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A NARRATIVE OF THE TROUBLES WITH THE INDIANS In NEW-ENGLAND, from the firſt planting thereof in the year 1607. to this preſent year 1677. But chiefly of the late Troubles in the two laſt years, 1675. and 1676. To which is added a Diſcourſe about the Warre with the PEQUODS In the year 1637.

By W. Hubbard, Miniſter of Ipſwich.

And the Lord ſaid unto Moſes, write this for a Memoriall in a Book, and rehearſe it in the ears of Joſhua; for I will utterly put out the Remembrance of Amalek from under heaven.

Exod. 17 14.

Wherefore it is ſaid in the book of the Warrs of the Lord, what he did in the red ſea, and in the Brooks of Arnon.

Numb: 21 14

As cold waters to a thirſt, ſoul, ſo is good news from a far Country.

Prov. 25.25.

Expreſſa Imag, et quaſi ſpeculum quoddam vitae humanae eſt hiſtoria, quia talia vel ſimilia ſemper poſſunt in mundo accidere.


Hiſtoria tradit quae facta ſint, et quae ſemper ſint futura, donec cadem manet homi­num natura.


Hiſtoriae cognitio tutiſſima inſtitutio, et praeparatio eſt ad actiones politicas, et illu­ſtris Magiſtra ad perferendas fortunae vices.


Publiſhed by Authority.

BOSTON; Printed by John Foſter, in the year 1677.

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To the Honourable JOHN LEVERET Eſq Governour of the Colony of the Maſſachuſets; JOSIAH VVINSLOW Eſq Governour of the Colony of Plimouth; VVILLIAM LEET Eſq Governour of the Colony of Connecticut.

NOtwithſtanding the great and unvaluable good that hath in all ages of the World accrued to Mankind by Order and Goverment, yet ſuch is the depravedneſs of mans na­ture, and imperfection of his knowledge, that it is as well hard to find out, as difficult to maintain, ſuch a Form and Order of Goverment as will prove a ſufficient Fence and ſecurity for ſo great a treaſure as is the common good, and publick ſafety. After the ſad and long experience of former times, ſome have thought no means can be found out ſo effectual for the upholding and and preſerving the ſame, with all the ſacred and civill rights and privi­ledges therunto belonging, as a liberty for people to deſigne and chooſe out from among themſelves, the perſons that are to be intruſted with thoſe great concerns. Whatever may be ſaid for the extolling the hap­pineſs of them that have ſuch an advantage in their hands, all that may be comprehended within the compaſs of ſuch a power, it is for the pre­ſent in the principal and leading part thereof devolved upon your ſelves in all the three Colonies of New-England; who by the choyce of the free people in thoſe your ſeveral Juriſdictions, are now called to act your ſe­veral parts as chief on the publick ſtage of Goverment. Ever ſince you have taken your turns at the helm, there have been very boiſterous winds and rough Seas, threatning the ſhipwrack of all; which notwith­ſtanding, you need not be diſcouraged, while due conſideration is had, to whom, and what you have embarqued with you. When once the great Roman Conquerer, and chief founder of their Monarchy, was paſſing the Adriatick Sea in a diſguize, the Pilot being diſmayed with the fierceneſs of the wind, the raging of the waves, his Paſſenger pulled off his diſguize, and bid him be of good courage and not fear, for he carried Caeſar, and all his Fortunes: Surely Jeſus Chriſt and all his promiſes, in which you are not a little concerned, is a far better ground of comfort and encou­ragement in a ſtormy ſeaſon. Luther was wont to ſay, or did once in a great exgent ſay, that he had rather ruere cum Chriſto quàm ſtare cum Caeſare; accounting Chriſt a better friend, though falling as to the world to tuſt to, then Caeſar ſtanding in power, according to the words of Chriſt himſelf, greater is he that is in you, then he that is in the World: So as all ſuch may ſay with the Prophet, Rejoyce not againſt me O mine enemy; for when I fall, I ſhall riſe, when I ſit in darkneſs, the Lord ſhall be a Light unto〈◊〉; which I truſt your ſelves have had ſo much experience of, in theſe late dark diſpenſations, that if ſometimes you have not ſeen, yet al­wayes you have believed that Light was ſowne for the righteous, and that there ſhall be a cleer breaking forth of the ſun, after the tempeſt is over; what God hath planted, ſhall not by man, or any of Satans Inſtruments be plucked up. It is with young Colonies, as it is with trees newly planted, which thoſe winds, as one ſaith, that are not ſo boiſterous as to blow down, doe ſo far advantage as to ſhake them to a greater faſtneſs at the root. The Soveraign Ruler of the World doth uſually by ſuch wayes and meanes bing about his peoples good, at the firſt, not well underſtood, nor eaſily brooked, till the quiet fruit of righ­teouſneſs be diſcerned to ſpringp unto all ſuch as are exerciſed therein. It hath been no ſmall advantage that the ſtaff of Goverment, and the ſhields of this part of the earth were put into your hands (before the Boar out of the Wood hath broke into this Vineyard) who under God we truſt may be found the repairers of the breach, and the Reſtorers of Paths to dwell in, while both your ſelves, and thoſe under your charge, and conduct, are looking unto him, who is promiſed to be the peace of his people when the Aſſyrian ſhall come into their land.

The conſideration of the power wherewith you are inveſted, together with the great Wiſdome, Faithfulneſs and Courage by which it hath been managed by you, in your ſeveral ſtations, hath induced me to deſire that the Hiſtoricall dſcourſe enſuing might paſs into publick view under the umbrage of your Protection. If a reaſon be demanded for the entitu­ling ſo many names of worth to the patronage of ſo ſmall and inconſi­derable a Volume I need no other Apology at this time,•…eI find in the words of the Wſe Man; there are caſes wherein two are better then one, and a three folCord is not eaſiy broken: For it being like to pſs through your ſeveral Juriſdictions, I conceived it might need a paſport of ſafe conduct from him that doth preſide in either of them. It carries nothing with it but truth, (as I hope will be found) which may wel ex­pect to meet with a ready Welcome, and ſuitable entertainment in every honeſt mind; but all men are not ſo equally ballanced in their affctions as to bear with plain dealing, and give that harmleſs dove a reſting place in their minds for the ſole of her foot. Oall Writings, thoſe tat are hiſtorical, ſpecially while the things menti­oned are freſh in memory, and the actors themſelves ſurviving, had need be purſued with a wary ſpace. Notwithſtanding the great care that hath been taken to give all and every one, any way concerned in the ſubject of the diſcourſe, their juſt due, and nothing more or leſs, yet perhaps ſome critical Reader will not let every ſentence paſs with­out ſome cenſure or other. It was once by a great man accounted no ſmall offence in an harmleſs Poet, that ſome of his titles were miſplaced as they were marſhalled up in their order: If any Hiſtorian ſhould com­mit an error paralethereunto, a pardon, as it may be needed, in ſuch a Script as is the preſent Narrative, ſo may it be the better expected while paſſig up & down under the guard of your authority, yea thô it ſhould chace to be an offence of an higher nature; as the mi•…iming of ſome pſſages, miſtaking he diſtance of ſome places, or too often touching upon the ſame particulars, which could not be well avoided in a Collection of ſo many occurrents too haſtily drawn up, though true, yet unſea­ſonably, or out of due time coming to light without a total omiſſion of ſome material paſſages. It was intended at the firſt only as a private eſ­ſay, wherein to bind up together the moſt memorable paſſages of divine providence, during our late, or former troubles with the Indians; it might have remained in the place where it was firſt conceived & formed, or been ſmoothered as an imperfect Embrio, not worthy to ſee the light, if ſome ſuch as your ſelves had not both quickned the being, and haſt­ned the birth thereof. Something of this nature may be of uſe to po­ſtrity, as well as to thoſe of the preſent Generation, to help them both to call mind, and carry along the memory of ſuch eminent deliverances, and ſpecial preſervations granted by divine favour to the people here; as it was of old commanded of God himſelf, that a Regiſter ſhould be kept of thoſWarrs, which in oppoſition to others, were in a peculiar manner to be called the Warrs of the Lord; and ſuch are theſe here treated of, if any, ſince miraculous deliverances have ceaſd, may truly be ſaid to deſerve that title. If it had fallen into ſome ablehand, it might have been ſet forth with better choyce of words, and more fit expreſſi­ons, that might have left a deeper impreſſion on the minds of thoſe who are moſt concerned to retain it; however it being now like to be brought to publick view, I have preſumed to offer it to your ſelves, as on the accounts forementioned, ſo alſo as a teſtimony of my thankfull and deſerved acknowledgment of that wiſdome and integrity abundantly ſhewn forth in the adminiſtration of your authority.

Much honoured and Honourable, I have nothing more to adde, but the engagement of my continual and daily prayers to the God of the Spirits of all fleſh, that he would carry you through all troubles, diffi­cultyes and tryals you may be conflicting with, whither perſonal or po­litical, and that he would bleſs your Councells at home, proſper your enterprizes abroad, and long continue your light in the preſent Genera­tion, for his own glory, and his peoples good, that after you have ſerved your Generation here, your memory like that of the juſt, may be bleſ­ed, and that you may leave peace as the inheritance of the remaining Iſ­rael of God in theſe ends of the earth, which is and ſhall be the earneſt wiſh, and conſtant deſire of

Your moſt humble and Devoted Servant, VVilliam Hubbard.

An Advertiſement to the Reader.

THe following hiſtorical Eſſay, was when firſt drawn up, intended only for the ſatiſfaction of a private Friend, & not for the uſe of the publick, ther­fore hope I may be excuſed, if I fall ſhort therein of that exactneſs, which might be expected from one that deſignedly undertook a Work of this nature: however truſting more to the judgment of ſome who have accidentally had the peruſal thereof, then mine own, I am not unwilling that others ſhould receive be­nefit thereby. The Compiler of an Hiſtory can challenge little to himſelf but methodizing the work, the materials being found to his hand: diligence in gathering them together, and faithfulneſs in improving them, is all that is upon point required of him, in both which I have endeavoured to make good, what the profeſſion I have now taken up obliges me unto. The matters of fact therein related (being rather Maſſacres, barbarous inhumane outrages, then acts of Hoſtility, or valiant atchievements) no more deſerve the name of a VVarre, then the report of them the title of an Hiſtory, therefore I contented my ſelf with a Narrative. Much of what is therein mentioned, depending on the ſingle authority of particular perſons, an exact deſcription of every oc­current was hardly to be obtained: All Souldiers are not like Caeſar, able to deſcribe with their pens, what they have done with their Swords: But the moſt material paſſages inſerted, were either gathered out of the Letters, or taken from the mouthes of ſuch as were eye or ear-witneſſes of the things them­ſelves; and thoſe alſo perſons worthy of credit. In ſuch paſſages as were va­riouſly reported by the Actors, or Spectators, that which ſeemed moſt proba­ble is only inſerted. If any error be committed about the Scituation or di­ſtance of places, it may deſerve an excuſe rather then a cenſure: For our Souldiers in the purſuit of their enemies being drawn into many deſert places, inacceſſible Woods, and unknown Paths, which no Geographers hand ever meaſured, ſcarce any vultures eye had ever ſeen, there was a neceſſity to take up many things in reference thereunto upon no better credit ſometimes then common Report. One or two paſſages need a more particular excuſe, or at leaſt explication: As where it is ſaid, p. 2. that the firſt Colony was ſent hither Anno, 1606, The miſtake is eaſily helped, by minding the Reader that the Patent or Commiſſion was that year granted, when alſo Capt. Henery Challons was ſent over upon ſome further diſcovery of the Country, before the Adventurers would hazard a greater charge: ſoon after the departure of the ſaid Challons, the ſame year Sr. John Popham, one of the principal under­takers, ſent out another ſhip to ſecond him under the Command of Capt. Ha­man, Martin Pin of Briſtow being Maſter, who not finding Challons (for he miſcaried in his deſign being ſeized by ſome Strangers in the way) yet re­turning with good news the next year they ſent out two ſhips with an hundred men, with Ordnance and other Proviſion, under the conduct of Capt. George Popham & Capt. Rawley Gilbert, who built a Fort in ſome place about Sa­ga de hoch, called S. Georges Fort, the ruines of which are remaining to this day, as ſome ſay. Probably other like miſtakes may be obſerved, in deſ­cribing the bounds and dimenſions of ſome of the Patents, & grants of land be­longing to the other Colonies; but an Hiſtorian being no Pretorian Judge, his report cannot prejudice any peoples Juriſdiction, or perſons propriety.

Further alſo where it is ſaid, p. 7. That the Indians had lived peaceably with the Engliſh here near forty years, ever ſince the Pequod Warr; it is to be underſtood with reference to publick acts of Hoſtility; for particular miſchiefs have been committed by ſeveral Indians in ſome parts of the Country but the actors were not abetted therein by any of their Country-men: As at Nantucket, an Iſland to the eaſtward of Cape Cod, where in the end of the year 1664. ſome villanous Indians murthered ſome that ſuffered ſhipwrack upon that I ſtand, yet juſtice was done upon two or three of the chief actors. In like manner within a few years after the Pquod Warrs, Mris. Hutchin­ſon was killed by the Indians near a Dutch Plantation; about which time ſome other inſolencies of like nature were acted by the Indians ſouthward, ei­ther upon long Iſland, or in ſome place within New-haven Colony. Alſo a murther was committed at Farmington, another at Woburn, by ſome Indi­ans in their drunken humors, upon a maid-ſervant or two, who denied them drink. All which hinder not the truth of what is affirmed in the Narra­tive, ſuch murthers being too frequently committed in the moſt peaceable pla­ces in the world. Such errors as are the forementioned, being overlooked by the Candid Reader, it is preſumed, there will not be many other faults to be complained of, unleſs ſuch as are meerly Typographical, or elſe were ocaſioned by the dropping in of particular paſſages, after the whole was drawn up, which I was willing to inſert, although it occaſioned the diſcourſe in ſome pla­ces, to be a little more confuſed then elſe would have been. If ever the matter require another edition, more acurateneſs may be obſerved. If thoſe into whoſe hand theſe ſhall happen to come, find any ſatiſfaction about the occur­currents, that have here fallen out, the Publiſher ſhall account his pains well beſtowed.

To the Reverend Mr. William Hubbard on his moſt exact Hiſtory of New-Englands Troubles.

WHen thy rare Piece unto my view once came
It made my Muſe that erſt did ſmoke to flame:
Raiſing my Fancy ſo ſublime, that I
That famous forked Mountain did eſpie;
Thence in an Extaſie I ſoftly fell
Down near unto the Helliconian Well,
Where Poetry, in Proſe, made I did ſee
By a Mercurian Brain, which ſure was Thee;
Such is thy modeſt Stile enrich'd with Sence,
Invention fine, faced with Eloquence:
Thy florid Language quintly doth expreſs
The Truth of matter in a comely Dreſs;
Couching the Sence in ſuch a pleaſing Strain
As makes the Readers Heart to leap again:
And ſweetly draws him like thoſe Lotteries
Which never miſs but alwayes win the Prize:
But whither roves my Muſe? What can be done
By'm that augments the Sea, or lights the Sun?
Go on brave Worthy, and let theſe Eſſayes,
Like fair Aurora uſher in the Rayes
Of a Refulgent Sun ariſing clear
Hence to illuminate our Hemiſphere;
That th'after Ages may extoll the High-One
For's Loving kindneſs to our little Sion:
And may our Senatours with due regard
Theſe and thy future labours all reward;
Though not in full, yet ſuch incouragement,
As may in them be juſt, to thee content;
For th'preſent Age, and thoſe that ſhall enſue,
VVill be perpetual Debtors unto You.
Fame ſhall with Honour crown thee; and wee'l raiſe
Thy laſting Monument in Groves of Bayes.
Heav'ns bleſs thee in thy Work, and may ſucceſs
Attend thee here, hereafter Happineſs.
J. S.
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UPON The elaborate Survey of New-Englands Paſſions from the NATIVES

A Countreys Thanks with Garlands ready lye
To wreathe the Brows of your Divinity
Renowned Sir: to write the Churches Warre
In ancient times fell to the Prophets ſhare
New-Englands Chronicles are to be had
From Nathans Pen, or Manuſcript of Gad.
Purchaſe wrote much, Hacluyt traverſed farr,
Smith and Dutch John de Laet famous are,
Martyr, with learn'd Acoſta thouſands too,
Here's noveltyes and ſtile which all out-doe,
VVrote by exacter hand then ever took
Hiſtorians Pen ſince Europe wee forſooke.
I took your Muſe for old Columbus Ghoſt,
Who ſcrapt acquaintance with this weſtern Coaſt,
But in converſe ſome pages I might find
Then all Columbus Gemms a brighter mind.
Former Adventures did at beſt beguile
About theſe Natives Riſe (obſcure as Nile)
Their grand Apoſtle writes of their return;
Williams their Language; Hubbard how they burn,
Rob, kill and Roaſt, lead Captive, flay, blaſpheme;
Of Engliſh valour too he makes his Theme,
Whoſe tragical account may Chriſtned be
New-Englands Travels through the bloudy Sea.
Drake gat renown by creeping round the old;
To treat of this New World our Author's bold.
Names uncouth which ne'r Minſhew could reduce
By's Polyglotton to the vulgar uſe.
Unheard of places like ſome New-Atlantis,
Before in fancy only, now Newlandis:
New found and ſubtle Stratagems of Warre,
We can quaint Elton and brave Barriffe ſpare:
New Diſcipline and Charges of Command
Are cloath'd in Indian by this Engliſh hand.
Moxon who drew two Globes, or whoſoere
Muſt make a third, or elſe the old ones tear,
To find a Roome for thy new Map by which
Thy friends and Country all thou doſt enrich.
Gratitudinis ergò appoſuit B. T.

The Printer to the Reader.

BY Reaſon of the Authors long, and neceſſary abſence from the Preſs, to­gether with the difficulty of reading his hand, many faults have eſcaped in the Printing, either by miſtaking of words, or miſpointing of Sentences, which doe in ſome places not a little confound the Sence, which the Reader is deſired to correct before he begins to read.

PAg. 1. l. 9. for eight r. right. pag. 3 l. 18 for Northweſt r. moſt northerly place. p. 4. l. 15 for Council of Plimouth r. of ſome Gentleman that had a grant of the Council of Plimouth. p. 5. l. 19. for Pequod. r. Narrhaganſet. p. 6. l. 19. after charge r. but. p. 10. l. 14. after him r. ſo. p. 15 l. 33. leave out the firſt that. p. 25. l. 4. for defence r. ſhelter. p. 27. l 7. for heads. r. arms. p, 30. l. 14 for attended r. altered. p. 31. l, 4. for that r. their. p. 34 l 9. for houſes r. horſes. p. 43. l. 7. for being r. were. p. 47. l. 4. for not r. now. and leave out, for the preſent. l 17 for therefore being r. were. p. 48 l. 1. leave out to. l. 14 before beſides, r. and, or further. p. 52. l. 8 for over r. upon. p. 54. l. 3. r. Maſſachuſets Regiment. l ult for there. r. their. p. 55. l. 15. for from r. to. l. 27. for hoping r. hoped. p. 56 l. 5. for 1665 r 1675. p 58. l. 8 r. Jan 7 p. 61 l 1. for and nor for the reſt r. that. l. 18 after cauſe r. which. p 68. l•…for 27 r. ten or twelve. p 81. l. 11. after truſted r. that deceived them. l. 29. after at r. that. p 104 l. 22. for on Pocaſſet ſide r. near Plimouth.

In the ſecond Part. p. 81. between the ſeventh and eighth line, a whole line is caſually o­mitted in moſt of the Copyes viz. As for predictions or Preſages of the preſent troubles. p 82 l. 29. for blinded r. blended p. 83 l 24 leave out but. l 31 r. harraſſed. p. 84 l. 20. r. diſperſed for diſpoſed. l. 16. after Gentiles put the Parentheſis. p. 87. l. 4. for Stockain r. Stockam.


A NARRATIVE OF THE TROUBLES VVith the Indians in NEVV-ENGLAND, From the firſt Planting thereof to the preſent time.

KNown unto God are all his works from the foundation of the world, though manifeſt to us, only by the events of time, that fruitful mother of all things, which in the former age did bring forth, at leaſt did bring to light the knowledge of this weſtern World, called America, that in all foregoing times and ages, lay hid in this obſcure and remote Region, covered with a veyle of ig­norance, and locked up from the knowledge of all the reſt of the Inha­bitants of the Earth. To whom the honour of its inveſtigation doth of eight more properly belong, is ſufficiently declared by the Hyſtory and Reports of ſuch as were ey witneſſes thereof, and not intended to be any part of the preſent diſquiſition. The moſt conſiderable part of all the North ſide of America, is called New-England. In the fertility of the Soyle, ſalubriouſneſs of the Air, and many other commodious advantages, moſt reſembling the Country from whence it borrowed its appellation. For the knowledge thereof the World is moſt behol­ding to the diſcoveries of the Engliſh, under the conduct of Sebaſtian Cabbot a famous Porteguez about the year 1497. though ſince much2 perfected by the induſtry and travels of Captain Goſnold, Captain Hud­ſon, Captain Smith, and others of the Engliſh Nation. North-America this poſthumous birth of time, is as to its nativity, of the ſame ſtand­ing with her two elder Siſters Peru and Mexico, yet was ſuffered to ly in its Swadling-clothes, one whole Century of years, nature having pro­miſed no ſuch Dowry of rich Mines of Silver and Gold to them that would eſpouſe her for their own, as ſhe did unto the other two, which poſſibly was the reaſon why ſhe was not ſo haſtily deflowred by her firſt diſcoverers, nor yet ſo early courted by any of the Princes of Europe, lying wholly neglected as it were, until a ſmall company of Planters, un­der the command of Captain George Popham, and Captain Gilbert were ſent over at the charge of Sir John Popham in the year 1606. to begin a Colony upon a Tract of Land about Saga de hoch, ſcituate on the ſouth ſide of the River of Kennibeck and about that called Shipſcot River, a­bout twenty miles ſouth-Weſt from Pemmaquid, the moſt Northerly bound of all New-England. But that deſign within two years expiring with its firſt Founder, ſoon after ſome honourable perſons of the Weſt of England, commonly called the Counſel of Plimouth, being more certainly informed of ſeveral Navigable Rivers and commodious Ha­vens, with other places fit either for Traffick or Planting, newly diſco­vered by many skilful Navigators, obtained a Grant by Patent, under the great Seal from King James of bleſſed memory, of all that part of North-America, called New-England. From the 40 to the 48 gr. of North Latitude. From which Grand and Original Patent, all other Charters and Graunts of Land from Pemmaquid to Delaware Bay, along the Sea-coaſt, derive their Linage and Pedigree; thus was that vaſt tract of Land, after the year 1612. cantoned and parcelled out into many leſ­ſer Diviſions and parcels, according as Adventurers preſented, which ſaid Graunts being founded upon uncertain, or falſe Deſcriptions, and Reports of ſome that Travelled thither, did many of them interfere one upon another, to the great diſturbance of the firſt Planters, and preju­dice of the Proprietors themſelves, as is too well known by any that have had occaſion to ſtay never ſo little amongſt them, many of whom are yet ſurviving. For notwithſtanding the great charge and vaſt expences the firſt Adventurers were at, the firſt Proprietors of the whole Province of Mayne and others (reaching from the head of Caſco Bay North-eaſt to the mouth of Paſcatqua River about ſixty miles Weſtward) and the hopes they might have conceived of being the firſt Founders of New-Colonies, and of enlarging their Eſtates and Inheritances by thoſe new acquired poſſeſſions and Lordſhips, there was little profit reaped from3 thence after the rich fleeces of Beaver were gleaned away, nor any great improvement made of thoſe large portions of Lands, ſave the erecting of ſome few Cottages for Fiſhermen, and a few inconſiderable Buildings for the Planters, which were on thoſe occaſions drawn over the Sea, to ſettle upon the moſt northerly parts of New-England.

But whither it were by the imprudence of the firſt Adventurers, or the diſſoluteneſs of the perſons they ſent over to manage their Affairs, or whither want of faithfulneſs or skill to manage their truſt, they were by degrees in a manner quite deſerted almoſt of Laws and Government, and left to ſhift for themſelves, by which means at laſt they fell under the Juriſdiction of the Maſſachuſets Colony, not by Uſurpation, as is by great miſtake ſuggeſted to his Majeſty, but by neceſſity, and the earneſt deſire of the Planters themſelves; to accept of whom, thoſe of the Maſſachuſets Colony were the more eaſily induced; in that they appre­hended the bounds of their own Patent, by a favourable Interpretation of the words deſcribing the Northern Line [Three miles beyond the moſt Northerly branch of Merimack River] do reach ſomewhat be­yond Pemmaquid, the North-weſt limits of all New-England.

This was the firſt beginning of things in New-England, at which time they were not unlike the times of old, when the people of Judah were ſaid to be without a Teaching Prieſt, and without Law; and no wonder things were no more ſucceſsfully carried on.

In the Year 1620. a Company belonging to Mr. Robinſons Church at Leyden in Holland, although they had been courteouſly entertained by the Dutch, as Strangers ſojourning amongſt them, yet foreſeeing many inconveniencies like to increaſe, and that they could not ſo well provide for the good of their Poſterity, under the Government of a forreign Nation; they reſolved to intreat ſo much favour from their own Sove­raign Prince King James, as to grant them liberty under the ſhelter of his Royal Authority, to place themſelves in ſome part of New-England, then newly diſcovered; wherefore having obtained ſome kind of Patent or Graunt, for ſome place about Hudſons River, they ſet ſayle from Pli­mouth in September for the Southern parts of New-England, but as they intended to bend their courſe thitherward, per varios caſus, per tot dif­crimina rerum; they were at laſt caſt upon a boſome of the South Cape of the Maſſachuſets Bay, called Cape Cod, about the 11th of November, from whence the Winter ſo faſt approaching, they had no opportunity to remove; and finding ſome incouragement from the hopefulneſs of the Soyle, and courteſie of the Heathen, they reſolved there to make their abode for the future, which they did, laying the foundation of a new Co­lony,4 which from the remembrance of the laſt Town in England they ſailed from, they called New-Plimouth; containing no very conſiderable Tract of Land, ſcarce extending an hundred miles in length through the whole Cape, and ſcarce half ſo much in breadth where it is broadeſt. The firſt Founders of that Colony aiming more at Religion then Earthly Poſſeſſions, aſpiring not to any large dimenſion of Land, in their ſetling upon thoſe Coaſts.

At Weymouth alſo was a Plantation begun by Mr. Weſton in the year 1622. but it came to little.

The North and South Border of the Maſſachuſets Bay being thus planted, the middle part was the more eaſie to be filled up, which thus was brought about. Some Gentlemen and others, obſerving how it fared with thoſe of New-Plimouth, were deſiring upon the like ground to make the ſame attempt for themſelves, wherefore having by a conſi­derable ſum of money purchaſed of the Councell of Plimouth, all their right and intereſt in a Plantation there begun in the Maſſachuſets Bay, and having attained a confirmation thereof by Patent from King Charls of famous memory, in the year 1628, they ſent over a Governour with ſeveral perſons to lay ſome foundation of an other Colony in the Maſ­ſachuſets Bay: and in the year 1630, more of the perſons intereſted in the ſaid Patent (thence commonly called Patentees) with ſeveral other perſons, intending to venture their lives and all with them, tranſ­ported themſelves and their Families into the ſaid Maſſachuſets, who did in a ſhort ſpace of time by the acceſſion of many hundreds, who e­very year flocked after them, make ſuch increaſe, that in the ſpace of five or ſix years, there were twenty conſiderable Towns built and peo­pled, and many of the Towns firſt planted, became ſo filled with Inha­bitants, that like Swarms of Bees they were ready to ſwarm, not only into new Plantations, but into new Colonies, inſomuch that in the year 1635 a new Colony began to be planted upon Connecticut River, partly by combination amongſt themſelves, removing from ſome Towns about the Maſſachuſets Bay, and partly by the intereſt of a Patent purchaſed of that honourable Gentle man Mr. Fennick, Agent for the Lord Sey, and Lord Brook, the Lords Proprietors of the ſaid River Connecticut, at the mouth of which River they had built a Fort, (called after their own titles Sey-Brook Fort) commanding the paſſage of the ſaid River. Yea ſuch was the Confluence of people making over into thoſe parts, that in the year 1637 a fourth Colony began to be planted, bearing the name of Newhaven from the firſt Town erected therein, ſeated near the mid­way betwixt Hudſons River and that of Connecticot. The Sea coaſt from5 the pitch of Cape Cod to the mouth of Connecticot River, inhabited by ſeveral nations of Indians, Wompanoogs (the firſt Authors of the preſent Rebellion) Narhaganſits, Pequods, Mohegins, as the more inland part of the Country by the Nipnets (a general name for all inland Indians betwixt the Maſſachuſets and Connecticut River) The Sea-coaſt South-weſt from Plimouth was firſt poſſeſſed by ſome diſcontented with the Go­verment of the Maſſachuſets Colony, from which ſome being exiled, o­thers of their friends accompanying of them, ſetled themſelves upon a fair Iſland to the South-weſt of Cape Cod, now called Road-Iſland, others ſetled upon the Mayn, at a place called Providence, and ſo by degrees planting toward Narrhaganſet Bay, made another Plantation called Warwick, which places are ſince by Patent conferred upon the Inhabi­tants of Road-Iſland; the reſt of the Country from Pequod River to the River of Connecticot, falling within the bounds of Connecticot Colony by Patent alſo, ſince confirmed to the ſaid Colony. Things had been very proſperouſly and ſucceſfully carried on in all the foreſaid Colonyes and Juriſdictions, from the year 1620, to the year 1636, at which time the Pequod Indians, the moſt warlike and fierce of all the Indians in that part of the Country, who had made all the reſt of the Indians to ſtand in awe, having committed many barbarous outrages upon their neighbour Indians, both Narhaganſets on the eaſt ſide, and Mohegins on the weſt ſide of them: and alſo upon the Engliſh and Dutch, as they came occa­ſionally to traffick with them: and in the year 1634, having barbarou­ſly murthered Capt. Stone and Capt. Norton, as they were trading with them. Afterwards one Oldham coming amongſt them upon the like account. In like manner having committed ſeveral outrages upon the planters about Connecticut River, the Inhabitants of all the Colonyes, unanimouſly ſetting upon them in the beginning of the year 1637, they were eaſily ſuppreſſed, about 700 of them deſtroyed, the reſt either fled to the Mohawkes, by whom they were all cut off that eſcaped, or elſe ſheltring themſelves under the Narhaganſets & Mohegins their neigh­bours, they were by the power of the Engliſh all ſubjected to one of thoſe two Nations of the Indians. Miantonimoh the chief Sachem or Lord of the Narhaganſets, expecting to be ſole Lord and Ruler over all the Indians, after the Pequods were ſubdued, began to quarrell with the Mohegins upon the account of Soveraignty, notwithſtanding a firm A­greement was made betwixt the Engliſh and the ſaid Narhaganſets in the year 1637, when they had helped to deſtroy the Pequods, and alſo notwithſtanding the tripartite League between the ſaid Narhaganſets, the Mohegins, and the Engliſh at Hartford (the chief Town of Connecti­cut6 Colony) made in the year 1638, wherein the ſaid Indians were ſo­lemnly ingaged not to quarrel either with the Mohegins, or any other Indians, untill they had firſt asked the advice of the Engliſh, to whoſe determination they had likewiſe obliged themſelves to ſtand, in all fol­lowing Dfferences among them. Yet did theſe ambitious Narhaganſets ſpecially their chief Leader Miantonimoh; bare ſuch an inveterate hatred againſt the Mohegins, that they were every year picking quarrels with them. The Mohegins on the other ſide though not ſo numerous, yet a more warlike people and more politick, alwayes made their recourſe to the Engliſh, complaining of the inſolencies of the Narhaganſets, con­trary to their League, ſo as they would hardly be kept from making open warre againſt them, when they ſaw all other attempts to kill and de­ſtroy Ʋncas the Mohegin Sachem, by Treachery, poyſon, & Sorcery prove ineffectual. Inſomuch that at laſt the malice of Miantonimoh and his Narrhaganſets grew to that height, that they began to plot againſt the Engliſh themſelves, for defending of Ʋncas. But it being diſcovered by Ʋncas and ſome of his men to the Engliſh; Miantonimoh was ſent for by the Maſſachuſets Court to come to Boſton, when he came there, he would have denyed thoſe things laid to his charge, he was convicted by one of his own fellowers; and inſtead of ſtanding to his promiſe, to deliver him to the Mohegin Sachem whoſe Subject he was, going home­ward he cut off his head, to prevent his telling more tales. And with great diſcontent as he was going home ſaid he would come no more at Boſton, wherein he proved a truer prophet then he himſelf believed when he uttered the words, for in the end of the ſame year 1643 making war upon Ʋncas, he was taken priſoner by him, and ſoon after by the advice of the Commiſſioners of the four Colonyes, (at that time united firmly into a League offenſive and defenſive, on which account they were after that time called the united Colonyes of New England: though ſince that time they are reduced but to three Colonyes; that of New-haven and Connecticot by the laſt Patent being conjoyned in one) his head was cut off by Ʋncas, it being juſtly feared, that there would never be any firm peace, either betwixt the Engliſh and the Narhaganſets, or betwixt the Narhaganſets and the Mohegins, while Miantonimoh was left alive: how­ever the Narhaganſets have ever ſince that time borne an implacable malice againſt Ʋncas, and all the Mohegins, and for their ſakes ſecretly againſt the Engliſh, ſo far as they durſt diſcover it.

In the years 1645, and 1646. they grew ſo inſolent, that the Commiſſioners of the united Colonyes were compel­led to raiſe Forces to go againſt them, but when they perceived that7 the Engliſh were in good earneſt, they began to be afraid, and ſued for peace, and ſubmitted to pay a trbute to ſatiſfy for the charge of prepa­ration for the warr, but were alwayes very backward to make payment untill the Engliſh were forced to demand it by new Forces, ſo that it appeared they were unwillingly willing to hold any friendly correſpon­dence with the Engliſh, yet durſt they never make any open attempt upon them, untill the preſent Rebellion, where in that tey had no ſmall hand, is too too evident, notwithſtanding all thir pretences to the con­trary, as will appear in the ſequell of this Hiſtory.

Thus it is apparent upon what Terms the Engliſh ſtood with the Narhaganſets, ever ſince the cutting off Miantonimoh, their chief Sachems head by Ʋncas, it being done from the advice and Counſell of the En­gliſh Anno. 1043. As for the reſt of the Indians, ever ſince the ſuppreſ­ſing of the Pequods in the year 1637 untill the year 1675, there was alwayes in appearance amity and good correſpondence on all ſides, ſcarce an Engliſh man was ever known to be aſſaulted or hurt by any of them, until after the year 1671, when the ſon of one Matoonas, who as was ſuppoſed, being vexed in his mind that the deſign againſt the En­gliſh, intended to begin 1671 did not take place, out of meer malice and ſpight againſt them, ſlew an Engliſh man travelling along the Road, the ſaid Matoonas being a Nipnet Indian, which Napnets were under the command of the Sachem of Mount-hope the Author of all the preſent miſchiefs. Upon a due enquiry into all preceding tranſactions between the Indians and the Engliſh, from their firſt ſetling in theſe coaſts, there will appear no ground of quarrell that any of them had againſt the En­gliſh, nor any appearance of provocation upon one account or other; for when Plimouth Colony was firſt planted, within three moneths after their firſt landing, March. 16. 1620. Maſſaſoit the chief Sachem of all that ſide of the Country repaired to the Engliſh at Plimouth, and entred into a ſolemn League upon ſundry Articles printed in N.E. Memorial 1669. p. 24. the words are as followeth.

  • 1. THat neither he, nor any of his ſhould injure or doe hurt to any of their people.
  • 2. That if any of his did any hurt to any of theirs, he ſhould ſend the Of­fender that they might puniſh him.
  • 3. That if any thing were taken away from any of theirs, he ſhould cauſe it to be reſtored; and they ſhould doe the like to his.
  • 4. That if any did unjuſtly warr againſt him, they ſhould aid him; and if any did warr againſt them, he ſhould aid them.
  • 85. That he ſhould ſend to his neighbour Confederates, to certifie them of this, that they might not wronge them, but might be likewiſe compriſed in theſe Conditions of Peace.
  • 6. That when his Men came to them upon any occaſion, they ſhould leave their Arms (which were then Bows and Arrows) behind them.
  • 7. Laſtly, that ſo doing, their Soveraign Lord King James would eſteem him as his Friend and Ally.

The which League the ſame Sachim, Sept. 25. 160. a little before his death, coming with his eldeſt Son, afterward called Alexander, did renew with the Engliſh at the Court of Plimouth, for himſelf and his Son, and their Heirs and Succeſſors: and after that he came to Mr. Browns, that lived not far from Mount Hope, bringing his two Sons, Alexander and Philip with him, deſiring that there might be Love and Amity after his death, between his Sons and them, as there had been betwixt himſelf and them in former times: yet it is very remarkable, that this Maſſaſoit, called alſo Wooſamequen (how much ſoever he affcted the Engliſh, yet) was never in the leaſt degree any wayes well affected to the Religion of the Engliſh, but would in his laſt Treaty with his Neighbours at Pli­mouth when they were with him about purchaſing ſome Land at Swanzy, have had them engaged never to attempt to draw away any of his People from their old Pagan Superſtition, and Deviliſh Idolatry, to the Chriſtian Religion, and did much inſiſt upon it till he ſaw the Engliſh were reſolved never to make any Treaty with him more upon that account, which when he diſcerned, he did not further urge it: but that was a bad Omen that notwithſtanding what ever his humanity were to the Engliſh, as they were Strangers) for indeed they had repayed his formekindneſs to them, by protecting him afterwards againſt the inſolencies of the Nar­rhaganſets) he manifeſted no ſmall diſplacency of Spirit againſt them, as they were Chriſtians: which ſtrain was evident more in his Son that ſucceeded him, and all his People, in ſo much that ſome diſcerning perſons of that Juriſdiction have feared that that Nation of Indians would all be rooted out, as is ſince come to paſs. The like may be obſerved concern­ing the Narrhaganſets, who were alwayes more civil and courteous to the Engliſh then any of the other Indians, yet never as yet received the leaſt tincture of Chriſtian Religion, but have in a manner run the ſame fate with the reſt of their Neighbours of Mount Hope, there being very few of them now left ſtanding. Nor is it unworthy the Relation, what a perſon of quality amongſt us hath of late affirmed, one being much con­verſant with the Indians about Merimack River, being Anno. 1660.9 invited by ſome Sagamores or Sachims to a great Dance (which ſolemni­ties are the times they make uſe of to tell their ſtories, and convey the knowledge of fore paſt and moſt memorable things to Poſterity) Paſſa­conaway, the great Sachim of that part of the Country, intending at that time to make his laſt and farwel ſpeech to his Children and People, that were then all gathered together, to whom he addreſſed himſelf in this manner:

I am now going the way of all Fleſh, or ready to dy, and not likely to ſee you ever met together any more; I will now leave this word of Counſel with you, that you take heed how you quarrel with the Engliſh, for though you may do them much miſchief; yet aſſuredly you will all be deſtroyed, and rooted off the Earth if you do: for, ſaid he, I was as much an Enemy to the Engliſh, at their firſt coming into theſe parts, as any one whatſoever, and did try all ways and means poſſible to have deſtroyed them, at leaſt to have prevented them ſitting down here, but I could no way effect it (it is to be noted that this Paſ­ſaconaway was the moſt noted Pawaw and Sorcerer of all the Country) therefore I adviſe you never to contend with the Engliſh, nor make war with them: And accordingly his eldeſt Son Wonnalancet by name, as ſoon as he perceived that the Indians were up in Arms, he withdrew himſelf into ſome remote place, that he might not be hurt by the Engliſh, or the Enemies, or be in danger by them.

This pſſage was thought fit to be inſerted here, it having ſo near an agreement with the former, intimating ſome ſecret awe of God upon the hearts of ſome of the principal amongſt them, that they durſt not hurt the Engliſh, although they bare no good affection to their Religion, wherein they ſeem not a little to imitate Balaam, who whate­ver he uttered, when he was under the awful power of divine illumina­tion, yet when left to himſelf, was as bad an Enemy to the Iſrael of God as ever before.

But to return, whence there hath been this Digreſſion:

After the death of this Wooſamequen or Maſſaſoit, his eldeſt Son ſucceeded him about twenty years ſince, Alexander by name, who not­withſtanding the League he had entred into with the Engliſh, together with his Father, in the year 1639. had neither affection to the Engliſh­mens perſons, nor yet to their Religion, but had been plotting with the Narhaganſets, to riſe againſt the Engliſh, of which the Governour and Council of Plimouth being informed, they preſently ſent for him to bring him to the Court, the perſon to whom that ſervice was committed, was a prudent and reſolute Gentleman, the preſent Governour of the ſaid Colony, who was neither afraid of Danger, nor yet willing to delay in a10 matter of that moment, he forthwith taking eight or ten ſtout men with him well armed, intended to have gone to the ſaid Alexanders dwelling, diſtant at leaſt forty miles from the Governours houſe, but by a good providence, he found him whom he went to ſeek at an Hunting Houſe, within ſix miles of the Engliſh Towns, where the ſaid Alexander with a­bout eighty men were newly come in from Hunting, and had left their Guns without doors, which Major Winſlow with his ſmall company wiſe­ly ſeized, and conveyed away, and then went into the Wigwam, and de­manded Alexander to go along with him before the Governour, at which meſſage he was much appalld, but being told by the undaunted Meſſen­ger, that if he ſtird or refuſed to go he was a dead man; he was by one of his chief Counſellors, in whoſe advice he moſt confided, perſwaded to go along to the Governours houſe, but ſuch was the pride and height of his Spirit, that the very ſurprizal of him, raiſed his Choler and indigna­tion, that it put him into a Feaver, which notwithſtanding all poſſible means that could be uſed, ſeemed Mortal; whereupon intreating thoſe that held him Priſoner, that he might have liberty to return home, pro­miſing to return again if he recovered, and to ſend his Son as Hoſtage till he could ſo do; on that conſideration he was fairly diſmiſſed, but dyed before he got half way home: Here let it be obſerved, that although ſome have taken up falſe Reports, as if the Engliſh had compelled him to go further or faſter then he was able, and ſo fell into a Feaver, or as if he were not well uſed by the Phyſitian that looked to him, while he was with the Engliſh, all which are notoriouſly falſe; nor is it to be imagined that a perſon of ſo noble a diſpoſition as is that Gentleman (at that time imployed to bring him) ſhould himſelf, or ſuffer any elſe to be un­civil to a perſon allied to them, by his own, as well as his Fathers League as the ſaid Philip alſo was; nor was any thing of that nature ever ob­jected to the Engliſh of Plimouth, by the ſaid Alexanders Brother, by name Philip, commonly for his ambitious and haughty Spirit nicknamed King-Philip, when he came in the year 1662. in his own perſon with Sauſaman his Secretary and chief Counſellor to renew the former league that had been between his Predeceſſors and the Engliſh of Plimouth: but there was as much correſpondence betwixt them for the next ſeven years as ever had been in any former times, what can be imagined therefore, beſides the inſtigation of Satan, that either envied at the proſperity of the Church of God here ſeated, or elſe fearing leſt the power of the Lord Jeſus, that had overthrown his Kingdome in other parts of the World, ſhould do the like here, and ſo the ſtone taken out of the Moun­tain without hands, ſhould become a great Mountain it ſelf, and fill the11 whole earth, no cauſe of provocation being given by the Engliſh; For once before this in the year 1671 the Devill, who was a Murderer from the beginning, had ſo filled the heart of this ſalvage Miſcreant with en­vy and malice againſt the Engliſh, that he was ready to break out into open war againſt the Inhabitants of Plimouth, pretending ſome petite injuryes done him in his planting land, but when the matter of controver­ſie came to be heard before diverſe of the Maſſachuſets Colony, yea when he himſelf came to Boſton, as it were referring his caſe to the Judgment of that Colony, nothing of that nature could be made to appear, whereupon in way of ſubmiſſion, he was of neceſſity by that evident conviction forced to acknowledge that it was the naughtineſs of his own heart, that put him upon that Rebellion, and nothing of any provocation from the En­gliſh, and to a Confeſſion of this nature, with a ſolemn renewal of his Covenant, declaring his deſire, that this his Covenant might teſtifie to the world againſt him, if ever he ſhould prove unfaithfull to thoſe of Plimouth, or any other of the Eng•…ſh Colonyes therein, himſelf with his chief Counſellors ſubſcribed in the preſence of ſome Meſſengers ſent on purpoſe to hear the difference between Plimouth and the ſaid Philip. Bufor further ſatiſfaction of the Reader, the ſaid Agreement and Sub­miſſion ſhall here be publiſhed.

VVHereas my Father, my Brother and myſelf have formerly ſub­mitted our ſelves and our People unto the Kings Majeſty of En­gland, and to this Colony of New-Plimouth, by ſolemn Covenant under our hand; but I having of late through my indiſcretion, and the naughtineſs of my heart violated and broken this my Covemant with my friends, by taking up Armes, with evill intent againſt them, and that groundleſly, I being now deeply ſenſible of my unfaithfullneſs and folly, do deſire at this time ſolemnly to renew my Covnant with my ancient Friends, and my Fathers Friends above mentioned, and do deſire this may teſtifie to the world againſt me if ever I ſhall again fail in my Faithfulneſs towards them (that I have now and at all times found ſo kind to me) or any other of the Engliſh Colonyes; and as a reall pledge of my true intentions, for the future to be faithfull and friendly, I doe freely ingage to reſign up unto the Goverment of New Plimouth, all my12 Engliſh Armes, to be kept by them for their ſecurity, ſo long as they ſhall ſee reaſon. For true performance of the premiſes I have hereunto ſet my hand together with the reſt of my Council.

  • The Mark of P. Philip chief Sachem of Pocanoket
  • The Mark of V. Tavoſer
  • The Mark of•…Capt. Wiſpoſke
  • The Mark of T. Woonkaponehunt.
  • The Mark of 8 Nimrod.
In preſence of
  • William Davis
  • William Hudſon.
  • Thomas Brattle.

TO which for the further clearing the Juſtice of the preſent war, the Reſult of the debate othe Commiſſioners of the united Colonyes a­bout the matter of the Warre ſhall here be inſerted.

VVE having received from the Commiſſioners of Plimouth a Nar­rative, ſhewing the Riſe and ſeveral ſteps of that Colony, as to the preſent Warre with the Indians, which had its beginning there, and its pro­greſs into the Maſſachuſets, by their inſolencies and outrages, murthering many perſons, and burning their Houſes in ſundry Plantations in both Co­lonies. And having duly conſidered the ſame; doe declare, that the ſaid War doth appear to be both juſt and neceſſary, and its firſt Riſe only a defenſive Warre. And therefore we do agree and conclude that it ought to be joyntly proſecuted by all the united Colonies, and the Charges thereof to be borne and paid as is agreed in the Articles of Confederation.

  • Thomas Danforth.
  • William Stoughton.
  • Joſiah Winſlow.
  • Thomas Hinckley.
  • John Winthrop.
  • James Richards.

Yet whatever his ſubmiſſion was before, or his ſubjecting himſelf and his people to our King, or his ingagement to pay a ſum of money in part of the Charges then occaſioned by him (nor have the Engliſh in or about Plimouth, ſince, or before that time been any wayes injurious un­to him, or any of his people) all which are fully declared in a Narra­tive given by the Commiſſioners of the Colony of Plimouth, wherein they alſo ſignify that the ſettlement and iſſue of the former controver­ſie13 between Philip and them, was obtained and made (principally) by the mediation, and interpoſed advice and counſell of the other two confede­rate Colonyes, and alſo in a letter under the Governours hand, in theſe words,

I think I can clearly ſay, that before theſe preſent troubles broke out, the Engliſh did not poſſeſs one foot of Land in this Colony, but what was fairly obtained by honeſt purchaſe of the Indian Proprietors: Nay, be­cauſe ſome of our people are of a covetous diſpoſition, and the Indians are in their Streights eaſily prevailed with to part with their Lands, we firſt made a Law, that none ſhould purchaſe or receive of gift any Land of the Indians without the knowledge and allowance of our Court, and penalty of a Fine, five pound per Acre, for all that ſhould be ſo bought or obtained. And leſt yet they ſhould be ſtreightned, we Ordered that Mount-Hope, Pocaſſet and ſe­veral other Necks of the beſt land in the Colony (becauſe moſt ſuitable and con­venient for them, ſhould never be bought out of their hands or elſe they would have ſold them long ſince. And our neighbours at Rehoboth and Swanzy although they bought their Lands fairly of this Philip and his Father and Brother, yet becauſe of their vicinity, that they might not treſpaſs upon the Indians, did at their own coſt ſet up a very ſubſtantial Fence quite croſs that great Neck between the Engliſh and the Indians, and payed due damage if at any time any unruly horſe or other beaſts brake in and treſpaſſed. And for diverſe years laſt paſt (that all occaſion of offence in that reſpect might be prevented) the Engliſh agreed with Philip and his, for a certain ſum yearly to maintain the ſaid Fence, and ſecure themſelves. And if at any time they have brought Complaints before us, they have had Juſtice impartial and ſpee­dily, ſo that our own people have frequently complained, that we erred on the other hand in ſhewing them over much favour.

Jos. Winſlow.

Yet did this treacherous and perfidious Caitiffe ſtill harbour the ſame or more miſchievous thoughts againſt the Engliſh then ever before, and hath been ſince that time plotting with all the Indians round about to make a general inſurrection againſt the Engliſh in all the Colonyes; which as ſome priſoners lately brought in have confeſſed, ſhould have been put in execution at once, by all the Indians riſing as one man, a­gainſt all thoſe plantations of Engliſh, which were next them. The Nar­rhaganſets having promiſed, as was confeſſed to riſewith 4 thouſand figh­ting men in the Spring of this preſent year, 1676. But by the occaſion hereafter to be mentioned about Sauſaman, Philip was neceſſitated for14 the ſafety of his own life to bgin his Rebellion the year before, when the Deſign was not fully ripe. Yet ſome are ready to think, that if his own life had not now been in jeopardy by the guilt of the foreſaid Murther of Sauſaman, his heart might have failed him, when it ſhould have come to be puin execuion, as it did before in the year 1671. which made one of his Captains, of far better Courage and reſolution then himſelf, when he ſaw his cowardly temper and diſpoſition, fling down his Armes, call­ing him white Liver'd Curre, or to that purpoſe, and ſaying, that he would never own him again, or fight under him; and from that time hath turned to the Englſh, and hath continued to this day a faithfull and reſolute Souldier in their quarrel.

That the Indians had a Conſpiracy amongſt themſelves to riſe againſt the Engliſh, is confirmed by ſome of the Indians about Hadly, although the plot was not come to maturity when Philip began, the ſpecial pro­vidence of God therein over ruling the Contrivers: For when the be­ginning of the troubles firſt was reported from Mount-Hope, many of the Indians were in a kind of a Maze, not knowing well what to doe, ſometimes ready to ſtand for the Engliſh, as formerly they had been wont to doe; ſometimes inclining to ſtrike in with Philip (which at the laſt they generally did) which if it had been foreſeen, much of that miſ­chief might have been prevented that fell out in ſeveral places, more by perfidious and treacherous dealing then any other wayes: the Engliſh never imagining that after ſo many obliging kindneſſes received from them by the Indians, beſides their many engagements and proteſtati­tions of friendſhip, as formerly, they would have been ſo ungratefull, perfideouſly falſe and cruel as they have ſince proved.

The occaſion of Philips ſo ſudden taking up armes the laſt year was this, There was one John Sauſaman a very cunning and plauſible Indian well skilled in the Engliſh language, and bred up in the profeſſion of Chriſtian Religion, imployed as a Schoolmaſter at Natick, the Indian Town, who upon ſome miſdemeanour fled from his place to Philip, by whom he was entertained in the room and office of a Secretary, and his chief Counſellor, whome he truſted with all his affairs and ſecret coun­ſels: But afterwards, whither upon the ſting of his own Conſcience; or by the frequent Sollicitations of Mr. Eliot, that had known him from a childe, and inſtructed him in the principles of our Religion, who was often laying before him the heinous ſin of his apoſtacy, and returning back to his old vomit, he was at laſt prevailed with to forſake Philip, and return back to the Chriſtian Indians at Natick, where he was baptized manifeſting publick Repentance for all his former offences,15 and made a ſerious Profeſſion of the Chriſtian Religion: and did apply himſelf to Preach to the Indians, wherein he was better gifted then any other of the Indian Nation; ſo as he was obſerved to conforme more to the Engliſh manners then any other Indian: yet having occaſion to go up with ſome others of his Country men to Namasket; whither for the advantage of Fiſhing, or ſome ſuch occaſion, it matters not; being there not far from Philips Country, he had occaſion to be much in the Company of Philips Indians, and of Philip himſelf: by which means he diſcerned by ſeveral circumſtances, that the Indians were plotting anew againſt us; the which out of faithfulneſs to the Engliſh, the ſaid Sauſaman informed the Governour of, adding alſo, that if it were known that he revealed it, he knew they would preſently kill him. There appearing ſo many concurrent teſtimonies from others, making it the more probable, that there was a certain truth in the information; ſome inquiry was made into the buſineſs, by examining Philip himſelf, & ſeveral of his Indians, who although they would own nothing; yet could not free themſelves from juſt ſuſpicion; Philip therefore ſoon after con­trived the ſaid Sauſamans death, which was ſtrangely diſcovered; not­withſtanding it was ſo cunningly effected, for they that murdered him met him upon the Ice on a great Pond, and preſently after they had knocked him down, put him under the Ice, yet leaving his Gun and his Hat upon the Ice, that it might be thought he fell in accidentally through the Ice and was drowned: but being miſſed by his friends, who finding his Hat and his Gun, they were thereby led to the place, where his body was found under the Ice: when they took him up to bury him, ſome of his friends, ſpecially one David obſerved ſome bruiſes about his Head, which made them ſuſpect he was firſt knocked down, before he was put into the water, however, they buried him near about the place where he was found, without making any further inquiry at preſent: never­theleſs David his friend, reported theſe things to ſome Engliſh at Taun­ton (a Town not far from Namasket) it occaſioned the Governour to inquire further into the buſineſs, wiſely conſidering, that as Sauſaman had told him, that if it were known, that he had revealed any of their plots, they would murder him for his pains: wherefore by ſpecial War­rant the body of Sauſaman being digged again out of his Grave, it was very apparent that he had been killed and not drowned. And by a ſtrange providence, an Indian was found, that by accident ſtanding un­ſeen upon a Hill, had ſeen them murdering the ſaid Sauſaman, but dirt never reveal it for fear of loſing his own life likewiſe, until he was called to the Court at Plimouth, or before the Governour, where he plainly16 confeſſed what he had ſeen. The Murderers being apprehended, were convicted by his undeniable Teſtimony, and other remarkable circum­ſtances, and ſo were all put to death, being but three in number; the laſt of them confeſſed immediately before his death, that his Father (one of the Councellers and ſpecial Friends of Philip) was one of the two that murdered Sauſaman, himſelf only looking on. This was done at Pli­mouth Court, held in June 1675. inſomuch that Philip apprehending the danger his own head was in next, never uſed any further means to clear himſelf from what was like to be laid to his charge, either about his plot­ting againſt the Engliſh, nor yet about Sauſamans death: but by keeping his men continually about him in Arms, and gathering what Strangers he could to joyn with him, marching up and down conſtantly in Arms, both all the while the Court ſat, as well as afterwards; the Engliſh of Plimouth hearing of all this, yet took no further notice, then only to order a Military Watch in all the adjacent Towns, hoping that Philip find­ing himſelf not likely to be Arraigned by Order of the ſaid Court, the preſent Cloud might blow over, as ſome others of like nature had done before; but in concluſion, the matter proved otherwiſe, for Philip find­ing his Strength daily increaſing, by the flocking of Neighbour-Indians unto him, and ſending over their Wives and Children to the Narhagan­ſets for ſecurity (as they uſe to do when they intend War with any of their Enemies) Immediately they began to Alarm the Engliſh at Swanzy (the next Town to Philips Country) as it were daring the Engliſh to be­gin, at laſt their inſolencies grew to ſuch an height, that they begin not only to uſe threatning words to the Engliſh, but alſo to kill their Cattle and rifle their houſes; whereat an Engliſh-man was ſo provoked, that he let fly a Gun at an Indian, but did only wound, not kill him, where­upon the Indians immediately began to kill all the Engliſh they could, ſo as on the 24th. of June 1675. was the Alarm of War firſt ſounded in Plimouth Colony, when eight or nine of the Engliſh were ſlain in and a­bout Swanzy: They firſt making a ſhot at a company of Engliſh as they returned from the Aſſembly where they were met in way of Humiliation that day, whereby they killed one and wounded others, and then like­wiſe at the ſame time, they ſlew two Men on the High-way, ſent to call a Surgeon, and barbarouſly the ſame day murdered ſix men in and about a dwelling Houſe in an other part of the Town, all which outrages were committed ſo ſuddenly, that the Engliſh had no time to make any reſiſt­ance: For on the 14th. of the ſame Month, beſides endeavours uſed by Mr. Brown of Swanzy one of the Magiſtrates of Plimouth Juriſdi­ction, an amicable Letter was ſent from the Council of Plimouth to Philip17 ſhewing their diſlike of his practiſes, and adviſing him to diſmiſs his ſtrange Indians, and not ſuffer himſelf to be abuſed by falſe Reports, con­cerning them that intended him no hurt, but no anſwer could be obtain­ed, otherwiſe then threatning of War, which it was hoped might have been prevented, as heretofore it had been, when things ſeemed to look with as bad face as then they did. However the Governour and Coun­cil of Plimouth, underſtanding that Philip continued in his reſolution, & manifeſted no inclination to peace, they immediately ſent up what Forces they could to ſecure the Towns thereabouts, and make reſiſtance as oc­caſion might be, and alſo diſpatched away Meſſengers to the Maſſa­chuſets Governour and Council, letting them know the ſtate of things about Mount-Hope: and deſiring their ſpeedy aſſiſtance: upon which care was immediately taken with all expedition to ſend ſuch ſupplyes as were deſired: But in the mean time two Meſſengers were diſpatched to Philip, to try whether he could not be diverted from his bloudy en­terprize, ſo to have prevented the miſchief ſince fallen out, hoping, that as once before, viz. Anno 1671. by their mediation, a ſtop was put to the like Tragedy; ſo the preſent warre might by the ſame meanes have been now turned aſide: For in the ſaid year Philip had fimly engaged himſelf, when he was at Boſton, not to quarrel with Plimouth untill he had firſt addreſſed himſelf to the Maſſachuſets for advice and approbation: But the two Meſſengers aforeſaid, finding the men ſlain in the Roade June 24. as they were going for the Surgeon, apprehended it not ſafe to proceed any further, conſidering alſo, that a peace now could not honourably be concluded after ſuch barbarous outrages committed upon ſome of the neighbour Colony: Wherefore returning with all ſpeed to Boſton, the Maſſachuſet Forces were diſpatch­ed away with all immaginable haſt, as the exgent of the matter did re­quire, ſome of them being then upon, or ready for their March, the reſt were ordered to follow after, as they could be raiſed. The ſending forth of which, becauſe it was the firſt engagement in any warlike pre­parations againſt the Indians, ſhall be more particularly declared.

On the 26th. of June a Foot-Company under Capt. Daniel Henchman, with a Troop under Capt. Thomas Prentice, were ſent out of Boſton to­ward Mount-Hope; it being late in the afternoon before they began to march, the central Eclipſe of the Moon in Capric. hapned in the even­ing before they came up to Naponſet River, about twenty miles from Boſton, which occaſioned them to make an halt, for a little repaſt, till the moon recovered her light again. Some melancholy Fancyes would not be perſwaded, but that the Eclipſe falling out at that inſtant of time,18 was ominous, conceiving alſo that in the centre of the Moon they diſ­cerned an unuſual black ſpot, not a little reſembling the ſcalp of an In­dian: As ſome others not long before, imagined they ſaw the form of an Indian Bow, accounting that likewiſe ominous (although the miſ­chief following was done by Guns, not by Bows) both the one and the other, might rather have thought of what Marcus Craſſus the Roman General, going forth with an Amy againſt the Parthians, once wiſely replied to a private Souldier, that would have diſſwaded him from mar­ching that time, becauſe of an Eclipſe of the Moon in Capricorn [That he was more afraid of Sagitarius then of Capricornus] meaning the Ar­rows of the Parthians (accounted very good Archers) from whom as things then fell out, was his greateſt danger. But after the Moon had waded through the dark ſhadow of the Earth, and borrowed her Light again, by the help thereof, the two Companies marched on to­ward Woodcocks Houſe, thirty miles from Boſton, where they arrived next morning; and there retarded their motion till the afternoon, in hope of being overtaken by a Company of Volunteers, under the Command of Captain Samuel Moſely, which accordingly came to paſs, ſo as on June 28th. they all arrived at Swanzy, where by the advice of Captain Cud­worth, the Commander in chief of Plimouth Forces, they were removed to the Head-Quarters; which for that time were appointed at Mr. Miles his houſe, the Miniſter of Swanzy, within a quarter of a mile of the Bridge, leading into Philips Lands. They arriving there ſome little time before night, twelve of the Troop unwilling to looſe time paſſed over the Bridge, for diſcovery into the Enemies Territories, where they found the rude welcome of eight or ten Indians firing upon them out of the Buſhes, killing one William Hammond, wounding Corporal Belcher, his Horſe being alſo ſhot down under him; the reſt of the ſaid Tropers having diſcharged upon thoſe Indians that ran away after their firſt ſhot, carried off their two dead and wounded Companions, and ſo reti­ed to the main Guard for that night, pitching in a Barricado about Mr. Miles his houſe. The Enemy thought to have braved it out by a bold aſſauld or two at the firſt; but their hearts ſoon began to fail them when they perceived the Maſſachuſets & Plimouth Forces both engaged againſt them: for the next moning they ſhouted twice or thrice, at half a miles diſtance, and nine or ten of them ſhewing themſelves on this ſide the Bridge: our Horſemen with the whole body of the Privateers under Captain Moſely, not at all daunted by ſuch kind of Alarms, nor willing ſo to looſe the Bridge, ran violently down upon them over the ſaid Bridge, purſuing them a mile and quarter on the other ſide: Enſigne19 Savage, that young Martial Spark, ſcarce twenty years of age, had at that time one bullet lodged in his Thigh, another ſhot through the brims of his Hat, by ten or twelve of the Enemy diſcharging upon him toge­ther, while he boldly held up his Colours in the Front of his Company: but the weather not ſuffering any further action at that time, thoſe that were thus far advanced, were compelled to retreat back to the main Guard, having firſt made a ſhot upon the Indians as they ran away into a Swamp nearby, whereby they killed five or ſix of them, as was under­ſtood ſoon after at Narhaganſet: This reſolute charge of the Engliſh Forces upon the Enemy made them quit their place on Mount-Hope that very night, where Philip was never ſeen after; till the next year, when he was by a divine Mandate ſent back: there to receive the reward of his wickedneſs where he firſt began his miſchief: the next day Major Savage (that was to command in chief over the Maſſachuſet Forces, being come up with other Supplies about ſix a clock over night) the whole Body in­tended to march into Mount-Hope, and there beat up the Enemys quar­ters, or give him Battle, if he durſt abide it: but the weather being doubtful, our Forces did not march till near noon, about which time they ſet out, with a Troop of Horſe in each wing, to prevent the danger of the Enemies Ambuſcadoes; after they had marched about a mile & and half, they paſſed by ſome Houſes newly burned: not far of one of them they found a Bible newly torn, and the leaves ſcattered about by the Enemy, in hatred of our Religion therein revealed; two or three miles further they came up with ſome Heads, Scalps, and Hands cut off from the bodys of ſome of the Engliſh, and ſtuck upon Poles near the Highway, in that barbarous and inhumane manner bidding us Defyance, the Commander in chief giving Order that thoſe monuments of the E­nemies cruelty ſhould be taken down, and buried: the whole body of the Forces ſtill marched on, two miles further, where they found divers Wigwams of the Enemy, amongſt which were many things ſcattered up and down, arguing the haſty flight of the Owners; half a mile further, as they paſſed on through many Fields of ſtately Corn, they found Phi­lips own Wigwam; every place giving them to perceive the Enemies haſty departure from thence; after they had marched two miles further they came to the Sea ſide, yet in all this time meeting with no Indians, nor any ſign of them, unleſs of their flight to ſome other places. The ſeaſon like to prove very tempeſtuous, and rainy, Captain Cudworth with ſome of the men of Plimouth paſſed over to Road-Iſland. The Forces under Major Savage were forced to abide all night in the open Field, without any ſhelter, notwithſtanding the abundance of rain that20 fell, and in the morning, deſpairing to meet with any enemy on Mount-Hope, they retreated back to their Quarters at Swanzy, in the way meeting with many Indian dogs, that ſeemed to have loſt their Maſters. That night Capt. Prentice his Troop for conveniency of Quarters, as alſo for diſcovery, was diſmiſſed to lodge at Seaconke or Rehoboth, a Town within ſix miles of Swanzy. As they returned back in the mor­ning, Capt. Prentice divided his Troop, delivering one half to Leiutenant Oaks, and keeping the other himſelf, who as they rode along, eſpyed a company of Indians burning an houſe; but could not purſue them by reaſon of ſeveral Fences, that they could not goe over till the Indians had eſcaped into a Swampe. Thoſe with Leiutenant Oakes had the like diſcovery, but with better ſucceſs, as to the advantage of the ground, ſo as purſuing of them upon a plain, they ſlew four or five of them in the Chaſe, whereof one was known to be Thebe a Sachem of Mount-Hope, another of them was a chief Counſellor of Philips; yet in this attempt the Lieutenant loſt one of his company, John Druce by name, who was mortally wounded in his bowels, whereof he ſoon after dyed, to the great grief of his companions. After the ſaid Troop came up to the Head-Quarters at Swanzy, they underſtood from Capt. Cudworth that the enemy were diſcovered upon Pocaſſt, an other neck of Land lying over an arme of the Sea, more towards Cape Cod: However it was reſolved that a more narrow ſearch ſhould be made after them, both upon Mount-Hope, and upon the ground between Swanzy and Rehoboth to ſcoure the Swamps, and aſſault them if they could find where they were entrenched. Capt. Henchman and Capt. Prentice were ordered to ſearch the Swamps, while Capt. Moſely and Capt. Paige with his Dra­goons attending on Major Savage, ſhould return back into Mount-hope that they might be ſure to leave none of the enemy behind them, when they ſhould remove to purſue them elſewhere.

About ten a clock the next morning, July. 4. Capt. Henchman after a long and tedious March, came to the Head-Quarters, and informed that he came upon a place where the enemy had newly been that night, but were eſcaped out of his reach: But that night before they were de­termined of any other motion, Capt. Hutchinſon came up from Boſton with new Orders for them to paſs into Narrhaganſet, to treat with the Sachems there, and if it might be, to prevent their joyning with Philip. Capt. Cudworth, by this time was come up to the Head Quarters, having left a Gariſon of fourty men upon Mount-Hope Neck. The next mor­ning was ſpent in conſultation how to carry on the Treaty; it was then reſolved, that they ſhould goe to make a peace with a Sword in their21 hands, having no ſmal ground of ſuſpition that the ſaid Narhaganſets might joyn with the enemy wherefore, they thought it neceſſary to carry all the Maſſachuſet Forces over into the Narhaganſet Country, to fight them if there ſhould be need, Capt. Moſely paſſed over by water to attend Capt. Hutchinſon in his diſpatch; the other Companys with the Troopers riding round about: as they paſſed they found the Indi­dians in Pomhams Country (next adjoyning to Philips Borders) all fled, and their Wigwams without any people in them.

After they came to the Narhaganſet Sachems, three or four dayes were ſpent in a treaty, after which a peace was concluded on ſundry Arti­cles between the Meſſengers of Connecticut Colony (who were ordered to meet with thoſe of the Maſſachuſets) and the Commanders of the Forces ſent againſt Philip: Hoſtages were alſo given by the ſaid Nar­haganſets for the performance of the agreement. A Copy of the ſaid Agreement, and the Articles on which a Peace was concluded, here fol­low. It being alwayes underſtood, that Plimouth Colony was included in the ſaid Agreement, although their Forces were not then preſent, but re­mained at home neer the enemies Borders, to ſecure their Towns, and oppoſe Philip as there might be occaſion, if he offered to make any new attempt in the mean time.

ARticles, Covenants and Agreements had, made and concluded by and between Major Thomas Savage, Captain Edward Hutchinſon, and Mr. Joſeph Dudley, in behalf of the Goverment of the Maſſachuſets Co­lony, and Major Wait Winthrop and Mr. Richard Smith on behalf of Connecticut Colony on the one party, and Agamaug, Wompſh, alias Cor­man, Taitſon, Tawageſon Councellors and Attournies to Canonicus, Nini­gret, Matataog, old Queen Quaipen, Quananſhit & Pomham the ſix preſent Sachims of the whole Narhaganſet Country on the other party, re­ferring to ſeveral differences and troubles lately riſen between them; and for a final concluſion of ſettled Peace and Amity between the ſaid Sachims, their Heirs and Succeſſors for ever, and the Governours of the ſaid Maſſachu­ſets and Connecticot, and their Succeſſors in the ſaid Governments for ever.

I. That all and every of the ſaid Sachims ſhall from time to time carefully ſeize, and living or dead deliver unto one or other of the aboveſaid Gover­ments, all and every of Sachim Philips Subjects whatſoever, that ſhall come22 or be found within the precincts of any of their Lands, and that with greateſt diligence and faithfulneſs.

II. That they ſhall with their utmoſt ability uſe all Acts of Hoſtility a­gainſt the ſaid Philip & his Subjects, entring his Lands or any other Lands of the Engliſh, to kill and deſtroy the ſaid Enemy, until a ceſſtion from War with the ſaid Enemy be concluded by both the aboveſaid Colonies.

III. That the ſaid Sachims, by themſelves and their Agents, ſhall care­fully ſearch out and deliver all ſtoln goods whatſoever taken by any of their Subjects from any of the Engliſh, whether formerly or lately, and ſhall make full ſatisfaction for all wrongs or injuries done to the Eſtate of any of the Subjects of the ſeveral Colonies, according to the judgement of indifferent men, in caſe of diſſatisfaction between the Offenders and the offended Parties, or deliver the offenders.

IV. That all Preparations for War, or Acts of Hoſtility againſt any of the Engliſh Subjects, ſhall for ever for the future ceaſe; together with all manner of Thefs, Pilferings, killing of Cattle, or any manner of breach of peace whatſoever ſhall with utmoſt care be prevented, & inſtead thereof their ſtrength to be uſed as a Guard round about the Narraganſet Country, for the Engliſh Inhabitants ſafety and ſecurity.

V. In token of the aboveſaid Sachims reality in this Treaty and Conclu­ſion, and for the ſecurity of the ſeveral Engliſh Goverments and Subjects, they do freely deliver unto the aboveſaid Gentlemen, in the behalf of the above­ſaid Colonies, John Wobequob, Weowthim, Pewkes, Weenew, four of their near Kinſmen and choice Friends to be and remain as Hoſtages in ſeve­ral places of the Engliſh Juriſdictions, at the appointment of the Honoura­ble Governours of the aboveſaid Colonies, there to be civilly treated not as Priſoners, but otherwiſe at their Honours Diſcretion, until the aboveſaid Ar­ticles, are fully accompliſhed to the ſatisfaction of the ſeveral Goverments, the departure of any of them in the mean time to be accounted breach of the Peace, and of theſe preſent Articles.

VI. The ſaid Gentlemen in the behalf of the Goverments to which they do belong, do engage to every the ſaid Sachims and their Subjects, that if they or any of them ſhall ſeize and bring into either the aboveſaid Engliſh Gover­ments, or to Mr. Smith Inhabitants of Narhaganſet, Philip Sachim alive, he or they ſo delivering, ſhall receive for their pains, forty Trucking cloath Coats, in caſe they bring his Head they ſhall have twenty like good Coats paid them: for every living Subject of ſaid Philips ſo delivered, the delive­rer ſhall receive two Coats, and for every Head one Coat, as a Gratutty for their ſervice herein, making it appear to ſatisfaction, that the Heads or Per­ſons are belonging to the Enemy, and that they are of their ſeizure,

23VII. The ſaid Sachims do renew and confirm unto the Engliſh Inhabitants or others, all former Graunts, Sales, Bargains or Conveyances of Lands, Meadows, Timber, Graſs, Stones, or whatever elſe the Engliſh have here­tofore bought or quietly poſſeſſed and enjoyed to be unto them, and their Heirs, and Aſſigns for ever; as alſo all former Articles made with the Confederate Colonies.

Laſtly, The ſaid Counſellors and Attorneys do premeditately, ſeriouſly, and upon good advice, Covenant, Conclude and Agree all aboveſaid ſolemnly, and call God to witneſs they are, and ſhall remain true Friends to the Engliſh Goverments, and perform the aboveſaid Articles punctually, uſing their ut­moſt endeavour, care and faithfulneſs therein: In witneſs whereof they have ſet their Hands and Seals.

  • Tawageſon his mark C.
  • Taytſon his mark D.
  • Agamaug his mark T.
  • Wampſh, alias Corman his mark. X.
Signed, Sealed and Delivered in the preſence of us underwritten, being carefully Interpreted to the ſaid In­dians before Sealing.
  • Daniel Henchman.
  • Thomas Prentice.
  • Nicholas Paige.
  • Joſeph Stanton Interpreter.
  • Henry Hawlaws.
  • Pcoe Bukow.
  • Job Neff.

During this Treaty of Peace with the Narhaganſets, Captain Cud­worth with the Forces of Plimouth under his Command, found ſome­thing to do nearer home, though of another nature as it proved, ſc. to make War whilſt the other were (as they thought) making peace: in the firſt place therefore he diſpatched Captain Fuller) joyning Lieuten­ant Church together with him in Commiſſion) with fifty in his Com­pany to Pocaſſet, on the ſame account, as the other went to Narhaganſer; either to conclude a Peace with them, if they would continue Friends, and give Hoſtages for the confirmation thereof, or fight them if they ſhould declare themſelves Enemies, and joyn with Philip; himſelf in­tending to draw down his Forces to Rehoboth, to be ready for a ſpeedy March to Taunton, and ſo down into the other ſide of the Country upon the news that ſome of the Enemy were burning and ſpoiling of Middleburrough and Dartmouth, two ſmall Villages lying in the way24 betwixt Pocaſſet and Plimouth. Upon thurſday July 7. Captain Fuller with Captain Church went into Pocaſſet to ſeek after the Enemy, or elſe as occaſion might ſerve, to treat with thoſe Indians at Pocaſſet, with whom Mr. Church was very well acquainted; alwayes holding good cor­reſpondence with them: After they had ſpent that day and moſt of the night, in traverſing the ſaid Pocaſſet Neck, and Watching all night in an Houſe which they found there, yet could hear no tidings of any In­dians; inſomuch that Captain Fuller began to be weary of his deſign: Mr. Church in the mean while aſſuring him that they ſhould finde Indians before it were long: yet for greater expedition they divided their Com­pany, Captain Fuller taking down toward the Sea-ſide, where it ſeems after ſome little skirmiſhing with them, wherein one man only received a ſmall Wound, he either ſaw or heard too many Indians for himſelf and his Company to deal with, which mde him and them betake themſelves to an Houſe near the Water-ſide, from whence they were fetched off by a Sloop before night to Road-Iſland. Captain Church (for ſo may he well be ſtiled after this time) marched further into the Neck, imagining that if there were Indians in the Neck, they ſhould finde them about a peas-field not farr off: as ſoon as ever they came near the ſaid field he eſpyed two Indians in the peaſe, who alſo had at the ſame time eſpyed him, and preſently making ſome kind of ſhout, a great number of Indi­ans came about the field, purſuing the ſaid Capt. Church and his men in great numbers to the ſea ſide: there being not above fifteen with Church, yet ſeven or eight ſcore of the Indians purſuing after them. Now was a fit time for this young Captain and his ſmall Company to handſel their valour upon this great rout of Indians, juſt ready to devour them: But victory ſtands no more in the number of Souldiers, then Verity in the plurality of voyces: And although ſome of theſe fifteen had ſcarce courage enough for themſelves, yet their Captain had enough for him­ſelf, and ſome to ſpare for his friends, which he there had an opportuni­ty of improving to the full. When he ſaw the hearts of any of his fol­lowers to fail, he would bid them be of good Courage and fight ſtout­ly, and (poſſibly by ſome divine impreſſion upon his heart) aſſured them not a bullet of the enemy ſhould hurt any one of them; which one of the Company, more diſmayed then the reſt, could hardly believe, till he ſaw the proof of it in his own perſon, for the Captain perceiving the man was notable to fight, made him gather Rocks together for a kind of ſhelter and Baricadoe for the reſt, that muſt either of neceſſity fight or fall by the enemyes. It chanced as this faint-hearted ſouldier had a flat ſtone in his armes, and was carying it to the ſhelter that he was making25 upon the Bank, a bullet of the Enemy was thus warded from his Body by which he muſt elſe have periſhed, which experience put new life into him, ſo as he followed his buſineſs very manfully afterward, inſomuch that they defended themſelves under ſmall defence haſtily made up all that afternoon, not one being either ſlain or wounded, yet it was cer­tainly known that they killed at leaſt fifteen of their Enemies: and at the laſt, when they had ſpent all their Amunition, and made their Guns un­ſerviceable by often firing, they were fetched all off by Capt. Goldings Sloop, and carried ſafe to Road-Iſland in deſpight of all their Enemies; yea, ſuch was the bold and undaunted courage of this Champion Capt. Church, that he was not willing to leave any token behind of their flying for want of courage, that in the face of his Enemies he went back to fetch his Hat, which he had left at a Spring, whether the extream heat of the weather, and his labour in fighting had cauſed him to re­pair for the quenching of his thirſt an hour or two before. It ſeems in the former part of the ſame day, five men coming from Road-Iſland, to look up their Cattle upon Pocaſſet Neck, were aſſaulted by the ſame Indians, and one of the five was Capt. Churches Servant, who had his Leg broke in the Skirmiſh, the reſt hardly eſcaping with their lives: this was the firſt time that ever any miſchief was done by the Indians upon Pocaſſet Neck. Thoſe of Road-Iſland were hereby Alarmed to look to themſelves, as well as the reſt of the Engliſh of Plimouth, or the Maſſa­chuſets Colony.

This Aſſault rather heightened and increaſed then daunted the courage of Capt. Church; for not making a cowardly flight, but a fair retreat, which providence offered him by the Sloop aforeſaid, after his Amunition was ſpent, he did not ſtay long at Road-Iſland, but haſted over to the Mattachuſet Forces, and borrowing three files of Men of Capt. Hench­man with his Lieutenant: Mr. Church and he returned again to Pocaſſet, where they had another skirmiſh with the Enemy, wherein ſome few of them fourteen or fifteen were ſlain, which ſtruck ſuch a terror into Phi­lip, that he beook himſelf to the Swamps about Pocaſſet, where he lay hid till the return of the reſt of the Forces from the Narhaganſets, like a wild Boar kept at a Bay by this ſmall party till more hands came up.

Thus were the Plimouth Forces buſied, during the time of the Treaty with the Narhaganſets, which being iſſued as it was.

On Friday July 15. Our Forces Marched for, and araived at Rehoboth where having no intelligence of the Enemy nearer then a great Swamp oPocaſſet, eighteen miles from Taunton; they marched next day twelve miles to an Houſe at Matapoiſet (a ſmall Neck of Land in the bottome26 of Taunton Bay, in the mid-way between Mount-hope and Pocaſſet Neck) from whence they marched for Taunton. July 17. whither after a te­dious March of twenty miles they came in the evening, and found the People generally gathered into eight Gariſon Houſes:

On Monday July 18. they Marched eighteen miles before they could reach the Swamp where the Enemy was lodged; as ſoon as ever they came to the place, Plimouth Forces being now joyned with them, our Souldiers reſolutely entred in amongſt the Enemies, who took the ad­vantage of the thick under-wood, to make a ſhot at them that firſt entred whereby five were killed outright, ſeven more wounded, ſome of whoſe wounds proved mortal: Afer the firſt ſhot, the Enemy preſently reti­red deeper into the Swamp, deſerting their Wagwams (about an hundred in all) newly made of green Barks, ſo as they would not burn: in one of them they found an old man, who confeſſed that Philip had been lately there: having ſpent ſome time in ſearching the Swamp, and tired themſelves to no purpoſe, yet it was ſaid one half hour more would have at that time utterly ſubdued Philip and all his power. The Commander in chief, (night drawing on apace) not thinking it ſafe to tarry longer in ſo dangerous a place, (where every one was in as much danger of his fellows as of his foes, being ready to fire upon every Buſh they ſee move (ſuppoſing Indians were there) ordered a Retreat to be ſounded, that they might have time to diſpoſe of their dead and wounded men, which accordingly was attended: Plimouth Forces who had entred in the rear, retreating in the front. It was judged that the Enemy being by this means brought into a Pound, it would be no hard matter to deal with them, and that it would be needleſs charge to keep ſo many Companies of Souldiers together to wait upon ſuch an inconſiderable Enemy, now almoſt as good as taken: whereupon moſt of the Companies belong­ing tohe Maſſachuſets were drawn off, only Capt. Henchman with an hundred Foot being left there, together with Plimouth Forces, to attend the Enemies motion, being judged ſufficient for that end. Major Sa­vage, Capt. Paige with Capt. Moſely and their Companies returned to Boſton: Capt. Prentice with his Troop were ordered toward Mendham, where it ſeems, about the middle of July, ſome Indians, wiſhing well to Philips deſign, had made anſſaulupon ſome of the Inhabitants, as they were at their labour in the Field, killing five or ſix of them: as ſoon as they had done, flying away into the Woods, ſo as they could not eaſily be purſued: The Inhabitants of the ſame Village, lying ſo in the heart of the Enemies Country began to be diſcouraged, ſo as within a little time after they forſook the place, abandoning their Houſes to the fury of27 the enemy, which by them were ſoon after turned into aſhes. But to return to king Philip, who was now lodged in the great ſwampe upon Pocaſſ•…Nck, of ſeven miles long: Capt. Henchman and the Plimouth Forces k•…p a diligent eye upon the enemy, but were not willing to run into the mie and dirt after them in a dark Swamp being taught by late experience how dangerous it is to fight in ſuch diſmal Woods, when their eyes were muffled with the leaves, and their heads pinnioned with the thick boughs of the trees, as their feet were continually ſhackled with the roots ſpreading every way in thoſe boggy Woods. It is ill fighting with a wilde Beaſt in his own den. They reſolved therefore to ſtarve them out of the Swamp, where they knew full well they could not long ſubſiſt: To that end they began to build a Fort, as it were to beleaguer the enemy, and prevent his eſcape out of the place, where they thought they had him faſt enough. Philip in the mean time was not ig­norant of what was doing without, and was ready therein to read his own doome, ſo as if he tarryed much longer there, he knew he ſhould fall into their hands from whom he could expect no mercy: The caſe being therefore deſperate, he reſolved with an hundred or two of his beſt fighting men to make an eſcape by the Water, all paſſages by the land being ſufficiently guarded by the Egliſh Forces. The Swampe where they were lodged being not far from an arm of the Sea, coming up to Taunton, they taking the advantage of a low tide, either waded over one night in the end of July, or elſe wafted themſelves over upon ſmall Rafts of timber very early before break of day, by which meanes the greateſt part of his Company eſcaped awy into the woods, leading in­to the Nipmuck Country, altogether unknown to the Engliſh Forces, that lay encamped on the other ſide of the Swamp. About an hundred or more of the women and Children, which were like to be rather bur­denſome then ſerviceable were left behind, who ſoon after reſigned up themſelves to the mercy of the Engliſh. Philips eſcape thus from Po­caſſet could not long be concealed after the day appeared, there being much champaign Land through which he was to paſs, ſo as being diſco­vered to ſome of Rhoboth, the Inhabitants preſently followed him, toge­ther with a Party of the Mohegins (that a little before came to Boſton, offring their Service againſt Philip, and were ſent up into thoſe parts to be odered by Capt. Henchman but before they came to him were ea­ſily perſwaded to go along with any of the Engliſh that were engaged in the purſuit of Philip) News alſo thereof was carryed to Capt. Hench­man, who as ſoon as he could get over with ſix files of men (rowing hard all or moſt part of the day to get to Providence) followed after the enemy. 28The Mohegins with the men of Rehoboth, and ſome of Providence came upon their Reer over night, ſlw about thirty of them, took much plun­der from them, without any conſiderable loſſe to the Engliſh. Capt. Henchman came not up to them (purſuing them only by the Track) till the Skirmiſh was over, and having marched twenty two miles that day was not well able to go any further that night; on the other hand, the Forces that came from Rehoboth and that belonged to Plimouth, having left their horſes three miles off could not goe back to fetch them with­out much loſs of time, and therefore looking at it altogether bootleſs to go after them in the morning, returned back the next day, leaving Capt Henchman with his ſix Files, and the Mohegins to purſue the Chaſe to Nipſatchet, which he did the next morning. Capt. Henchman, that he might the better engage the Mohegins to march with him thirty miles gave them half his proviſion, and was himſelf recruited again by the care of Capt. Edmunds of Providence, & Leiutenant Brown, who brought proviſion after him to the Npmuck Forts. Mr. Newman the Miniſter of Rehoboth deſerved not a little Commendation for exciting his neigh­bours and friends to purſue thus far after Philip, animating of them by his own example and preſence: But what the reaſon was why Philip was followed no further, it is better to ſuſpend, then too critically to en­quire. This is now the third time when a good opportunity of ſup­preſſing the Rebellion of the Indians, was put into the hands of the En­gliſh; but time and chance hapneth to all men, ſo that the moſt likely meanes are often fruſtrated of their deſired end. All humane endeavours ſhall arive at no other ſucceſs, then the Counſel of God hath preordain­ed, that no fleſh might glory in their own Wiſdome, but give unto God the praiſe of all their Suceſſes, and quietly bear whatever Miſcariages he hath ordered to befall them. It appears by the iſſue of theſe things, that although this wound was not incurable, yet much more bloud muſt be taken away before it could be healed. But by this means Philip eſcaped away to the Weſtward, kindling the flame of Warre in all the Weſtern plantations of the Maſſachuſets Colony wherever he came, ſo that by this fatal accident, the fire that was in a likely way to be extinguiſhed, as ſoon almoſt 'as it began, did on the ſudden break out through the whole Jurisdiction of the Maſſachuſets, both Eaſtward and Weſtward, endan­gering alſo the neighbour Colony of Connecticut, which hath alſo ſuf­fered ſomewhat by the ſury of this Flame, though not conſiderable to what the other Colonyes have undergone.

While things after this manner proceeded in and about the Colony of Plimouth, the Commiſſioners of the reſt of the Colonyes were con­ſulting29 and adviſing what was to be done for preventing the miſchief threatned from ſpreading any further, fearing (as indeed there was too much cauſe) that although Philip only appeared to make the firſt attempt yet more either already were, or ſoon might be be perſwaded to joyn with him in acting this bloudy Tragedy.

It hath been already declared what hath been done for the ſecuring of the Narhaganſets, thoſe that were ſent as Meſſengers on that errand, alwayes reported that the elder people were in appearance, not only in­clinable to peace, but ſeemed very deſirous thereof, inſomuch as their two eldeſt Sachems expreſſed much joy when it was concluded; but as ſince hath appeared, all this was but to gain time, and cover their treache­rous intents and purpoſes, that they might in the next Spring fall upon the Engliſh plantations all at once, as ſome priſoners lately brought in have owned and confeſſed; nor have any of thoſe Indians with whom the preſent War hath been, ever regarded any agreements of peace made with the Engliſh, further then out of neceſſity and ſlaviſh fear they were compelled thereunto, as may be ſeen by the Records of the united Colo­nyes from the year 1643 to the preſent time, notwithſtanding all their fair pretences, for Ninigret, the old Sachem of the Narhaganſets, who alone of all the reſt of that Country Sachems diſowned the preſent war, and refuſed to have any hand therein, yet was it proved to his face be-before the Commiſſioners, in the years 1646 and 1647, that he had threatned they would carry on the war againſt the Mohegins, whatever were the mind of the Commiſſioners, and that they would kill the En­gliſh Cattle, and heap them up as high as their Wigwams, and that an Engliſh man ſhould not ſtir out of his doors to piſs, but they would kill him; all which he could not deny; yet did this old Fox make many pro­miſes of peace; when the dread of the Engliſh ever ſince the Pequod-war moved him thereunto; foreſeeing as he is ſaid to have told his neigh­bours, that they would all be ruined if they made War with the Engliſh, as is ſince come to paſs. However the good hand of God was ſeen in ſo ordering things, that the Narhaganſets were for the preſent reſtrain­ed from breaking out into open Hoſtility againſt the Engliſh, at that time when Philip bgan which if they had then done, according to the eye of reaſon, it would have been very difficult, if poſſible for the Engliſh to have ſaved any of their inland plantations from being utterly deſtroyed. Thus hath God in his Wiſdome ſuffered ſo much of the rage of the Hea­then to be let looſe againſt his people here, as to become a Scourge unto them, that by the wrath of men, praiſe might be yeilded to his holy Name, yet hath he in his abundant goodneſs reſtrained the remainder that it ſhould not conſume.

30The next thing in order to be related, is the calamity that befel the Village of Brookfild which notwithſtanding all the care that was taken,ell into the hands of the perfideous Nipnet Indians, as ſhall here in the nexplace be declared; only as we paſs along to remind the Rea­der in a few words, what was the iſſue of Capt. Henchmans purſuit of Philip: the Plimouth Forces being returned home, as was ſaid before, Capt. Henchman with his ſixiles of men, and the Mohegin Indians, ha­ving continued in the purſuit of Philip till they had ſpent all their provi­ſion, and tired themſelves, yet never coming within ſight of Philip, the Mohegin Indians in their Company directd them to Mendham, and then leaving them, returned alſo to their own Country. Capt. Henchman in his mach toward Mendham, or at Mendham, met with Capt. Moſely coming up to bring him Proviſion, and advertizing him of what ſucceſs he had met withal in the purſuit; they attend their courſe, for Captain Hnchman was ſent down to the Governour and Council, to know what they ſhould do: they preſently remnded him to Pocaſſet, and ordered him to ſtay there if there were need, or elſe to draw off, ſurrendring the Fort he had been building to Plimouth Forces, which laſt was choſen by thoſe of Plimouth, whereupon Capt. Henchman returning to Boſton, was ordered to disband his mn. Capt. Moſely was ordered to march to Quabaog or Brookfield, where he continued a while, the other Captains ſent up for the relief of the People there, and to ſeek after the Enemy in thoſe Woods, and after ſome time ſpent in ranging the Country there­abouts, and not meeting with any of the Infidels, he with his Company came downwards, ſearching the Woods betwixt Lancaſter (where a Man and his Wife with two Children were ſlain on the Lords-day, Aug. 22.) and Malberough, where alſo a Lad keeping Sheep, was ſhot at by an In­dian that wore a ſign, as if he had been a Friend: the Indian was ſuppo­ſed to belong to the Haſſanemeſit Indians, at that time confined to Mel­berough, where they had liberty to dwell there inkd of a Fort: The next day the Inhabitants ſent to demand their Gns, Capt. Moſely ac­quainted therewith, marched to the Fort and found much ſuſpition a­gainſt eleven of them, for ſinging and dancing, and having Ballets and Slugs, and much Powder hid in t•…iaskes; inſomuch that eleven of them were ſeat down Priſoners to Boſton upon ſuſpition, that they had an hand in killing the four at Lancaſter and ſhooting at the Malberough Shepherd: But upon Tyal, the ſaid Priſoners were all of them quitted from the Fact and were either releaſed, or elſe were with others of that ſort, ſent for better ſecurity and for preventing future trouble in the like kind to ſome of the iſland, below Boſton toward Nantasket.

31About this time Capt. Moſely was ſent with a Company of Souldiers to ſome Indian Plantations up Merriack River, as high as Penny-cook, but they found no Indians there; thoſthat belonged to the place ha­ving withdrawn themſelves from that Naive place, that they might not meddle in the preſe it quarrel, as is confidently believed that Woonalanſet the Sachim of that Country had ſo reſolved. That Coaſt being clear of the Enemies, Capt. Moſely ſoon after was ſent up with his Men to the Towns Weſtward about Haaly, if it might be, to ſubdue the Enemy, who a little before, and at that time, was doing all the miſchief he could in thoſe Weſtern Plantations, both by Fire and Sword.

But to return and purſue the Rebelious Indians, and keep pace with them in our Hiſtory, though our Forces as yet could never overtake them in the Woods. The Governour and Council of the Maſſachuſets were ſenſible of as much danger from the Npnet Indians, as from the former: they being the Inland part of the Country betwixt the Sea­coaſt and Connecticut River Weſtward, and the Towns about the Maſ­ſachuſets Bay Eaſtward, whereupon ſome perſons that uſed to Trade with the ſaid Nipnets, were ſent to ſound them, and find how they ſtood affected, for which alſo there was the more reaſon, becauſe they were alwayes in ſubject on to the Sachim of Mount Hop, and ſo were the more like to engage in the preſent quarrel; of which there had been ſufficient proof already: when on the 14. of July, ſome of the Nipnet Indians next bordering on Philips Country, ſet upon ſome of Mendham (a Town ſcituate Northward from Mount-Hope, within 36Miles from Boſton,) where they killed four or five perſons which was the firſt miſ­chief done upon any of the Inhabitants within the Juriſdiction of the Maſ­ſachuſets,cted as was ſaid by one Matoonas who was Father to him that had committed a murder ſoon after Philips firſt Rebellion, An. 1671. The Meſſenger that was ſent thither, brought word back that they found the ſaid Indians wavering; the young-men very ſurly and inſolent, the elder ones, ſhewing ſome inclination to maintain the wonted peace: Soon af­ter, July 28.1675. Capt. Wheeler was ſent to aſſiſt (Capt. Hutchinſon with a party of twenty Horſe to Treat further about the Peace, who go­ing firſt to Quabaog or Brookfield, a Town ſcituate about ſixty or ſeventy miles from Boſton, in the Road of Connecticot. lying about twenty five miles from the ſaid River, and not far diſtant from the chief ſeat of the Nipnet Indians. The Inhabitants of the ſaid Brook field had been ſo de­lu•…d by thoſe Treacherous Villains, that they fearing no danger, firſt ob•…ined of thoſe Nipnets, the promiſe of a Treaty upon the ſecond of Auguſt, whereupon ſome of the chief of the Town riding along unarmed32 with the ſaid Wheeler and Hutchinſon, with their party of Horſe until they came to the place appointed, but finding no Indians, ſo ſecure were they, that they ventured along further, to fine the Infidels at their chief Town, never ſuſpecting the leaſt danger, but when they had rode four or five miles that way, they fell into an Ambuſh, of two or three hun­dred Indians, laid in ſuch a narrow paſſage, betwixt a ſteep hill on the one hand, and an hideous Swamp on the other, that it was ſcarce poſſi­ble for any of them to eſcape, eight of them being ſhot down upon the place (whereof three were of Brookefield) and three mortally wounded whereof Capt. Hutchinſon was one, Cap. Wheeler alſo was near looſing his life, whoſe horſe was ſhot down under him, and himſelf ſhot through the body, ſo that all manner of hopes to eſcape had been removed from him, had it not been for his Son, who was (by Gods good providence) near or next unto him, being a man of undaunted courage (notwith­ſtanding his own Arm was broken with a Bullet) yet with great nimble­neſs and agility of body, diſmounting himſelf, ſpeedily mounted his Fa­ther upon his own Horſe, himſelf getting upon an other, whoſe Maſter was killed, by which means they both eſcaped, and were afterwards cured. Much ado had thoſe that were left alive to recover Brookefield, which in all probability they had never done (the common Road being way laid with Indians on every ſide as was afterwards known) had it not been for one well acquainted with thoſe Woods, who led them in a by path, by which means they got thither, a little before the Indians, who quickly came flocking into the Town, with full intent to deſtroy it with fire and Sword. But by ſpecial providence the Inhabitants were all gathered to the principal houſe of the Village (there being ſcarce twenty in the Town) before the barbarons Miſcreans came upon them, immediately ſetting fire upon all the dwelling houſes, with moſt of the other Buildings in the Town ſave that one into which the Inhabi­tants were retired, the which they ſeveral times attempted to born, but were almoſt miraculouſly defeated of their purpoſe by the immediate hand of God. In the Mount of the Lord it ſhall be ſeen. For when they had for two dayes aſſaulted that poor handfull of helpleſs people, both night and day pouring in ſhot upon them inceſſantly with gunns, and alſo thruſting poles with Fire-brands, and rags dipt in brimſtone ty­ed to the ends of them to fire the houſe.

At laſt they uſed this deviliſh Stratagem, to fill a Cart with hemp, flax and other combuſtible matter, and ſo thruſting it backward with poles ſpliced together a great length, after they had kindled it; But as ſoon as it