upon ſuppoſition, if the King in extraordinary danger will not yeeld to ſuch a Poſture as the Kingdom thinks moſt ſafe, whether the Parlia­ment may not order that Poſture of themſelves, ſo the Parliament puts it. But the King puts it thus. If the Parliament invades his power over the Militia cauſeleſly, whether they may not as wel ſeize a any ſubjects Eſtates.

That queſtion then which muſt de­cide all, is this, whether that Poſture which the Parliament chuſes, or that of the Kings, be moſt ſafe for the Kingdom at this time, and who ſhall judge moſt properly. Till now that the ancient pil­lars of Law, and policy were taken a­way, and the ſtate ſet upon a new baſis, no evill was to be preſumed of the re­preſentative body of the Kingdome, nor no Juſtice expected from a King deſer­ting his grand Councell, but now every man may arraign Parliaments, no King was ever yet ſo juſt but that Parliaments h•ve in ſome things reduced them from Errour, nor no Kings ſo unjuſt that Par­liaments did ſeduce into Errour, yet Par­liaments are now charged of being E­nemies to Religion, Lawes, and Liber­ties. And the King to preſerve theſe ab­ſents himſelf from Parliaments, but ſince we muſt diſpute for Parliaments; firſt wee ſay they muſt in probability bee more knowing then any other priva­does; Secondly, in regard of their pub­like intereſt, they are more reſponſible then any other, and leſſe to be complai­ned of in caſe of Errour.

Thirdly, they have no private intereſt to deprave them, nothing can ſquare with the Common Councell but the common good, and if 500 of the Nobi­lity and Gentry ſhould aym at an Ari­ſtocraticall Uſurpation, or any other power of oppreſſion, they could never compaſſe their ends, it were folly in them.

The Lords all ſubſigned a Proteſta­tion to the King, to obey no Ordinance of Parliament that was contrary to the known Laws, and in particular that of the Militia, till the Royall aſſent were given to it, and to ſtand for, and defend the Kings perſon, &c. And His Majeſty ſigned another to the Peers, and to go­vern them according to the Laws, and to protect them, in whatſoever they ſhould lawfully do for their defence.

It was reſolved upon the queſtion by the Lords and Commons in Parliament, That the Commiſſion of Array for Leyceſter is againſt Law, and againſt the Liberty and property of the Subiect. June 20. It was re­ſolved upon the queſtion, That all thoſe that are Actors in putting of the Commiſſion of Array in execution, ſhall be eſteemed as diſturbers of the peace of the Kingdom, &c.