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THE COMPLEAT Tradeſman: OR, THE EXACT DEALERS Daily Companion.

Inſtructing him throughly in all things ab­ſolutely Neceſſary to be known by all thoſe who would thrive in the World; and in the whole ART and MYSTERY Of TRADE and TRAFFICK; and will be of conſtant USE For all

  • MERCHANTS,
  • WHOLE-SALE-MEN,
  • SHOP-KEEPERS,
  • RETAILERS,
  • YOUNG TRADESMEN,
  • COUNTREY-CHAPMEN,
  • INDUSTRIOUS YEOMEN,
  • TRADERS in Petty Villages;
  • And all FARMERS,

AND Others that go to Countrey FAIRS and MAR­KETS; and for all Men whatſoever, that be of any TRADE, or have any conſiderable Dealings in the WORLD.

Compoſed by N. H. Merchant in the City of London

The Second Edition with large Additions.

LONDON, Printed for John Dunton, at the Black Ra­ven, at the Corner of Princes-ſtreet, near the Roy­al-Exchange. 1684.

TO THE MERCHANTS Wholeſale-men, Shop-keepers, and Handycrafts-men of the CITY of LONDON, AND Elſewhere throughout the Kingdom OF ENGLAND.

Gentlemen, and much reſpected Friends,

I Have endeavoured in this Manual to avoid Prolixi­ty, and to omit no Remarkables, as far as my deſigned brevity would admit; intending rather a Com­pendium of the whole Art and Mystery of Trade and Traffick, than a Voluminous Treatiſe, which would have been too large for a Pocket Companion.

What lay ſcattered in divers Volumes, are reduced (in a method wholly new) under their proper Heads, briefly, yet (I hope) not obſcurely. I have intermixt many new things, which fell within my own obſervation (or my Friends) reſpecting Trade and Commerce, ſome of which were never to my knowledg I am ſure, ne­ver in this Method) Publiſhed. It is ſaid, That

Omne tulit punctum, qui miſcuit utile Dulci:

If that be not done here, yet it is an Eſſay of that kind, being a mixture, wherein with great variety things high­ly and daily uſeful for all manner of Traders, are inter­woven with delightful obſervations. And if there be any miſtakes or imperfections, which all Men are liable to, upon any Information (which ſhall be thankfully reſen­ted) it may be capable of rectifying hereafter.

Gentlemen,

In Erecting ſuch a troubleſome and various Edifice, the Spectator, at firſt view, will hardly conceive how much pains was beſtowed in digging the Foundation, in raiſing Scaffolds, in finding, conveighing, and fitting Materials, in contriving the Architecture, in removing the Rubbiſh, &c. Other Builders, conſult only their own Brains, and the Dead; (that is, Books) whereunto acceſs may be had at all Hours: But in this Work, the Living, and the choiceſt among them, where to be adviſed with; whereof ſome were far diſtant, others ſeldom at leiſure; ſome unwilling to Communicate their Knowledge, others not at all affable.

However, If the Reader, reaping in few Minutes, the Fruits of many Hours Labour, ſhall receive any Content, I ſhall not only be ſatisfied for this, but encou­raged for another like Enterprize.

N. H.
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THE Compleat Tradeſman, &c.

CHAP. I. Of Induſtry, and Trade in General.

THE happineſs and welfare of all People ariſes, by having or acquiring, through ſome Induſtry or other, ſuch convenien­cy of Lively-hood, as may not only keep them from Want and Poverty, but render them plea­ſant and ſociable to one another; this holds both in private Perſons and Families, and alſo in Bodies Politick: that they may be able to grow and flouriſh, at leaſt bear up againſt the Malignity of Enemies, and adverſe Fortune.

Now Money being the common receipt, and ſtan­dard of all the World, as to commerce and commu­nity one with another, that Nation that hath moſt Money, or Goods Money-worth, muſt needs be moſt ſubſtantial and wealthy.

And Money is gotten either naturally, by digging it out of the Mines, or elſe by Trade and Manufa­ctury, ſupplying thoſe which have Money with ſuch things as they want: and ſo fetching of it to us by Merchandiſe. They firſt way we want, the having of it in the Mine, and therefore muſt have recourſe to2 the ſecond, of Trade, Manufacture, and things Mo­ney-worth.

Wherefore we ought to furniſh our ſelves, within our ſelves, of as many needs of life as may be, by Manufactures, and all Huſbandries whatſoever, that our Country will make or bear, and want as few as we can, ſo ſhall leſs Money ſerve our turn, and yet we have ſtore of Money by making and producing thoſe things that draw in Money continually.

But Money is chiefly gain'd by Trade and making ſtore of Manufactures, which other Nations want; and improving of our Ground with variety of Huſ­bandry Commodities, and to furniſh them with ſuch of our Productions; for we ought to ſupply our ſelves within our ſelves, that we need few Foreign things, and make as many Commodities at home as poſſible, that Foreigners want, and ſo export it to them.

For England is properly a Nation of Trade, and extreamly well ſituated for Commerce, and the Inhabitants Ingenious, and fit for it, if encouraged: alſo furniſht within it ſelf with ſtore of Materials, which are the grounds of Trade.

But being an Iſland, and independent from our Neighbours, the leſs War, and more Peace we have, the better; for Conqueſt of unprofitable Countries help us not, but hinder us; are chargeable, and waſte our People: Our buſineſs is to keep at unity with our ſelves, and enjoy a free Trade; keeping only ſome Forts and Iſlands in profitable Places, whereby we become Maſters of Trade.

Alſo ſuch Laws might be made and contrived for the encouragement of Trade and Manufactures, that without coſt or charge Induſtry would increaſe, ma­ny particular Arts riſe of themſelves, and Riches be produced of courſe. The chief things that promote3 Trade, and make it flouriſh, are, that it be free, Naturalization, Populacy, Comprehenſion, freedom from Arreſts, certainty of Property, and freedom from Arbitrary power, ſmall Cuſtoms; all conveniency and advantages for Trading People; Loans of Intereſt, publick places of Charity for all wanting and diſtreſſed People, and alſo Imployments ready for all perſons that want it: The more ſtrict alſo Laws are againſt grand Vices, the more Seriouſneſs, Learning, and Trade will flouriſh.

It would be for the advantage of Trade, that what­ever Apprentice had ſerved his time in one Corpora­tion, ſhould be free of any.

CHAP. II. Directions for the well managing a Trade.

THE firſt is, Depute not another to do that buſi­neſs which thou thy ſelf canſt effect; for he that hath a Mouth of his own, muſt not ſay to another blow: nor is it probable that another ſhould concern himſelf in thy affairs as thy ſelf, who feeling where the Shoe wrings thee, art not only more active by the preſent ſmart, but more ſenſible to which part to apply a Remedy. And if thoſe whom thou em­ployeſt be negligent, thy buſineſs is undone; if dili­gent, thy buſineſs in a ſhort time becomes theirs; and like the Mayors of the Palace in France, and the Sultans in Egypt, they ſet up for themſelves, and thruſt out their Maſters, while they mind their eaſe4 and give up their Affairs to be managed by others And to give you a clear ſight how much this matter doth concern you: I'ill tell you a true Story, and leave you to think on't. There was a Gentleman in Surrey that had Land worth two hundred Pounds per annum; which he kept in his own hands? but running out every year, he was neceſſitated to ſell half of it to pay his Debts, and Lett the reſt to a Far­mer for One and Twenty Years. Before that Term was expired, the Farmer one Day bringing his Rent, ask'd him if he would ſell his Land? Why, ſaith he, would you buy it? if it pleaſe you, ſaith the Farmer. How? ſaith he, that's ſtrange! Tell me how this comes to paſs, That I could not live upon twice as much, though 'twere my own; and your upon the one half thereof, though you have paid Rent for't, are able to buy it? O Sir, ſaith the Farmer, but two words made the difference; you ſaid Go, and I ſay Come. What's the meaning of that? ſaith the Gentleman. Replies the Farmer; You lay in Bed, or took your pleaſure, and ſent others about your Buſi­neſs: And I roſe betimes and ſaw my Buſineſs done my ſelf.

And therefore to this we may well add the conſi­deration of that old Engliſh Proverb;

He that will Thrive,
Muſt riſe by Five.

And that other to the ſame purpoſe:

He that lies long in Bed, his Eſtate feels it.

For doubtleſs, thoſe young Men who muſt build up their own Fortunes, had need be early at it. It5 being not only true, Aurora Muſis Amica, but as true that for all Buſineſs, and in all Countries the Sun riſeth in the Morning, Occaſion then combining her Head, and putting the Lock of ſucceſsful Opportu­nity into your hand. And therefore Solomon is ſo poſitive, that the Sluggard ſhall be clothed with Rags. And a more unthrifty Generation the World ſurely ſcarce ever knew, than thoſe our Days afford, who ſit up to play till Midnight, and lye in Bed till Noon the next Day; who give ſo large an evidence what conſequences follow thence; being as bare of Money for the moſt part, as the Lybian Deſarts of Water­ſprings, or he that is broke of Friends.

In the next place, be not adviſed to engage in too many Buſineſſes, leſt ſome Irons burn; nor in too great Affairs, leſt thy loſs prove irreparable: Re­membring that in a great River Fiſh is to be found; but then take heed you be not drown'd: For great Undertakers are like Forelorn Hopes; Aut Caeſar, aut Nullus: and in deſperate Caſts, 'tis very great odds if they trhow not Ams Ace. And on the other hand, many Buſineſſes are like the King of Spains Do­minions, that lye ſo far aſunder, the charge of kee­ping them eats out the profit. So that there are very few who thus engage themſelves, but have by experi­ence found, That Man diſquieteth himſelf in vain. I once my ſelf, to my no ſmall loſs, had concerns with a perſon involv'd in much buſineſs, of whom it may ſeem that Speech was not meant, In the ſweat of thy brows thou ſhalt eat bread; for he ſweat till he was ready to ſtarve, working himſelf by a World of Buſi­neſs out of many Thouſands, till at laſt he was ne­ceſſitated to take harbour in a Priſon.

But certainly, as 'tis an happineſs to have our buſi­neſs within our reach, ſo is it no leſs to be our ſelves6 without the reach of buſineſs, I mean to be ſo much in our own power, as not to be perplext with our concerns, but do our duty in that way wherein God's provi­dence hath placed us with all our might, and leave the whole ſucceſs to him that doth diſpoſe all things as he will, and frequently effects things happy for us, by thoſe very means which did moleſt and grieve us. Thus is the priſon made a ſtep to raiſe up Joſeph to be Lord of Egypt; and ſo Rome's burning by the Gauls, was but the demoliſhing of Shepherds Cottages, that they might be chang'd into much more ſtately and mag­nificent Structures. So that in truth, we know not what we ſhould be pleaſed at moſt, or troubled, what to refuſe or what deſire: When our Wiſhes many times do prove our Ruine; and as the Satyriſt ob­ſerved.

Evertere domos totas optantibus ipſis, Dii faciles.

For our Proſperity not ſeldom doth undo us; and 'tis the peculiar praiſe of Veſpatian, that he only, of all the Princes that went before him, was the better for reigning. And I think we can hardly parallel him with any that came after him, unleſs it be our Henry the Fifth. 'Tis therefore excellent, and much more conducing to our Peace, to entertain Occurrents with indifference, as in uncertainty to give our judg­ment of them, whether they're good or hurtful to us: (And like the Hollanders, who though the greateſt Traders in the World, and moſt induſtrious, yet Starda ſaith of them, and he an Enemy, That what­ſoever Gain or Loſs befalls them, they paſs it by with ſuch a little ſence of joy or grief; Vt alienis in­tereſſe non ſua curare credas, You'ld think they were7 but only Lookers on of others buſineſs, and not con­cerned in it as their own.

Let me offer this alſo to your practice, that you be cunning and honeſt; which agrees with our Sa­viours Directions, Be ye wiſe as Serpents, and innocent as Doves; for that cunning which hath no reſpect to Right, is like dealing iFire-works, or working in a Mine, whereby the Enemy is not always endama­ged, but the Wiſe are often taken in their own Craf­tineſs. If Men be diſpoſed like that Roxelana, to be wittily wicked, the Devil that old Serpent and Deceiver, will furniſh them with Arts; but he com­monly deals with them as he doth with Witches, with whom he always plays a ſlippery trick, in the Concluſion; and they whoſe whole Life was but a Cheat, are cheated themſelves moſt miſerable at the laſt. For in the obſervation which I have made, I never knew any of theſe Craft-maſters that in the winding up of their Affairs came out as they went in; but like the ſubtil Chymiſts, with their Policies and Tricks, when they look for Gold, are blown up in Duſt, or like the Politick Count S. Paul, in the time of Lewis the Eleventh, who ſpun ſo fine a Thread of ſubtil Con­trivances between: that King and Charles the Warlike Duke of Burgundy, that while he was truſted nei­ther by the one nor the other; the end of his Cun­ning was his own Confuſion. When on the other hand, Mark the perfect man, and behold the upright; for the end of that man is Peace. GOD giving his Bleſſing to the Honeſtly-wiſe, and proſpering thoſe Deſigns; which like the quiet Herd, lye in the Pail of Integrity, when that Rambling Deer, whom no Fence of Equity holds, is in continual fear, and proves a lean poor Raſcal.

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CHAP. III. Directions to young Shopkeepers, and others Tradeſmen, about their ſetting up in the World when they come out of their Apprentiſhips.

MY Firſt Advice to you, as to this is, That you look upon this Buſineſs, as that which de­ſerves much Avice. There being; not a few, who by their haſte and precipitation in this affair, have ruined their fortunes: and while they have been weary of being Servants, have made themſelves in a ſhort time perpetual Slaves to indulgence and want. For if having once ſet up, you then miſ­carry, it proves like blaſting of a young Sprout, which if if not thereby utterly killed, yet becomes ſo checkt and dejected, that it never attains a freſh and flouriſhing condition after. It concerns you therefore to look before you leap, and not to be in­duced by the Name of a Maſter, and a Shop, to ſkip into that in haſte, from whence you will be ſhortlyurned out with ſhame.

It hath been obſerved, that they ſeldom prove well; who ſet up young; that Age being for the moſt part precipitate, and forwarder to do, than to conſider, and alſo apt to pre-occupy the ſucceſs of things, by a too promiſing hope: and like young Setters, to ſet an Haunt inſtead of a Covie; where­by they are many times groſly abuſed, and err at ſuch a rate, as admits of (only if any; yet) a dif­ficult recovery. Whereas thoſe that like bobbed9 Partridges have been ruft in the Net of deception; by what they have obſerved at others charge, are much more wary and cautious, of being again tra­panned. Beſides, Age doth give a natural alloy, like a Bartholomew-dew, cooling the immoderate heat and raſhneſs of younger years.

It is therefore taken notice of, that young Men do then proſper beſt, when they have either ſerved as Journey men unto ſome wary Stagers; or have the happineſs to be taken in as Partners unto ſuch, whereby, as Bears by their grown Cubs, they are taught to catch the Prey with the greateſt cleverneſs and certainty, and with the leaſt hazard.

'Tis not amiſs here alſo to admoniſh you, that great Rents have very often broke the back of young beginners; who before they could get acquaintance, and gain cuſtom to defray the charge of ſo great ex­pence, are drain'd dry, to the very vital Blood, and experienc'd, like a Candle for want of Fat, to feed the the Fire on't: Conſider therefore, that Omne prin­cipium eſt debile; and the ſtrongeſt Man was at firſt but Punctum tacens, ſuch a ſmall matter as could hard­ly be diſcerned; and 'tis wiſdom to diſpoſe all thy projects in a proportion to that infirmity: For he that arms himſelf beyond his own dimenſions, is in­cumbred with his own Furniture, and commonly falls the more ridiculous ſubject of others ſcorn and triumph. Be therefore adviſed to begin warily, having as the firſt, ſo the laſt game to play; and as one jeſted, it being all one, and one all; it concerns you ſo to diſpoſe it, as may admit of the leaſt hazard.

Nor is it leſs good counſel to begin low, according to the advice of the Country-man, to eat your brown Bread firſt: If there were no other reaſon, at leaſt, becauſe 'tis ſhameful to come lower. And experi­ence10 tells us, that the Bullock which hath been fed with Hay, will almoſt ſtarve before it will be kept withſtraw: for though there be nothing more eaſie than to come down, ſo there's nothing more difficult than to bring our minds to it.

But further, as thoſe ſtructures which are raiſed higheſt, have always their foundations laid loweſt; ſo you can hardly inſtance in any great eſtate, whoſe beginning was not with ſuch a providence, as conſulted for mean things. And this doubtleſs may be rendred as the principal cauſe, ſo that very few of thoſe prove ſucceſsful, who have been furniſh'd cut into the World plentifully by their friends: for building thereupon with too much confidence, they ſet out at ſuch a rate, as before they have run far, breaks their Wind; whereas they who come forth un­der-hatcht, conſcious of their own infirmity, ride with a ſtrait hand, and if they were wiſe; put not into a gallop, till their Wind be well rack'd: and by that means prove of good Spur-mettle to the laſt.

And therefore do not ſettle thy ſelf in a great Houſe, for it is much better the Houſe would be too little for a day, than too big for a year; there being not on­ly the inconvenience of much Repair (for a great body muſt be plentifully maintained) but there is a kind of inclination which it begets of coſtlineſs and expence, when the mind runs upon the knack of U­niformity, and the Spaniſh Faſhion is thought ugly, with the huge Doublet and ſcanty Breeches. Beſides, a great Houſe muſt have great Furniture; and the Coſtlineſs of Houſholdſtuff is as great a Vanity as can lightly come under your Conſideration; for Money laid out in this reſpect, is not only buried without profit, but is diminiſh'd daly; for Houſholdſtuff is dear to buy, and cheap to ſell, and herein, if in11 any thing, you may quickly bring a Noble to Nine­pence. And there is another inconvenience in't; for this expence doth uſually befall the young Begin­ners, when the Wives portion is newly received, and the Bride that ſo lately was, muſt be humour'd in Houſholdſtuff correſponding to the Wedding-Clothes; though then Money in the Purſe be as ne­ceſſary as Blood in the Veins: and to be laviſh of that in the furniſhing of an Houſe, where it lies dead and turns to no profit, is like the humour of Tavern­keepers, who hang out a brave Sign on the out-ſide that coſt many pounds, and have Wine within would poyſon an Horſe; whereas were that Money laid out on choice Liquor, the good Wine would need no Buſh.

CHAP. IV. The Rules to be obſerved by all Tradeſmen, in the fair and honeſt Buying and Selling of Commodities.

EVery man knoweth, that in the buying and ſelling of Commodities, there is an eſtimation and price demanded and agreed upon between both Parties ac­cording to a certain equality in the value of things, permuted by a true reaſon grounded upon the com­modious uſe of things: So that Equality is nothing elſe but a mutual voluntary eſtimation of things made in good order and truth, wherein Inequality is not ad­mitted or known. And the ſeller is to ſell his Wares according to the common eſtimation and courſe, at12 ſuch time as he ſhall think convenient, unleſs it be for Victuals or Munition, wherein neceſſity compelleth him to ſell for the general good, by the interpoſition of the Magiſtrates, by whoſe authority he can obſerve no time, but muſt ſell, taking a reaſonable gain for the ſame: for the eſtimation is alſo the greater upon ſuch occasions and accidents, when the ſelling of a thing is not according to the goodlineſs of the nature of the thing, but rather according to the uſefulneſs of it to Mankind: and therein the condition of the thing is to be conſidered, which may decay and be ſubject to corruption in quantity, quality, and ſubſtance, or which is not ſubject thereunto.

True it is, That there can be no rule preſcribed or taught how to buy and ſell, which is lawful and un­lawful, or juſt and unjuſt, by any wiſe man whatſo­ever; becauſe the Children of this Age are wiſer than the Children of Light in their Generation and Calling. Which is the cauſe that ſome Divines having written hereof, do proceed with great moderation, obſer­ving that the transferring of things from one owner to another, is effected five manner of ways by private perſons.

1. Firſt by Donation, which is altogether of free gift, according to the ſaying recorded, Luke 16. Mutuum date, nihil inde ſperantes.

2. By Permutation, Do ut des, I give becauſe you ſhould give; as the Proverb is,

Si mihi des, tibi do, ſi nil des, nil tibi reddo;
Hoc verbum do, das, nutrit amicitias,

3. By Emption, or buying of things.

4. By Vendition, or ſelling of things.

5. By actual mutation, or mutual giving or lending of monies.

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And in buying and ſelling of things there are required eleven neceſſary conditions: Firſt, a conſent in the ſelling: Secondly a power to ſell, the like in the buyer: Thirdly and Fourthly, conſent and pow­er: Fifthly and Sixthly, ſome conditions on either ſide, agreeing in the transferring of the thing. : Se­venthly, that the ſame be honeſt: Eighthly, alſo law­ful: Ninthly and Tenthly, to be without unreaſona­ble conditions, to buy and ſell the ſame again: Ele­venthly, that it be an abſolute irrevocable bargain. And herein is the Law of Nature to be regarded and obſerved, Quod tibi fieri non vis, alteri ne feceris, or do as you would be done to. Yet if I have occaſion to buy that which another is about to buy, it is lawful and juſt for me to buy the ſame.

But to avoid ſuſpition in ſelling juſtly or unjuſtly, three things are required. Firſt, the Buyer to be ex­pert in the Commodities he buyeth. Secondly, that he be not too needy, or conſtrained to buy. And Thirdly, that perſwaſive reaſons be omitted, which cauſe the party to buy dearer.

The Civilians (affirming that probality to prove the eſtimation of a thing is ſufficient, whether it be more or leſs worth) do admit that a man may ſell dearer unto an expert man, that unto a ſimple man; and to ſell dearer than the thing is worth by common eſtimation, is adjudged by them to be always unjuſt: as alſo to uſe reaſons and inducements to ſell Wares the dearer; neither is the ſeller to demand or expect any thing above the price agreed upon, and in treat­ing hereof they make large diſcourſes, which I do o­mit to handle, for the reaſons aforeſaid.

Buying and ſelling ſay they, is done two manner of ways. Firſt, that the thing be ſo bought, that all power of pretence be avoided, which is giving a thing14 at a certain price for a thing: Secondly, that the thing ſold be as a gift for that price, which in ſubſtance may be ſaid to be a plain abſolute and lawful bar­gain, ſold as we ſay, in open Market or Shop, in­ſomuch that there be not a Curtain to hide the Com­modity ſo bought and ſold: Howbeit in all Fairs and Markets in the parts beyond the Seas, a TradeſmanShop and a Merchants Warehouſe is taken to be pub­lick and open at the appointed times.

They have alſo determined, that a ſeller may not demand a greater price for the forbearance of his payment of ſatisfaction of the thing, but he may well diminiſh the price, if the buyer do ſatifie him the ſooner, and before the time of payment, by way of an­ticipation, which nevertheleſs reſteth in his own pow­er to accept thereof, or to expect the time. But this is commonly done, not by abating of the price of the Com­modity, becauſe Money hath made a certainty of the total ſum of the ſaid Commodity, but by allowance or deduction of the Intereſt of the ſaid Money, for the time to come and unexpired, according as they make their agreement of the price of Intereſt.

To conclude, the premiſes touching, buying and ſelling, we find, that no man in ſelling any Wares is bound to declare, whether any quantity of the like Wares are to be had or expected, when he ſelleth.

CHAP. V. The Compleat Houſe-keeper, or Directions to all Trades­men, for the well and cheap ordering their Domeſtick Affairs; that they may the better thrive in their Callings.

AND the firſt ſhall be to avoid thoſe hangers on, that are the Flies which attend the Fleſh of others Tables, and requite you with their Maggots;15 ſuch as your Chare-women, and men at a call, who make it their work to rob you under a finer notion than that of plain ſtealing; or at beſt, like thoſe Beg­gars who give you an half-farthing Wand, that they may receive your two pence. Such as theſe ſhall your Servants have to ſerve their turn with a wet fing­er; and pay them largely, not with their own Mo­ther; but your Meat: which if you connive at, they praiſe you highly, and you are their very good Ma­ſter: and when they have undone you, ſhall do you this kidneſs, to ſay 'tis pity, For you were no Bodies Foe but your own.

Yet think not much to be free in the relief of thoſe you know to be poor, and labour with induſtry to get their own Livings: For Alms to the idle, is like Greaſe to a Cart-Wheel, which makes it go round the eaſier, but ſtill upon the ſame Axle; whereas ſupply to thoſe who are wanting, yet laborious, or impo­tently neceſſitous, is a debt due to their want; yet of that nature, that while we pay what is their due, God accepts it as a Loan, and hath put himſelf under an Obligation to make Repayment. And truly I have obſerved, that while I have known many undo themſelves with riotous Houſe-keeping, entertaining needleſs Gueſts and Idle Bellies; I could never yet meet with any, who could ſay, he was the poorer, nay not the richer, for ſuch Acts of Charity as were done to the Needy: But that ſuch diſtributions, like the Loaves of our Saviour among the four thouſand, leave behind them more baſkets of Fragments, for the Heirs to give away, than the principal was in quantity, which the Father ſo expended.

Yet let me tell you, 'tis no wiſdom to make your Servants your Almoners; and allow them the liberty of diſpoſing your Charity; for one hand to give is e­nough16 in a Purſe. And that Charity is the beſt which hath the Spirit of diſcerning; and like that Boy gives Hony to the Bees, but hath a Whip to drive away the Drones.

Be here adviſed too, not to be given to the hu­mour of coſtly entertainments. For I have often ſeen that men of that fancy have inverted the Kallen­der, and have found their Faſts after their Feſtivals; who, when they have ſpent all, have been as wel­come to their Gueſts, as a former Wives old Clothes to a new married Bride. Beſides, the Obligation which you lay by your Coſt on thoſe which are en­tertained, is for the moſt part as far below it, as the Church of St. Faith's is beneath Paul's Steeple. For the moſt at ſuch encounters are more concern'd to cenſure your expence, then acknowledge your kindneſs and generally jeer at ſome things you might fail in, rather than fairly accept what you courteouſly intended.

But the entertainment of great Perſons is a greater vanity: For ſuch think they oblige you, in doing you the honour to eat up vour Cheer; which to them which fare ſumptuouſly every day, is ſcarce look't upon as extraordinary; ſo that inſtead of accepting your civility, they reſent it as an affront that it was no richer; and what ſhall be indeed profuſion in you, will be lookt upon but as the Wrens piſſing in the Sea to them.

But what I have here ſaid of entertainment, I in­tend not of ſuch as are accidentally Gueſts, Perſons that come to viſit in kindneſs: For unto ſuch as theſe entertainment is due, and ought to be free, and pro­portioned to the quality of the Perſons concerned, with that heartineſs and plenty, as may abundantly ſpeak for you, that they are welcome: And in very17 deed, ſuch intercourſes as theſe, are neceſſary to pre­ſerve a mutual Friendſhip, and keep alive the remem­brance, or that Kindred and Relation, which other­wiſe, like unremoved Legs, would grow into the Earth which at firſt begat them.

But what Houſe ſoever you keep when Friends are with you, let your ordinary and private fare be never coſtly; but ſuch, as though the beſt in its kind, yet plain and wholſome; to fortifie Nature, and nouriſh, not to tickle the Palate: For the Bit that one eats makes no Friend: For to pleaſe the dainty Tooth, is an ex­penſive humour, and doubles that charge which Houſe-keeping bringeth; while the ſauce is more than the Meat; and 'tis as dear to Cook a Diſh, as to pro­vide it. And verily the vanity of ſome deſerves our wonder, who are of that Heliogabalian Stomach, to which nothing doth reliſh which is not dear, and fan­cy Fiſh moſt when fartheſt from ſhore; then onely loving Peaſe, when they are ſcarce to be had; and Cherries when they are ty'd on Sticks.

In buying proviſions be your own Caterer, where­in at leaſt you may have this convenience, that you may pleaſe your ſelf. Beſide, however faithful your Servant may be, ſo that he lets down no gnats with­out a ſtrain, you cannot expect that he ſhould part with your Coyn, with that care and difficulty as you would your ſelf, whoſe dayly feeling how mech pro­viſion doth pinch, makes wary, and hard to be drawn to expence.

But be chiefly advis'd not to run on the Score; for you may be aſſured, that with great advantage you may take up Money at Uſe to pay ready down: For there's none of them all, but reckons how they forbear, and will be ſure to be allow'd, not only becauſe they muſt ſtay for their Money, but truſt; there being no­thing18 ſo certain in the World, as that which is pre­ſent. You will alſo find that a true Proverb, That the beſt, is beſt cheap: For beſides that in fleſh, there is much the leſs quantity of Bones for the weight, where they are covered almoſt twice of the thick­neſs: in all other things you'll find much the leſs waſte, becauſe that which is the good goes down without Scraps, while parings and refuſe go a great way in what is not: Servants making no ſcruple to caſt that to the Dogs, which they are ſoon apt to think is not good enough for themſelves.

Be you alſo aſſur'd, that the beſt of Servants muſt be over-lookt: for it is rare to find thoſe, who will not make waſte: And as it is fit they ſhould have to the full, their Meat being a great part of the wages of their work; So are there few, but do labour un­der fulneſs of Bread; and none that conſider of what they would be glad, when they come to keep a poor houſe of their own.

In your buying Proviſions, you'll find it the beſt to go to their Fountains; for the farther from thence, ſo much the dearer. There being no ſecond hand, but ſo licks his own fingers, as what while he hath his gains, the Commodity is inhanc'd; and that which is his livelihood, muſt be what you give more than he paid.

'Tis alſo beſt to buy by the great: All Chapmen complying much ſooner for much than for a little; their gains by ſo much the more conſiderable, and their put off the greater. But then muſt your Ex­penditor be wary, and ſo give out the ſtore which you have provided, as remembring the place to ſpare, is never at the bottom; beſides, the much more ea­ſineſs to lurch the greater quantities, where a little taken is not diſcern'd: for which cauſe, it is not ſafe19 to truſt a Servant at an whole heap; there being very few of that Integrity, as then to keep their hands from picking, when none can witneſs that they did prevari­cate; or if they be ſuch, it is not ſafe to tempt with opportunity.

CHAP. VI. Of the Trude of LONDON.

TO go about to demonſtrate the great neceſſity and benefit of Trade in General, in a Common­wealth or City, were but (In re non dubia, uti ora­tione non neceſſaria) in a matter which is undoubted to uſe a needleſs Harangue; it being certain, that Wealth and Riches (which are acquired by Traf­fick and Induſtry) are Subſidia Belli, & Ornamenta Pacis, the Supports of War, and Ornaments of Peace; by which the wants of one place are ſupply­ed by the plenty of another, and the indigence of the Poor, relieved by employments from the Rich; there being ſuch a general dependance of one Cal­ling upon another, from the higheſt to the loweſt, that they cannot well ſubſiſt without the mutual aid of each other; in which is manifeſt the infinite Wiſ­dom of the Sovereign Diſpoſer of all things, who has order'd Humane Affairs to ſo due and regular a ſubordination to each other, and ſo neceſſary a Con­catenation among themſelves, that by a perfect Sym­metry, or Simphony of Parts, they conclude in a perfect Harmony, of general good to Mankind; which Superlative Bleſſing ſhould be improved to mutual Advantage, and the Glory of the Supream Author of it.

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CHAP. VII. Of the Corporations of London.

THE other Traders in London are divided into Companies or Corporations; who are as ſo ma­ny Bodies Politick. Of theſe there are Twelve cal­led the chief Companies, and he that is choſen Lord Mayor, muſt be free of one of theſe Companies, which are,

  • 1. Mercers,
  • 2. Grocers,
  • 3. Drapers,
  • 4. Fiſhmon­gers,
  • 5. Goldſmiths,
  • 6. Skinners,
  • 7. Merchant-Tay­lors,
  • 8. Haberdaſhers,
  • 9. Salters,
  • 10. Ironmongers,
  • 11. Vintners,
  • 12. Clothworkers.

And if it happen that the Lord Mayor Elect, is of any other Company, he preſently removes to one of the Twelve. All theſe Companies have Aſſembly-places, called Halls, which are ſo many Baſilikes, or ſtately and ſumptuous Palaces, worthy to be view'd by all Strangers. It hath been the Cuſtom of our Kings, to Honour ſome of theſe Com­panies by taking their Freedom thereof; and the preſent King was pleaſed to be made Free of the Company of Grocers, and the preſent Prince of Orange was not long ago made Free of the Company of Drapers.

Each Company or Myſtery hath a Maſter annu­ally choſen from among themſelves, and other ſub­ordinate Governers, called Wardens or Aſſistants, Theſe do exactly correſpond with the general Go­vernment of the City, by a Lord Mayor, Aldermen and Common-Council, who are ſelected out of theſe ſeveral Companies: ſo excellent a harmony there is in this Government.

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Theſe Corporations, or Bodies-Politick, have all their ſtately ſpacious Halls (as was ſaid) with Clerks and other Miniſterial Officers, to attend them when they meet to conſult about the Regulation of their reſpective Societies, and for promoting publick Good, and advancement of Trade and Wealth; as alſo when they meet at their ſumptu­ous and ſplendid Feaſts. And in this London ſur­paſſeth all other Cities.

CHAP. VIII. The Oath of a Freeman of London.

YE ſhall Swear, That ye ſhall be good and true to our Sovereign Lord King Charles the Second, and to the Heirs of our ſaid So­vereign Lord the King. Obeyſant and Obedi­ent ye ſhall be to the Mayor and Miniſters of this City, the Franchiſes and Cuſtoms thereof, ye ſhall maintain, and this City keep harmleſs in that which in you is. Ye ſhall be contri­butary to all manner of Charges within this City, as Summons, Watches, Contributions, Tax­es, Tallages, Lot and Scot, and to all Charges, bearing your part as a Freeman ought to do. Ye ſhall colour no Foreigners Goods, under, or in your Name, whereby the King, or this Ci­ty might or may loſe their Cuſtoms or Advan­tages. Ye ſhall know no Foreigner to buy or ſell any Merchandize with any Foreigner with­in this City or Franchiſe thereof, but ye ſhall warn the Chamberlain thereof, or ſome Miniſter22 of the Chamber. Ye ſhall implead or ſue no Freeman out of this City, whilſt ye may have Right and Law within the ſame City. Ye ſhall take none Apprentice, but if he be Free-born, (that is to ſay) no Bondmans Son, nor the Son of any Alien, and for no leſs term than for ſe­ven years, without fraud or deceit: and with­in the firſt Year ye ſhall cauſe him to be In­rolled, or elſe pay ſuch Fine as ſhall be rea­ſonably impoſed upon you for omitting the ſame, and after his terms end, within conveni­ent time (being required) ye ſhall make him Free of this City, if he have well and truly ſer­ved you. Ye ſhall alſo keep the Kings Peace in your own Perſon. Ye ſhall know no Ga­therings, Conventicles, or Conſpiracies made a­gainſt the Kings Peace, but ye ſhall warn the the Mayor thereof, or lett it to your Power. All theſe Points and Articles ye ſhall well and truly keep, according to the Laws and Cu­ſtoms of this City to your power: So God you help, &c.

CHAP. IX. The Particular Advantages of London, with Reſpect to Trade.

SOme of the Advantages of this great City, is by the goodly River of Thames, which, opening Eaſtward towards Germany and France, is much more advantageous for Traffick, than any other River in England; and it may be ſaid without vanity, that23 no River in the World can ſhew a braver ſight of Ships than are commonly to be ſeen (like a floating Forreſt) from Black-Wall to London-Bridge; which in continual Voyages import all ſorts of Goods, ei­ther for need or ornament, and Export our Super­fluities, to the extraordinary Advantage of all ſorts of People, high or low.

Another Advantage that London hath, is, its being ſituate ſo far within the Land, that iis plentifully ſupplied with all neceſſary proviſion from the Country, at eaſie and indifferent Rates, and the Manufactures of the reſpective Counties, which the City diſperſes to Markets beyond Seas; in recom­pence, the Country is ſupplied by the City, with all ſorts of neceſſary Merchandizes, wanting there, &c. Inſomuch, that London is a large Magazine of Men, Mo­ney, Ships, Horſes, Ammunition, of all ſorts of Commo­dities neceſſary or expedient for the uſe or pleaſure of Mankind. It is the mighty Rendezvouz of Nobility, Gentry, Courtiers, Divines, Lawyers, Phyſitians, Merchants, Seamen, and all kind of excellent Arti­ficers of the moſt refined Wits, and moſt excel­lent Beauties. For it is obſerved, that in moſt Fa­milies of England if there be any Son or Daughter that excels the reſt in Beauty or Wit, or perhaps Cou­rage or Induſtry, or any other rare Quality, London is their Pole-Star, and they are never at reſt till they point directly thither; which vaſt confluence (be­ſides being the Kings Chief and Imperial Seat, where Parliaments and the Principal Courts of Juſtice are held, where the in as or Colleges of the Municipal Laws are Stated, wth the great Houſes of the No­bility and Miniſters of State) muſt needs bring a vaſt Advantage and Increaſe to Trade, beſides the moſt Exquiſite Ornament and Gallantry that any place in the World can ſhew.

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CHAP. X. Of the Foreign Trade of London.

AS to the Trade of London into Foreign Parts, we have almoſt prevented our ſelf by what is delivered before; we ſhall therefore only add, that England abounding with many rich and uſeful Native Commodities, as Woolen-Cloths of all ſorts, Broad and Narrow, called by ſeveral Names in ſeveral Shires; alſo, Perpetuanoes, Bays, Says, Serges, Cottons, Ker­ſies, Buffins, Mocadoes, Grograms, Sattins, Tabbies, Callimancaes, Camlets, Velvets, Piuſhes, Worſteds, Fuſtians, Durances, Tukes, Crapes, Flannels, and infinite others Furs and Skins, as Conney-skins, Squirrel-skins, Fitches, Calve-skins, Hides, &c.

Mines, as Tin, Lead, Allom, Copper, Iron of all ſorts; Sea-Cole, Salt, &c.

All manner of Grain, as Oats, Peaſe, Barley, Rye, and Wheat in great plenty, &c. Alſo Linnen-Cloth, Flax, Hemp, &c. All Iron Wares, Tallow, Leather, Glaſſeof all ſorts, and Glaſs, Venice-Gold and Sil­ver, Train-Oyl, Salmons, Pilchards, Herrings, Hake, Conger, Haberdine, Cod, Ling, Hops, Wood, Butter, Cheeſe, Beer, Syder, Saltpetre, Gun-powder, Honey, Wax, Alabaſter, and other Stones, Wools, Woolfels, Yarn, Fullers-Earth, Saffron, Liquoras, &c. And ma­ny other good and rich Commodities, too tedious to be enumerated: The Merchants of London do year­ly Export great quantities of ſuch of theſe Goods, as are not prohibited, to Foreign Markets, and make good Returns, and bring to ſupply the Kingdom, a great deal of Treaſure and rich Commodities from all25 parts of the World, to the enriching of themſelves unſpeakable benefit of the Nation, and Credit of the Engliſh in genetal, who are generally as fair Dealers as any in the World, and of as active and underta­king Souls; and the principal Seat or Emporium of this great Trade, is the great and famous City of Lon­don.

CHAP. XI. Of the Trade of London into the Countrey.

OF this we need ſay but little, it being ſo univer­ſally known to the whole Land; the Londoners uſing to ſupply all the Trading places of the Kingdom; eſpecially on great Fairs, to which they reſort in great numbers, and afford their Goods at the beſt hand, to their own and their Countreys great bene­fit: and in requital, the adjacent Counties ſupply the City with all manner of Neceſſaries for Food, Hay, Fuel, &c. inſomuch that Strangers have admi­red at the prodigious plenty of all ſorts that are to be ſeen in the great and well-furniſhed Markets of Lea­den-Hall, Stocks, Milk-ſtreet, New-Gate, Clare, South-Hampton, St. Albans, Weſtminſter, Hungerford, and Brooks, with ſeveral others: ſo that here is a perpetual Mart, where any ſort of Goods may be purchaſed at a convenient and reaſonable Rate. Nor is there any place in the Kingdom where poor people (or ſuch as would be very frugal) may live chea­per, or the ſplendid Liver gallanter, &c.

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CHAP. XII. Of all Trades being in Companies.

IF all thoſe of a Trade were of one and the ſame Company, and had power to make ſome By­laws for the good of their Trade, it would extream­ly conduce, not only to the promotion of the ſame, but to the keeping of it in a right and good order, preſerving (at leaſt) a temperamentum ad juſtii­am, if not ad pondus, in our Trades and Negotiations.

And doubtleſs ab Origine it was ſo in London, as appears by the ſeveral denominations of their ſeveral Companies; the defect whereof, I judge, is the rea­ſon that the Trade of that City is declining, and grown ſo conſumptive, and (unleſs ſuitable and timely means be uſed in order to its recovery) will certainly and ſuddenly expire: For if none were of a Company, but thoſe only that were of the ſame Trade, they would be frequently whetting one ano­ther to do ſomething that might be for the advance­ment thereof; and every one would refrain the doing of any thing that might give a wound to the ſame, for fear of being reprehended by the Company.

But now if any perſon's Trade do differ from the Trade of his Company of which he is free, he doth then mind but little the Trade of that Company, be­cauſe he hath a ſmall benefit by it; but if his Trade be the ſame with the Company of which he is free, then he is very often mindful of what may be ne­ceſſary to promote the ſame, becauſe he doth expect a benefit by it.

Now (I conceive) this might eaſily be reduced to what it was at firſt; for it would be no prejudice to any of the Companies, for every one to have the liberty to come into that Company that his Trade is27 of, and to be in the ſame ſtate and degree therein, as he was in, in that Company that he came out of, without paying any thing more for it; becauſe as they ſhall hereby loſe ſome of their Members out of every Company, ſo will there be received ſome more into them.

Obj. Now there are two Companies in London, viz. the Girdlers and Fletchers, that the Trades thereof are quite loſt and gone, there being none of either of them; and if this device ſhould take place, the Rents belonging to thoſe two Halls will be loſt, be­cauſe there will be no body to look after them.

Sol. That the Linnen-Drapers have no Hall, and is no Company, which now is the moſt flouriſhing Trade of the City, therefore it would be very con­venient to joyn theſe two Halls together, and to make them belong to the Linnen-Drapers Company.

And then, to the end that this Order might con­tinue, it would be neceſſary, that no perſon be ſuf­fered to ſet up the Trade of any particular Company, unleſs he be firſt made free of the ſame.

Obj. But if this be ſo, then the Priviledge of the City will be loſt; which is, that he that is free of any Trade, may ſet up any other whatſoever, that he can beſt live upon.

Sol. My meaning is, that he that hath been Ap­prentice to a working Trade, ſhould not have the priviledge of ſetting up the Shop-keeping Trade: yet I deny not but that it might be convenient enough for any Shop-keeper (that is only of buying and ſelling) to have that priviledge to leave his own Trade, and to take up another Shop-keeping Trade, that he may live better upon; but then it would be neceſſary that he ſhould be enjoyned to leave his own Trade altogether, and to quit his Freedom of28 his Company, and that within a certain time that may be thought convenient; and that he be alſo fur­ther enjoyned to take his Freedom of that Compa­ny as the Trade is of that he intends to ſet up, and that within ſuch a convenient time.

And as this being in Companies is neceſſary for Shop-keepers, and all other Trades; even ſo it is for Merchants too, and all they that do traffick to any particular Countrey; which would exceedingly en­courage all Foreign Trade: for there would be then ſuch an Order in the Trade of every particular Coun­try, that men would gain thereby; whereas now it doth too often happen that they do loſe.

I know there are very wiſe men that are very much againſt Merchants being in Companies, but I cannot find that any Merchandizing Trade is mana­ged ſo well as thoſe that are managed by Companies: and this appeareth by the Dutch, who do trade al­together in Companies; and who is it that hath ſuch ſucceſs in Trade as they have? Likewiſe our Hamborough Trade was never carried on better than when they were in a Company, and it was then bet­ter for Clothiers too than ever it hath been ſince; and I cannot but believe, that if the Fiſhing-trade, that is ſo advantageous to the Dutch, were commit­ted to a Company, it would in a ſhort time turn to a very good acount.

But I ſuppoſe that the reaſon that many are againſt Merchants being in Companies, is, becauſe hereby many men would be barred from adventuring to any Country unleſs they were free of that ſame particu­lar Company. Now to help this, it would be ne­ceſſary that any one ſhould have the liberty to be of any Company of Merchants that he hath a mind un­to, always provided, that every ſuch perſon do en­gage29 to ſubmit to the Laws and Orders of the ſaid Company; and if it be ſo, it can be no prejudice to any man, for he that hath an Eſtate enough, may be free of many Companies, and ſo may adventure into many Countries.

CHAP. XIII. Of Tradeſmen breaking, and paying ſo little in the Pound of their true Debts.

THere are four things that occaſion mens break­ing.

1. Some ſudden Contingencies as the Merchant may meet with; Great and ſudden loſſes at Sea: Or the Shop-keeper may be utterly undone by ſudden Fire, or the like. In theſe caſes there ought to be Mercy ſhewed to ſuch poor men: and it is much to be lamented, there is not a way thought on to raiſe Moneys to ſet them up again.

2. The want of Succeſs. Many a man doth take a great deal of Care and Pains in his Trade, and yet all will not do, ſtill he goes backward in the World; yet this is not common and uſual, for God hath pro­miſed to bleſs the Hands of the diligent; yet ſome­times it may ſo fall out. However, this man ought to be honeſt, and to make a Diſcovery of his Condi­tion in time, leſt that he ſhould ſpend upon other mens Money: and he that is a careful, honeſt, and induſtrious man, muſt needs know when he is ſink­ing in his Eſtate.

3 Ill Huſbandry is another thing that doth occaſion30 men to break: Some will ſpend their time in Drink­ing and Gaming, neglecting their buſineſs until they are undone. And ſuch Perſons as theſe are, ought to be dealt ſeverely with: For why ſhould they ſpend the Money of other induſtrious men by their luxurious living.

4. A deſign of Gain is another thing which doth occaſion ſome men to break. They find ſome have got Eſtates by breaking, and therefore they will do ſo too. Now we may conclude, that this man doth not deſerve leſs puniſhment than he that taketh a Purſe upon the High-way: for by the reaſon of this Man's pretended honeſty, he is truſted, but ſo is not he that robbeth upon the Boad.

I judge therefore it would be of very great uſe and benefit to the Trade of this Kingdom, if there were a Law made to inflict ſome bodily puniſhment upon every one that ſhould break for above One hundred pounds, and ſhould not pay Fifteen ſhillings in the Pound of his true and juſt Debts: and thus no man could be ſo ſuddenly undone by bad Debts; for then men would not loſe ſo much by Three hundred pounds, as now they commonly do by Two, nay by One.

Object. But many a man hath been brought low in the World, and yet hath got up again.

Anſw. Grant that there have been ſome that have got up again, who have not been able to pay full Fif­teen ſhillings in the pound. I ſay, admit there have been ſuch black Swans, yet this is Rara avis in terris And theſe are few in compariſon of the many Hun­dreds, who have not riſen again after ſuch a Fall. Therefore there ought to be a ſevere Penalty infli­cted on theſe, to compel them to diſcover their con­dition before it cometh to be at this rate with them. 31Beſides, this is the more probable way of their Re­covery. For hereby they will be out of Debt, and their Creditors, by reaſon they ſhall loſe ſo little by them, will certainly be the more kind unto them.

5. I might alſo add one thing more, that is the reaſon of the breaking of many men, who are of Re­tailing Trades, or at leaſt of not paying their Credi­tors ſo timely as otherwiſe they might, who might have been Ranked among thoſe mentioned in the firſt Particular, to whom there ought to be ſhewed much Mercy and Compaſſion. Such are thoſe Retai­lers that are encouraged to truſt perſons becauſe of their great Eſtates and Revenues, who do neither take any Care, nor make any Conſcience of paying their juſt and true Debts; who will keep the Tradeſ­man from his Money ſometimes two or three years, although they have been importuned by him, both to his Expences and loſs of time. And although ſome will be ſo fair as to give both good Words and Pro­miſes, yet theſe have been but miſerable Evaſions and Put-offs, as is evident, in that they never mind the Performance of them. But then again, there are others that are ſo far from giving good words, that they give altogether menaces and threatnings, which have made many a Tradeſman afraid to aſk for his own, for fear of a Stab.

And others there are, that will pretend the Tradeſ­man hath cheated them in over-prizing his Commo­dities, and therefore he muſt ſtay longer for his Mo­ney, which is another ſhift: Whereas it is the Tradeſ­man indeed that is cheated, in being forced to ſtay ſo long for his Money againſt his will. For it is im­poſſible that he that ſhall ſtay a Twelve-month for his Money, ſhall ever inhance the price of his Com­modity ſo far, as to be ſufficiently recompenſed for32 ſtaying ſo long a time for it. All men I think will grant, that if the Tradeſman hath ready money, two ſhillings in the pound is but reaſonable. Now then, if he doth ſtay a Twelve-month before he is paid, he ſhould have four ſhillings profit in the pound, if two years, then ſix ſhillings in the pound, and ſo on, ac­cording to the time he ſhall ſtay for his Money; be­cauſe it will eaſily appear, that more than ten in the hundred profit might be made in a year, with ready money in a Trade. But now it is next to an impoſſibility for any Tradeſman to gain four ſhillings in the pound, unleſs it be in ſome hidden Commo­dities, ſuch as belong to the Apothecaries; and yet this in reaſon they ought to have, if they ſtay a Twelve-month for their Money. And if they can be no Gainer then, what will they be, if they ſhall ſtay two or three, nay, four years before they are paid. Aſſuredly, no man can poſſibly deny, but in this caſe a Tradeſman muſt needs be a very great Loſer.

Further, it often hapneth, that after all this, the Tradeſman doth loſe his whole Debt, if it be not paid before the perſon is dead, for then the Heir doth claim the Inheritance, and the Widow her Joynture, and there is nothing left to pay the Debts but the Perſonal Eſtate, which is ſeldom more than a Coach and Horſes, and ſome Houſhold Goods, which will not pay ſometimes a tenth part of the Debts. This is quite contrary to what was formerly wont to be. Then the truly Noble Gentlemen of this Kingdom did eſteem it their great honour, to fulfil exactly whatſoever they had promiſed, although it had been never ſo much to their detriment and loſs. They would heretofore have diſdained thoſe Riglings and Shiftings which are uſed in our times: inſomuch, that33 if the Tradeſman had their Promiſe, they might more certainly have depended on it, than now they may on their Bonds. And hence it was, that the Statute of Banquerupt did concern only Tradeſmen, becauſe all others then were punctual to obſerve and to perform their word, and careful to pay all their juſt and true Debts.

There are two things that probably would remedy this, if it would not be thought too great a piece of preſumption.

1. The firſt is this, That for all Debts that are not paid within ſix Months time, or thereabouts, after they are Contracted, the Debtor ſhould afterwards be liable to pay the Intereſt; And likewiſe if any die, whoſe perſonal Eſtate will not reach to pay all their debts, there may be in this caſe, by a Law, Commiſſioners that might be authoriſed to ſell and diſpoſe of ſo much of the Land, that was poſſeſſed by the Debtor deceaſed, that will fully pay all the debts; and certainly this would be of no ill conſequence to the Kingdom: For it would not only be a Conveniency to Tradeſmen, but in all probability might be an inducement to all perſons to take greater care to live within the compaſs of their Eſtates.

CHAP. XIV. Of the Shop-keeping Trades in this Kingdom.

THat which hath been the Bane almoſt of all Trades, is the too great number of Shop-keepers in this Kingdom. For as it is related by Mr. Coke, in a Treatiſe of his concerning Trade, that there are ten thouſand Retailing Shop-keepers more in London, than are in Amſterdam.

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Now the reaſon hereof is, Firſt. Becauſe for many years there have been no other Trades but theſe to receive the Youth of this Nation. Formerly, when the Cloath­ing Trade did flouriſh with us, there were many ſuf­ficient Mens Sons put Apprentices to this Trade. Se­condly, Becauſe the Shop-keeping Trade is an eaſie life, and thence many are induced to run into it, and there hath been no Law to prevent it, or if there be any, it hath been very ſlackly executed, which maketh very ma­ny (like a mighty Torrent) fall into it, which hath been verified for ſeveral years paſt, by many Husband­men, Labourers and Artificers, who have left off their Working Trades, and turned Shop-keepers.

And of Quakers, great numbers of late years are become Shop-keepers; for if a man that hath been very meanly bred, and was never worth much above a Groat in all his life, do but turn Quaker, he is pre­ſently ſet up in one Shop-keeping 'Trade or other, and then many of them will compaſs Sea and Land to get this New Quaking Shop-keeper a Trade: And if he be of a Trade that no other Quaker is of in the Town or Village, then he ſhall take all their Money which they have occaſion to lay out and expend in his way; their cuſtom being to ſell to all the World, but they will buy only of their own Tribe: Inſomuch that it is conceived by ſome wiſe men, that they will in a ſhort time engroſs the whole Trade of the King­dom into their hands.

And then again, there are ſome of the Silk-Wea­vers, but more of the Clothiers, that deal in as many, it not far more Commodities than any Shop-keeper doth, that hath been Apprentice to his Trade; for they ſell not only the Cloath that they make, but Stuffs, Linnen, and many other things; and have ſuch ways to put off their Commodities, which the35 Shop-keeper hath not; for they will truck them off for Shoes with the Shoe-maker, for Candles with the Chandler, and ſometimes with the Butcher for Meat, and will make their Work-folks to take the ſame for their Work; (although there be an expreſs Statute againſt it,) and then theſe Work-folks will fell the ſame again for money, to buy ſuch neceſſaries which they want.

And it is not much better with them of the City of London, for there are many that do live in a Cham­ber, that do take twice as much money as many Shop-keepers do, who pay four times the Rent that they do; ſo that it cannot be imagined what an in­numerable company of Shop-keepers are in every place; and ſuch practices as theſe have utterly im­paired all Shop-keeping Trades in this Kingdom; which are Grievances never ſuffered in former times, being againſt the common good of the People of this Nation; and it's deſired they were ſpeedily redreſſed for theſe following Reaſons.

Firſt, Becauſe the Shop-keeping Trade is both a con­venient and eaſie way for the Gentry, Clergy, and Com­monalty of this Kingdom, to provide for their younger Sons, that ſo the Bulk of their Eſtates may go to the Eldeſt. For there are few younger Sons who are Tradeſ­men, that have much above one years Revenue of their Fathers Eſtate for their Patrimony. Now theſe being kept cloſe to buſineſs, is the time of their youth, ma­ny of them come to be ſober and induſtrious men; and with this ſmall Portion to live a little anſwerable to the Family from whence they deſcended, being ſerviceable in their Generation both to their King and Country, and many times keep up the Name and Grandeur of their Fa­mily, when their Eldeſt Brother by his vitious and in­temperate Life hath loſt it. And oftentimes it proveth36 advantageous to their Daughters too; for it doth fre­quently happen when the Gentry die, that they leave but ſmall Portions to their Daughters, ſcarce ſufficient to pre­fer them to Gentlemen of great Revenues, (parallel'd to their Families) yet nevertheleſs may be thought wor­thy and deſerving of Tradeſmen, who are the younger Sons of Gentlemen, and by their Matching with ſuch as thoſe do come to live a little ſuitably to their Birth and Breeding.

Indeed the Inns-of-Court, and the Univerſities, muſt be acknowledged to be both of them places fit for the preferment of younger Sons; but every one hath not a Genius capable of learning thoſe Noble (yet abſtruſe) Sciences, there taught and profeſs'd, who notwithſtanding are capable enough of a Shop-keeping Trade. Beſides, if every one were fit for either of theſe, yet they would not ſuffice to receive a third part even of this ſort of Youth, and then what ſhould be done with the reſt, ſhould they be brought up to no Employment? but he left to the Extravagancy of their youthful Luſts, to commit ſuch Impieties and Debaucheries which may juſtly entitle tham to the Compellations given by Auguſtus Caeſar to his lewd Children viz. to be called The Botches and Boyls of their Family? As it is obſervable in thoſe Countries where the Gentry diſdain to place forth their Children to Trades, who therefore turn very diſſolute and vicious, and no way ſerviceable (in times of peace) in their Generation, either to their King or Country where they live.

Secondly, Becauſe Shop-keepers by reaſon of their E­ducation, were never uſed to labour, and ſhould their Trades be deſtroyed by theſe means, they will not know how to maintain themſelves and their Families; but they that have been bred to work, they may labour37 in any other Employment, if that to which they have been bred will not maintain them.

Thirdly, Becauſe this hath rendred the Shop-keeping Trade to be unprofitable, like unto many unſtinted Com­mons, that no body is the better for. Now where there is no Order or Rule, there muſt be Confuſion; as it is in Trades at this time; and yet there is Order and Rule obſerved in other Vocations, and why not ſo in this? The Miniſter muſt not preach until he is Ordained; the Lawyer muſt not plead before he is called to the Bar; the Chyrurgeon muſt not practiſe before he hath his Licenſe; neither can the Midwife practiſe before ſhe hath her Licenſe too: And therefore why ſhould any ſet up a Shop-keeping Trade before they have been made free of the ſame.

This is one Reaſon why ſo few Apprentices after they come out of their time, do get into the World, or can make any benefit of their Trades; wherein it concerneth all whatſoever, whether Gentlemen or Clergymen, to be very ſollicitous for the preſerva­tion of this way of life, which is ſo conducing to the preferment of their Children.

Fourthly, Becauſe it will coſt a round Sum of Money before a Child can be ſetled in any Shop-keeping Trade; Firſt to breed him at School, and to make him fit for the ſame, 2. To place him forth to the ſaid Trade when he is fit; which will coſt in a Country Market Town, not leſs then fifty or ſixty Pounds, but in London upwards of an hundred; ſo that theſe Trades do ſeem to be purcha­ſed, and that not only with Money by the Parents, but with a Servitude alſo by the Son.

Therefore as I conceive, they ought to have the properties of their Trades confirmed unto them, e­ven as other men have the properties of their Lands confirmed unto them: That is, that no perſon do ſet38 up any Shop-keeping Trade, unleſs they be made Free of the ſame. And if any ſhould plead, that it might be lawful for one man to uſe anothers Land as his own for a Livelihood, he would preſently be ac­counted a Leveller and a ridiculous Fellow: And certainly no leſs can he be accounted, that ſhould argue it might be lawful for one man to uſe anothers Trade. For this Trade is bought with the Parents Money, and the Sons Servitude, and intended for a future livelihood for the Son in the ſame manner as Land is bought by the Father, and ſetled upon the Child for his future Livelihood and comfortable ſub­ſiſtence.

CHAP. XV. Of petty Shop-keepers living in Countrey Villages.

THis is another thing that (as well as Pedlars) doth greatly increaſe and add to to the number of Shop-keepers, and doth likewiſe contribute to­wards the ruining of the Cities and Market-Towns in England, and which was never wont to be for­merly; for now in every Countrey-Village, where is (it may be) not above ten Houſes, there is a Shop-keeper, and one that never ſerved any Ap­prentiſhip to any Shop-keeping Trade whatſoever; and many of thoſe are not ſuch that do deal only in Pins, or ſuch ſmall Wares, but ſuch that deal in as many ſubſtantial Commodities as any do that live in Cities and Market-Towns, who have no leſs than 1000 l. worth of Goods in their Shops, for39 which they pay not one farthing of any Tax at all, either Parochial or National.

Certainly all men muſt needs apprehend, that if this and Pedlars be ſuffered, that Cities and Market-Towns muſt needs be impoveriſhed; becauſe then there will be little occaſion (I ſay) to bring the Countrey people to them; the which hath happen­ed in a very great meaſure already; for in ſome places there is not a fifth part of the money taken by the Shop-keepers as was formerly, and in many places not half, and in ſome particular Trades there is (as may be made appear) 25000 l. ſtock made uſe of leſs than there was heretofore. And there are theſe ſeveral reaſons following why it is neceſſary that Market-Towns and Cities ſhould be encouraged and upheld in their Trades.

1. Becauſe the People that do live in Cities and Markets-Towns, do depend wholly upon a Trade for the maintenance both of themſelves and their Fa­milies; and if their Trade be taken from them by ſuch ways as theſe are, they will be at a very great loſs to know what to do, becauſe they were never bred to any thing elſe; yet ſo it is not with thoſe that deal in Villages, who have been bred in ſome other way; and they have, or may have ſome other way of living beſides the Shop-keeping-Trade.

2. Becauſe if Cities and Market-Towns be impo­veriſhed, then the general part of the People of this Kingdom will loſe that neceſſary conveniency be­fore-mentioned, for the preferment of their Chil­dren. And this one reaſon, that when many Pa­rents have been at great charge in placing forth their Children to Trades in Cities and Market-Towns, and the Children have faithfully ſerved out their full time, that after all, they are but little the better for40 it, becauſe Pedlars and Shop-keepers in Villages ſuch that never ſerved any Apprenticeſhip to any Shop-keeping-Trade, do intercept a very great part of the Trade from coming to them.

3. This will be a great means to depopulate not only the Cities and Market-Towns, but alſo the whole Kingdom; for when men can find little or no in­couragement in their Trades, then they will endea­vour to tranſplant themſelves into other Countries, where they may have better encouragement, by which means we ſhall loſe our People; whereas (in the Opinion of many wiſe Men, we do already want more People in England than now we have: there being very great numbers that have gone, not only into our own Plantations, but into Holland, and ſetled there.

4. If Cities and Market-Towns be impoveriſhed and depopulated, then there will not be raiſed out of them that proportion of all manner of Taxes as now there is; ſo that the burthen hereof will be the heavier upon Lands and Revenues in the Countrey. And it will be a very great diminution of all thoſe ſtanding Taxes, that the Cities and Market-Towns do bear the only, or at leaſt the greateſt proportion, as they do in the Exciſe of Beer and Ale, for little is gathered any where elſe: and the Farmers of the Exciſe are always ſenſible of the ebbing and flowing of Trade, whoſe Exciſe doth ebb and flow according­ly. And then if Cities and Market-Towns grow poor, the Chimney-money will never increaſe there­by. The gatherers of this Tax are able to give an account what multitudes of Paupers are exempted by Certificates in Cities and Market-Towns in Eng­land; and yet notwithſtanding there be many do pay, who had need alſo to be exempted.

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5. If Cities and Market-Towns be impoveriſhed and depopulated of their wealth and rich Inhabi­tants for want of Trade, the great and numerous poor that are in moſt of them will want to be relie­ved, which is a burthen that doth lie very heavy up­on them already; for in ſome Market-Towns there are many that are not worth much above a hundred pound ſtock, which do not pay leſs than ten ſhillings a year towards the relief of the poor; which is ſuch a burthen, that if it lay upon the Countrey Farmer, it would much weaken him in the paying of his Rent. Now if the poor ſhould not be relieved, what can be expected, but that ſwarms of them would go in­to the Countrey for relief, as already they do in many places? and when the ruder ſort cannot get enough by begging, they will be pilfering and ſtealing. So that the conſideration of theſe poor, and the many younger Brothers that will be out of any way of living with the like contingencies, will adminiſter juſt oc­caſion to any wiſe and intelligent Perſon, eaſily to preſage the misfortunes and miſeries that will here­upon neceſſarily enſue throughout this Kingdom.

6. If Cities and Market-Towns be impoveriſhed and depopulated for want of a Trade, then what will the Countrey-man do to have money for all his Com­modities, as his Butter, his Cheeſe, his Cattel, his Wool, his Corn, and his Fruit? the Shop-keepers in the Country-Villages will yield but little help in this caſe, and the Pedlers much leſs. It is manifeſt, that the People living in Cities and Market-Towns, con­ſume all theſe Commodities of the Farmers, and do help them to ready money for the ſame; by which means they have wherewith to pay their Rent, and ſerve their other occaſions; and it is impoſſible for them to ſubſiſt but by this way. So that in all rea­ſon42 this kindneſs ought to be reciprocal, and when it is ſo, it is the better for both; for it cannot be ſuppoſed that Tradeſmen in Cities and Market-Towns ſhould ever hold out, to buy the Farmers Commo­dities, and help them conſtantly to money for them, if they ſhould always go home, and lay out little or no part thereof again with them.

7. If Cities and Market-Towns be impoveriſhed and depopulated for want of Trade, the Kingdom may then be obnoxious to its Enemies upon all occa­ſions: For theſe uſe to be the Fence and Bulwarks of a Country, inſomuch that in ſome other Countries they are ſo far from admitting of Tradeſmen to live in Villages, that their Gentry do not live there, but in the great Cities and Towns; by which means they have greater Towns than we generally have; and moſt of their Towns are walled, and ſo are not only able to reſiſt an Enemy, but alſo upon all occaſions to ſuccour and ſave thoſe that ſhall fly unto them.

Furthermore, the Kings of England have been al­ways furniſhed with men for their Wars out of the Cities and Market-Towns of this Kingdom; and the greater Trade there is in any place, the more people commonly there are in that place: Therefore it con­cerns this Kingdom to have Trade promoted and en­couraged in Cities and Market-Towns, that ſo we might have people enough at all times to reſiſt an Enemy that ſhall oppoſe us. Beſides, poor and beg­gerly Cities and Market-Towns are a very great diſ­paragement to a Country; but the contrary is a great honour: For what more graceful to a Kingdom than the many rich and wealthy Cities and Towns there­in? for this reaſon, as well as for all thoſe already mentioned, all Perſons that are of publick ſpirits, ſhould do all they can to advance them, by encoura­ging43 of their Trade; and no one way can do it more effectually, than to ſuppreſs thoſe that do take their Trades from them.

And as Shop-keepers in Villages, are a very great injury to Market-Towns in the Country, even ſo are they to the City of London, that have (ſince the fire) ſet up in Covent-Garden, and on that ſide of the City; by which means many of the Houſes and Shops, are not tenanted, and thoſe which are, the Rents of them are exceedingly fallen; and all this is for want of the Trade that they had formerly.

Now conſidering what a renowned City that is, both for Government, for Trade, and for ſtately E­difices, that it's thought there is not the like in the whole World; and conſidering the great charge that they have been at in the rebuilding of it, it is very requiſite that they ſhould be encouraged as much as may be, and that their Trade ſhould not be taken may by ſuch ways and means as theſe are. Now there are ſome Trades whoſe Commodities are ſuch, that it would be very little more trouble for any one to go into the City to buy them, than to go to Covent-Garden, ſuch as Woollen, or Linnen-Cloth, Stuffs, or Hangings for Rooms, or Plate, or the like; If then all ſuch Trades were prohibited from ſetting up on that ſide of the City, it would preſently fill their Shops and Houſes with People, and their City with Trade: I had thought to have treated here, how the Shop­keepers are inconvenienced to get in their ſmall debts, which cannot be done any way without putting the People concerned to three times more charges than the debts are, which is likewiſe a great hinderance to the poor, as well as unto them; but this I ſhall omit.

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CHAP. XVI. Of Pedlars, and petty Chapmen.

THeſe are ſuch that do proffer Wares to ſale by Retail, either by crying it in Cities and Market Towns, or by offering it from door to door all about the Country, and which do greatly add to the num­ber of Shop-keepers, for they carry their Shops at their backs, and do ſell more that way, than many Shop-keepers do in their Shops; which is not only a prejudice unto them, but if they are ſuffered will in time be the utter ruine of all the Cities and Market Towns in England; for of late there is not any Com­modity to be named, and that can be any way port­ed, but that the Pedlar doth carry all about the Country to ſell; that people (after awhile) will have little or no occaſion to come to the Cities or Market Towns for any thing. This alſo was not wont to be formerly, and ought not to be now; as will ap­pear if it be conſidered, how much in theſe follow­ing particulars, the Shop-keepers are beneficial to the Commonwealth of this Kingdom; and in how few of theſe the Pedlars are beneficial unto the ſame.

1. The Shop keepers do bear a very great pro­portion in all the Taxes of this Kingdom, whether Parochial or National, but the Pedlars do pay but little or no Taxes at all: and if in Taxes they were to bear no more proportion than the Pedlars, it may be quaeried whether or no Taxes might be ſo eaſily gathered.

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2. The Shop-keepers do bear likewiſe all manner of Offices, whether Parochial or National, which are very expenſive unto them; but Pedlars bear no Of­fices at all.

3. The Shop-keepers do pay great Rents for the houſes that they live in, which are more certain Rents to the Gentry than their Lands; but the Pedlars pay little or no Rent at all, for moſt of them do lye in Barns. And if the Rents ſhould fall in Cities and Market Towns in England, as they do in moſt places, eſpecially in the City of London, they are never like to be rais'd again by Pedlars.

4. The Shop-keepers do keep good Houſes, and do relieve the Poor at their doors, ſpending abun­dance of meat, and other of the Farmers Commodities in their Families, for which they do always pay rea­dy money: But the Pedlars are ſo far from being be­neficial to the Commonwealth in this particular, that they are burthenſom unto the ſame; for they beg the moſt part of their Victuals, and the Country people (when the men are in the Field, and there hath been none at home, but Women and Children) have been forced to relieve them for fear of being miſ­chieved by them.

5. They and their Families do wear out abundance of Cloths, which doth promote the Trade of the Na­tion; but it is very little advance of any Trade that the Pedlars do make herein, for their Cloths do dif­fer little from Beggars; and did they wear better, yet they could not wear out much, becauſe few of them have Families to do it.

6. The Shop-keepers Trade is eſteemed credita­ble enough, for the preferment of the beſt mens Sons in the Kingdom, next unto the Nobility; but ſo is not the Pedlars Trade; for ſurely ſufficientmen would46 diſdain to have their Sons Pedlars, and to wander a­bout the Country like Vagabond Rogues as they do.

7. The Shop-keepers being ſufficient mens Sons, and being ſoberly and religiouſly Educated, they come to have (for the moſt part of them) ſuch prin­ciples in them, that they deteſt to uſe any indirect way in their dealings. And if they had not this in­ward principle, yet the conſideration how prejudi­cial any ſuch thing would be unto them in their Trades, by reaſon of their fixed Habitations, doth make them to do that which is right and juſt in their dealings. But neither of theſe can rationally ſway the Pedlars, becauſe their Education uſually is very baſe an vile; Being (for the moſt part of them) Wanderers from their youth, an Employment that few ſober men do meddle with; ſo that no man••ows whether they have any principle of Religion yea or no; for it is ſeldom that any of them are ever ſeen at any Church whatſoever: and then they be­ng Wanderers, makes them bold to uſe any indirect ways in their dealing, when they have an opportuni­ty; for when they have done, and taken their mo­ney, away they are gone into another Country, and are ſeen no more in that place.

And this is the reaſon that they do often ſell one thing for another, as Calico for Holland, and do ſell that by the Yard, that is uſually ſold by the Ell, and do often make leſs than meaſure, extreamly cheat­ing the ignorant Country-people in the price of their Commodities, by their aſking ſometimes three timethe price more than they can afford them.

8. And as the Shop-keepers are ſeldom guilty oany indirect ways in their dealings, ſo much leſs arthey at any time guilty of any felonious Actions: buthis cannot be ſaid of the Pedlars, who very often ar47arraigned at the Bar for breaking open of Houſes, or ſuch like things as theſe are, having by reaſon of their ſelling of Wares, acceſs to all mens houſes, and ſo do know the weakeſt part of every mans houſe; and if they are not Actors herein themſelves, yet they are able to inform any other perſon who hath a mind to do it; which doubtleſs they do, as hath been ac­knowledged by ſome that have been arraigned for this thing; and then they are the Receivers of all the ſtollen Goods, both of the Town and the Country. Sometimes that which is ſtollen from Shop-keepers in Market Towns, upon their Market and Fair-days, when they are buſie, and ſometimes that which is ſtollen from Country people, when their Linnen is hanged abroad to dry upon Hedges, or other conve­nient places.

I ſhall not inſiſt upon ſhewing wherein it is that they are prejudicial to the Shop-keepers, for this is obvi­ous to every man already, how they do come into any place where the Shop-keepers Trade doth lie, and there do take moſt of the ready money of their Cuſtomers, whilſt Shop-keepers Commodities lie by them, and braid at home. And by this means they ſell but little (unleſs any one do want to be truſted) for they ſeek no further than their Shops for a Trade, depending upon the people that ſhall come unto them, that do live within ſix or ſeven Miles of the Town where they do live.

I might add many other Arguments for the ſup­preſſing of them, were not theſe (already mention­ed) ſufficient.

48

CHAP. XVII. A Table of Accounts ready caſt up, for the Buy­ing or Selling of any Com­modity; either by Num­ber, Weight, or Meaſure, &c, Reſolving the moſt u­ſual Queſtions of the Gol­den Rule, or Rule of Three by Inſpection (or by Ad­dition) only: Of abſo­lute neceſſity for all man­ner of Merchants and whole Sale Traders what­ſoever.

The Quantity of the Commodity to be bought or ſold.The Price of the Commodity by the Tun, Hundred, Pound, Ounce, Dozen, Yard, Ell, &c.
Number. 1 Farthing. 2 Farthings. 3 Farthings.
 l.s.d.q.l.s.d.. ql.s.d.q
1000100020003
2000200100012
3000300120021
4001000200030
5001100220033
6001200300042
7001300320051
8002000400060
9002100420063
10002200500072
200050001000130
300072013001102
400010001800260
50010202100312
60013002600390
700152021100442
80018003400500
900110203900572
100021004200630
2000420084001260
30006300126001890
4000840016801500
500010501010011130
60001260150011760
7000147019202390
800016801134021000
900018901116021630
10001010021803260
2000218043406500
3000326065009760
400043408680121000
5000542016840151260
100001084020168021500
The Quantity of the Commodity to be bougt or ſold.The Price of the Commodity by the Tun, Hundred, Pound, Ounce, Dozen, Yard, Ell, &c.
Number. 1 Penny. 2 Pence. 3 Pence.
 l.s.d.l.s.d.l.s.d.
1001002003
2002004006
3003006009
4004008010
50050010013
6006010016
7007012019
8008014020
9009016023
100010018026
20018034050
30026050076
400340680100
500420840126
6005001000150
70051001180176
800680134100
900760150126
1000840168150
200016811342100
30015021003150
4001134368500
500218434550
60021005007100
700218451683150
80036861341000
900315071001150
100043486812100
2000868161342500
300012100250037100
40001613433685000
5000201684113462100
1000041134836812500
The Quantity of the Commodity to be bought or ſold.The Price of the Commodity by the Tun, Hundred, Pound, Ounce, Dozen, Yard, Ell, &c.
Number. 4 Pence. 5 Pence. 6 Pence.
 l.s.d.l.s.d.l.s.d.
1004005006
20080010010
3010013016
4014018020
5018021026
6020026030
70240211036
8028034040
9030039046
10034042050
200680840100
30010001260150
4001340168100
5001681010150
601001501100
701341921150
801681134200
9011001176250
10011342182100
200368434500
3005006507100
40061348681000
500868108412100
6001000121001500
700111341411817100
8001368161342000
90015001815022100
100016134201642500
20003368411385000
30005000621007500
400066134836410000
500083681043812500
100001661341666825000
The Quantity of the Commodity to be bought or ſold.The Price of the Commodity by the Tun, Hundred, Pound, Ounce, Dozen, Yard, Ell, &c.
Number. 7 Pence. 8 Pence. 9 Pence.
 l.s.d.l.s.d.l.s.d.
1007008009
2012014016
3019020023
4024028030
50211034039
6033040046
7041048053
8048054060
9053060069
100510068076
20011801340150
300176100126
40131681100
501911341176
601150200250
702012682126
802682134300
902126300376
10021843683150
200516861347100
300815010001150
4001113413681500
500141181613418150
60017100200022100
700208423682650
8002368261343000
9002650300033150
10002938336437100
20005864661387500
30008710010000112100
40001161381336415000
5000145164166138187100
100002911382236037500
The Quantity of the Commodity to be bought or ſold.The Price of the Commodity by the Tun, Hundred Pound, Ounce, Dozen, Yard, Ell, &c.
Number. 10 Pence. 11 Pence.
 l.s.d.l.s.d.
100100011
20180110
3026029
4034038
5042047
6050056
70510065
8068074
9076083
10084092
2001680184
30150176
4011341168
502182510
6021002150
702184342
803683134
903150426
1004344118
200868934
3001210013150
400161341868
5002016822154
600250027100
70029343218
800336836134
900371004150
10004113445108
2000136891134
300012500137100
400016613418368
50002086812934
1000041813445868
The Quantity of the Commodity to be bought or ſold.The Price of the Commodity by the Tun, Hundred, Pound, Ounce, Dozen, Yard, Ell, &c.
Number. 1 Shilling. 2 Shillings. 3 Shillings.
 l.s.l.s.l.s.
1010203
2020406
3030609
40408012
505010015
606012018
70701411
80801614
90901817
1001010110
20102030
3011030410
40204060
5021050710
60306090
70310701010
804080120
90410901310
10050100150
200100200300
300150300450
400200400600
500250500750
600300600900
7003507001050
8004008001200
9004509001350
100050010001500
2000100020003000
3000150030004500
4000200040006000
5000250050007500
1000050001000015000
The Quantity of the Commodity to be bought or ſold.The Price of the Commodiy by the Tun, Hundred, Pound, Ounce, Dozen, Yard, Ell, &c.
Number4 Shillings5 Shillings6 Shillings
 l.l.l.s.l.s.
1040506
208010012
3012015018
40161014
51015110
615110116
71811522
81122028
911025214
102021030
20405060
306071090
4080100120
501001210150
60120150180
701401710210
80160200240
901802210270
100200250300
200400500600
300600150900
40080010001200
500100012501500
600120015001800
700140017502100
800160020002400
900180022502700
1000200025003000
2000400050006000
3000600075009000
400030001000012000
50001000 1250015000
100002000 2560030000
The Quantity of the Commodity to be bought or ſold.The Price of the Commodity by the Tun, Hundred, Pound, Ounce, Dozen, Yard, Ell, &c.
Number. 7 Shill8 Shill. 9 Shill. 10 Shill
 l.sl.s.l.s.l.s.
1070809010
201401601810
3111417110
41811211620
51152025210
6222821530
72921633310
82163431240
93331241410
103104041050
20708090100
3010101201310150
40140160180200
5017102002210250
60210240270300
7024102803110350
80280320360400
9031103604010450
100350400450500
2007008005001000
3001050120013501500
4001400160018002000
5001750200022502500
6002100240027003000
7002450280031503500
8002800320036004000
9003150360040504500
10003500400045005000
2000700080000900010000
300010500120001350015000
400014000160001800020000
500017500200003250025000
1000035000400004500050000
The Quantity of the Commodity to be bought or ſold.The Prince of the Commodity by the Tun, Hundred, Pound, Ounce, Dozen, Yard, Ell, &c.
Number. 1 Lib.2 Lib.3 Lib.4 Lib.5 Lib.
 l.l.l.l.l.
112345
2246810
33691215
448121620
5510152025
6612182430
7714212835
8816243240
9918273645
101020304050
2020406080100
30306090120150
404080120160200
5050100150200250
6060120180240300
7070140210280350
8080160240320400
9090180270360450
100100200300400500
2002004006008001000
30030060090012001500
400400800120016002000
5005001000150020002500
6006001200180024003000
7007001400210028003500
8008001600240032004000
9009001800270036004500
100010002000300040005000
2000200040006000800010000
30003000600090001200015000
400040008000120001600020000
5000500010000150002000025000
100001000020000300004000050000

CHAP. XVIII.

A Table for buying and ſelling any thing by the Hundred.
d.q.l.s.d.
01024
 2048
 3070
10094
 10118
 20140
 30164
200188
 1110
 2134
 3158
30180
 11104
 21128
 31150
401174
 11198
 2220
 3244
50268
 1290
 22114
 32138
602160
 13184
 2308
 3330
70354
 1378
 23100
 33124
803148
 13170
 23194
 341 
90440
d.ql.s.d
91464
 2488
 34110
1004134
 14158
 24180
 3504
110528
 1550
 2574
 3598
1205120
 15144
 25168
 35190
130614
 1638
 2660
 3684
1406108
 16130
 26154
 36178
150700
 1724
 2748
 3770
160794
 17118
 27140
 37164
1707188
 1810
 2834
 3858
180880
59

The Ʋſe of this Table.

IF you buy any thing by the Hundred (which is 112 l.) you may know what it coſt by the Pound; or if you buy any Commodity at ſo much the Pound, you may know the price of the Hundred.

Example 1. At 4 d. 3 q. the Pound, what is that the great Hundred?

Look in the Table for 4 d. 3 q. in the firſt Co­lume, and againſt it in the ſecond, you ſhall find 2 l. 4 s. 4 d. and ſo much will 112 l. coſt.

Again, If a hundred weight coſt 4 l. 1 s. 8 d. what is that the Pound?

Look in the Table for 4 l. 1 s. 8 d. in the ſecond Colume, and right againſt it in the firſt Colume, you ſhall find 8 d. 3 q. and ſo much it is by the Pound.

Example 2. One buys a hundred weight of a Com­modity for 4 l. 1 s. 8 d. which he retails again at 10 d. the Pound; what doth he get by ſelling a hun­dred weight?

A hundred weight at 10 d. the Pound, comes to 4 l. 13 s. 4 d. from which take 4 l. 1 s. 8 d. there remains 11 s. 8 d. and ſo much doth the Retailer gain.

60

CHAP. XIX. Of the LAWS of the MARKET. Stow. p. 664.

1. IN all the Markets of this City, no Victuals ſhall be Sold, but the Price ſet by the Mayor of this City.

2. No man ſhall foreſtal any Victuals coming to the Market; as for to buy in any Inn or other pri­vy place, or yet coming to the Market, whether it be found in the hands of the Buyer, or of the Seller, under pains of Forfeiture of the ſame: And no Inn­holder ſhall ſuffer any thing to be Sold in his Houſe, upon pain of Forfeiture of Forty ſhillings.

3. No man ſhall Regrate any Victuals which is in the Market, or by any Victuals to Ingrate in the Mar­ket, ſo that the Commons can or may have any part of ſuch Victuals, eſpecially ſuch as may be known for Huck ſters, or other people occupying their Living by ſuch Victuals as they would ſo Ingroſs, under pain of forfei­ture of ſuch Victuals ſo Regrated: Provided always, that any Steward for any Noble Feaſt, may buy or Ingrate ſuch Victuals as is convenient for the ſame Feaſt.

4. No Butter ſhall be ſold but according to the Weight, for the time of the year allowed.

5. No Poulterers ſhall deceivably occupy the Mar­ket, to ſell any ſtale Victuals, or ſuch as be Poulterers of this City, for to ſtand in ſtrange Cloathing ſo to do, under pain of Forty ſhillings, and the forfeiture of ſuch Victuals, Forty ſhillings.

6. No Hucksters ſhall ſtand or fit in the Market,61 but in the lower place, and the ends of the Market, to the intent they may be perfectly known, and the Stranger-market-people have the preheminence of the Market, under pain of Three ſhillings four pence, if the Huckſters diſobey the ſame.

7. No unwholſom or ſtale Victuals ſhall be ſold, under pain of Forty ſhillings, and forfeiture of the ſame Victuals.

CHAP. XX. Of the Coal-Market.

AT the Head of Billings-Gate Dock is a ſquare Plot of Ground compaſſed with Poſts, known by the name of Roomland, which with the adjacent part of the Street hath been the uſual place where the Ship-Maſters, Coal-Merchants, Wood-mongers, Ligh­ter-men, and Labourers do meet every Morning, in order to the buying, ſelling, delivering, and taking up of Sea-Coals, and Scotch-Coals, as the principal Market. This Coal-Market was kept on Great Tower-Hill in the time of the Cities late Deſolation.

CHAP. XXI. Of the Corn-Market.

UPon Bear-Key, between Sab's-Dock and Porters-Key, is the uſual place, or chief Market for Corn, which is bought and ſold there every day, but prin­cipally62 Mondays, Wedneſdays, and Fridays, which are the Market-days, where great quantities of all kind of Grain are bought and ſold by ſmall Examples, com­monly called Samples, whether it be lying in Grana­ries or Ships, and it (viz. Bear-Key) is the princi­pal place where the Kentiſh and Eſſex Corn-Veſſels do lie.

CHAP. XXII. Of the Fiſh-Market.

THe Freſh Fiſh-Market is kept at Billings-Gate, Mondays, Wedneſdays, and Fridays.

CHAP. XXIII. Of the Merchants of LONDON.

MErchandizing may be ſaid to be an Art or Sci­ence, Invented by Ingenious Man-kind, for the Publick Good and Profit of all, ſupplying (as was ſaid) the Native wants of one place, by the abundance of others, that do not conſume their own Growths, Pro­ducts, or Manufactures. Such as Negotiate and Traf­fick this way, are called Merchants. The things ſold or exchanged, are Two, Firſt, Wares or Goods; and Secondly, Moneys or Coyn, which are uſually Contra­cted or Bargained for, three ways.

Firſt, When Goods are Exchanged for Goods; that63 is, ſo much of one Sort, for like value of another; and this is called Bartering, uſual here in old times, and in many places of America, Aſia, and Affrica in theſe days; but in proceſs of time, Men finding it too diffi­cult and troubleſom to carry about them all things thus Bargained and Truckt for, from place to place, invented a common Standard or Meaſure that ſhould countervail, and be in value as all other things, and be accounted in Payments Satisfaction and Equiva­lency to all others: and this is called Money, of Gold, Silver, or other Metals. This uſe of Money is as old as Abraham, but it was not then Coyned, but only in Pieces unſtampt; and ſince by Authority of Princes, it was divided into great and ſmall Pieces, and into ſeveral and diſtinct Parts and Denominations, and Stampt or Coyned with ſeveral Characters, denoting the true Weight and Value of the ſame. This was done firſt by Servius in Rome, of Braſs, whereon was Imprinted the Image of Sheep and Oxen, be­tokening the Wealth and Riches of thoſe days: Ten of thoſe Pieces made a Denier, or Penny, and were called by Latins, Denarii. This was the Original of Money, which afterward came to be Coyned of Silver and Gold.

Secondly, The ſecond way is of Goods for Money, and this is termed Bargaining, or Buying and Sel­ling: This facilitates Merchandizing; and to prevent the Inconvenience and Danger of the Carriage of Money about a Man, another Medium was found, and that was,

Thirdly, Exchanging, which is of the giving of ſo much Money in one place to one, who ſhould cauſe it again to be repay'd in another place, by another for him. In all Exchanges there is concluded two Payments, two Places, and four diſtinct Perſons; viz.64 He that payeth in one place, and receiveth in ano­ther; and he that receiveth in the one place, and payeth in the other; and ſo no man can remit, ex­cept there be another to draw; nor can any receive, except there be another authorized to pay.

The firſt of theſe ways was taught to Mankind by neceſſity; the Second was ſound out to facilitate the Firſt, and the Third to facilitate the Second. Thus was the Original of Exchanges, to accommodate Com­merce, which was firſt practiſed without benefit or loſs, or any other conſideration, they uſing to pay the value of the very Sum received: but in time it came to be conſidered, that the Party paying, loſes time, and runs a hazard, and therefore it was held reaſonable that he ſhould have ſome benefit. Hence Exchanges are converted to an Art or Myſtery, Mo­neys being remitted for benefit, without ſo much reſpect to the end of its Original Inſtitution.

In the firſt ſort, the Merchant ought to know the Commodities delivered and received, the preſent va­lue of both the Quality; Viz. whether laſting or periſhable; the Property, viz. whether of Natural growth, or Artificial: And laſtly, the Quantity; Viz. whether plentiful or ſcarce, and in few Lands.

In the ſecond ſort, the ſame things are neceſſary, and alſo a knowledge how the Things are Bought and Sold, whether by Weight, as ponderous Goods; by Concave or long Meaſures, as Commodities of Length; or ſuch as are Solid or Liquid. A knowledge of Weights and Meaſures of the fineneſs, goodneſs, and currant value of Money, &c. A Merchant is to know what to bargain for, how to bargain, when to bargain, and with whom; which comprehends the knowledge of the Commodity, Weights, and Meaſures, proper Sea­ſons, and Credit of the Party bargained with.

In the third ſort, there is neceſſary a knowledge of65 the fineneſs, goodneſs, and currant value of the Princes Coyn, where the Remitter and Party receiving a­bide, a knowledge of the currant Rate of Ex­changing of the Par, or value for value, both accor­ding to the Standard of the Country, and according to the Valuation of the currant Coyn there paſſable. Then of the Ʋſance of the Place, and a knowledge of the Drawer and Receiver. As alſo the due manner and form of making of all Legal Intimations, Pro­teſts, and other ſuch needful Inſtruments, Circumstances, and Obſervations, as are requiſite upon default of payment, according to the ſtrict and ſolemn Rules required in a Bill of Exchange. Theſe General Heads are not to inſtruct Merchants, but to give a kind of a view of this Noble Calling to others that are Stran­gers to it.

More particularly in this Famous City, is a great number of Merchants, who for Wealth, for Stately Hou­ſes within the City in Winter, and without in Summer; for rich Furniture, plentiful Tables, honourable Li­ving; for great Eſtates in Money and Land, excel ſome Princes in ſome of our Neighbour Nations, a great many of whom have frequently born the Digni­ty of the Chief Magiſtracy of the City, and have been bountiful and very liberal Benefactors to the Publick, and other Pious Ʋſes.

The Merchants of London have been by divers Prin­ces of this Kingdom Incorporated into Societies and Companies, to encourage their Endeavours; and in reward of the Diſcoveries of the Trade of thoſe Coun­tries, whereof they take their Name, they have Power and Immunities granted them, to make Acts and Orders for the benefit of Commerce in general, and of their Companies in particular.

The Ancienteſt of theſe, called the Merchant Ad­venturers,66 have had their Original and Continuance ſince Edward the Firſt, grounded at firſt upon the Exportation of Wooll onely, the Prime and Staple Commodity of England; but now upon Cloathing, in­to which the Wooll is converted: That King removed the Staple out of Flanders, and allured over ſome Flemmings, which taught the Engliſh to make Cloth, ſo that they are now the beſt Clothiers or Cloth­workers in the World. And to encourage them, he Enacted in the Twenty ſeventh of his Reign, by Statute, that it ſhould be Felony to tranſport Woolls un­wrought. This Staple was afterwards removed to Calice, to inrich it; afterwards to Antwerp, Middle-borough, Stoad, Delph, Rotterdam, and Hamborough. It now includes all Drapery, and is go­vern'd beyond Sea by a Deputy and certain Aſſiſtants, and in England by a Governour, Deputy, and certain Aſſiſtants. Stow ſays, that the Company of Mer­chants called the Staple, were Incorporated by Ed­ward the Third, but the Merchant Adventurers by Ed­ward the Fourth.

The Company of Merchants of Levant, termed Turkey Merchants, were Incorporated by Queen Eli­zabeth, and had their Charter confirmed and enlar­ged by King James. They firſt made Diſcoveries in­to the Traffick of the Seigniory of Venice, and the Dominions of the Great Turk, having then the Privi­ledges of the Eaſt-Indian Traffick, the Navi­gation to us then unknown by Sea, but the Portugals knew it.

Now there is a great and Eminent Company that manage the Eaſt-India Trade, and by themſelves In­corporated in Queen Elizabeths time, Anno 1600. Im­ploying a joynt Stock; they have a great Capital, or Houſe, called the Eaſt-India-Houſe; by the ſaid67 Trade and Stock they have built many Warlike Ships, and brought all thoſe Indian Commodities to our Homes, which before were brought to us by other Nations; both which Companies (viz. the Levant and Eaſt-India) now ſupply our Land; and by their ſecond Tranſportation, many other Countries, with thoſe rich Merchandizes which Venetia, Turkey, Arabia, Perſia, China, and India yield; theſe have their re­ſpective Governours, to which are joyned certain Commiſſioners and Aſſiſtants.

The Company of Merchants of Ruſſia were Incorpo­rated by King Edward the Sixth, and their Charter confirmed and enlarged by Queen Elizabeth: as alſo the Company of Merchants of Ebbing, the Eaſt-Land Company,, the Green-Land Company, the Spa­niſh Company, the French Company of New Adven­turers, the Company of French Merchants. There is alſo the Merchants of Virginia, Bermu­das, or Summer Iſlands, the Affrican or Guiney Com­pany, &c.

Theſe Companies, beſides others not at all Incorpo­rated, being encouraged by ſundry Priviledges, go­vern themſelves by ſetled Acts and Orders, under cer­tain choſen Governours, Deputies, and a ſelected num­ber of Aſſiſtants, which have been found to be ſo pro­fitable to theſe Kingdoms, by Exporting the Native Commodities thereof, by ſetting the Poor on work, by building of many brave Ships, and by Importing hither of ſundry Neceſſaries both for Uſe and Orna­ment, that the benefit thereof cannot here be cer­tainly expreſſed: But for a taſte I ſhall tranſcribe one Inſtance from Mr. Lewis Roberts, in his Map of Com­merce, written near Fifty years ago, about the Le­vant Company in particular. It was found (ſays he, p. 295.) that inour laſt Voyage to Cales, and to the68 Iſle of Rhee, they were the Owners of Twenty great Sail of Ships, that ſerved in both thoſe Voyages; and it is probable that they are Owners of Thirty Sail more, which one with the other may contain 12 or 13000 Tuns of burden, 1200 Guns at leaſt, and about 4 or 5000 Saylers yearly, beſides Porters, Weighers, Barge-men, Lighter-men, Car-men, which cannot be leſs than 2 or 3000 more; and they pay above 50000 l. yearly Cuſtoms to the King, partly by Ex­portation of Cloth, Tin, and other Goods, and partly by Importation of Silks, Cottons, Galls, Grograms, Spices, Drugs, Currans, and other Levantine Commo­dities; which ſhews the great benefit of a well go­vern'd Trade. And we may well eſtimate, if it were ſo then, that 'tis much greater now; and that the benefit of theſe and the other Societies belonging to this City and Kingdom, is mighty conſiderable.

CHAP. XXIV. Excellent Directions to all Merchants, how to keep their Books of Accounts, after the moſt Accurate manner.

1. Money paid.WHen you pay any Money to any body, make the Perſon Debitor, and the Account of Caſh Creditor.

2. Money Received.For Money received, make the Account of Caſh Debitor, and the Perſon of whom it is received Cre­ditor.

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3. Goods bought for ready Money.When Goods are bought for ready Money, make the Account of Goods Debitor, and Caſh Creditor.

4. Goods ſold for ready Money.When Goods are ſold for ready Money, make the Account of Caſh Debitor, and the Goods Creditor.

5. Goods bought at time.When Goods are bought at time, then make the Account of Goods Debitor, and the Perſon of whom they are bought Creditor.

6. Goods ſold at time.When Goods are ſold at time, then make the Ac­count of the Perſon Debitor, and the Goods Creditor.

7. Goods bought one part at time, and the reſt for ready Money.Goods bought, one part for ready Money, and the reſt at time, muſt be divided in two parts; namely, Firſt, the Goods muſt be made Debitor for the whole Sum, and the Perſon to whom they are bought Cre­ditor: Secondly, as much as is paid in ready Money, you muſt make the perſon Debitor, and Caſh Cre­ditor.

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8. Goods ſold, one part for ready Money, and the reſt at time.Goods ſold, one part for ready Money, the reſt at time: Firſt, you muſt make the perſon Debitor for the whole Sum, and afterwards the Goods Creditor, then you muſt make the Caſh Debitor for ſo much as you receive in ready Money, and the perſon Credi­tor for the reſt.

9. Money paid for Goods before it be due.When you have bought any Goods at time, and afterwards you agree with the Perſon which ſold you the Goods to pay your Money before it be due, with rebating or diſcount, then you muſt make the Perſon Debitor, as followeth; viz. To Caſh for ſo much as you pay him, and to profit and loſs for the Rebate­ment, or allowance for the Diſcount.

10. Goods ſold in Barter for others.When you ſell Goods in Barter for others, then you muſt make the Goods which you receive Debi­tor to the Goods which you deliver.

Receive before you write, and write before you pay.
And ſo a good Account be ſure to keep you may.
A TABLE for finding out the day of the Month for ever, of daily uſe for TRADERS.
Sunday18152229
Mundayes29162330
Tueſdayes310172431
Wedneſdayes4111825 
Thurſdayes5121926 
Frydayes6132027 
Saturdayes7142128 
Munday1815222
Tueſdayes29162330
Wedneſdayes310172431
Thurſdayes4111825 
Frydayes5121926 
Saturdayes6132027 
Sundayes7142128 
Tueſday18152229
Wedneſdayes29162330
Thurſdayes310172431
Frydayes4111825 
Saturdayes5121926 
Sundayes6132027 
Mundayes7142128 
Wedneſday18152229
Thurſdayes29162330
Fridayes310172431
Saturdayes4111825 
Sundayes5121926 
Mundayes6132027 
Tueſdayes7142128 
Thurſday18152229
Frydays29162330
Saturdays310172431
Sundays4111825 
Mundays5121926 
Tueſdays6132027 
Wedneſdays7142128 
Fryday18152229
Saturdays29162330
Sundays310172431
Mundays4111825 
Tueſdays5121926 
Wedneſdays6132027 
Thurſdays7142128 
Saturday18152229
Sundays29162330
Mundays310172431
Tueſdays4111825 
Wedneſdays5121926 
Thurſdays6132027 
Frydays7142128 

KInd Reader, this Table readily ſhews the day of the Month for ever. Example, The firſt of February 1683. is on a Thurſday, and I would know what day of the Month the third Wedneſday in that Month is? I ſeek for the Square in this Ta­ble that begins with Thurſday, and in that Square look for Wedneſday, and againſt it I find 7, 14, 21, 28. which are all the Wedneſdays in that Monah, the third anſwering the Que­ſtion being the 21th. day of the Month. And ſo for any Day of any Month of any Year. The Figures under each Month ſhew the number of Days, but in Leap-years Feb. has 29 Days.

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CHAP. XXV. Directions to all Merchants, and other Dea­lers, giving them light into the method for entring of Goods Inwards or Outwards at the Cuſtom-houſe; how to get Bills of Lading ſigned, (with the Copy of a Bill of Lading) (with the Copy of a Policy of Aſſurance) Commiſſions, and Diſ­count.

SUppoſe you have 15 Bails of Cloth to Ship off for Turkey; your Cloth being ready packt, take the true Contents thereof, which carry to the Cuſtom-houſe, between the hours of 9 and 11 in the Morn­ing, and give in the ſame to the Clerks appointed, where you ſhall find ſuch care taken of Merchants, that from Man to Man the Clerks diſpatch you with­out any undue preference; and having found out the firſt, he directs you to the ſecond, and then he to the third, and ſo forwards, until you have the Com­miſſioners (or Farmers) Hands, and the Office-Seal; and this with ſuch order, that it is not imagi­nable for any man of any reaſon whatever, to be put beſide his Turn, but every man ſerved in due or der as his buſineſs comes to hand. And no Clerkwill demand more than his juſt Dues; if he doth, there is good Juſtice againſt him immediately, by com­plaining to the Commiſſioners (or Farmers) for the time being.

Having thus gotten your Coquet (which is a ſmall73 Piece of Parchment teſtifying the Payment of the Cuſtoms and all Duties for your 15 Bails of Cloth) you fetch your Cloth from the Packers, and having put on your Mark and Numbers, then you ſet the ſame Mark and Numbers on the back of your Coquet, mentioning the true Contents of each Bail; then go with your Goods to the Water-ſide; when you come there, you muſt deliver your Coquet to the Searcher, with his Fee, what he demands; and pay the Whar­fage and Portage of your Goods, and ſo Ship them in Boat, or Lighter, or Ship, as you are directed by your Maſter; if you ſend them by Boat or Lighter on board the Ship, you muſt order him that carries them, to bring you (before you pay him) a Receipt from the Maſter, his Mate, or Purſer, of receiving the ſaid Goods on board the Ship, which Receipt is com­monly in theſe words, or to this effect.

Received the 19th. of Auguſt, 1683. on board the Good Ship Aſia, 15 Bails of Cloth, marked and numbred as underneath; per me I. R. Purſer.

Num. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15.

This Note juſtifies the Water-mans delivering the Goods on board the Ship; and aſſoon as you have it, you muſt find out the Maſter of the Ship, and cauſe him to ſign you three Bills of Lading. A Bill of La­ding is an acknowledgment from the Maſter of the Ship for your Goods, with a promiſe to deliver them at the place he is bound for. A Copy of which here follows.

Shipped by the Grace of God in good order, and74 well conditioned by me I. P. in and upon the Good Ship, called the Aſia, whereof is Maſter, under God, for this preſent Voyage R. M. and now Riding at Anchor in the River of Thames, and by Gods Grace bound for Conſtantinople; To ſay, 15 Bails of Cloth, being Marked and Numbred as in the Margin; and are to be delivered in like good or­der and well conditioned, Numb 1, to 15. at the a­foreſaid Port of Conſtantinople (the dangers of the Sea only excepted) unto Mr. J. K. or to his Aſſigns, he or they paying Fraight for the ſaid Goods, two Lyon Dollars per Bail, with Primage and Avarage accuſtomed. In witneſs whereof, the Maſter or Purſer of the ſaid Ship hath affirmed to three Bills of La­ding, all of this Tenour and Date; the one of which three Bills being accompliſhed, the other two to ſtand void. And ſo God ſend the Good Ship to her deſired Port in ſafety: Amen. Dated in London, the 20th. of Auguſt, 1683. Inſide Contents not known, per me R. M.

The Maſter having ſigned you three Bills of La­ding, keeps one of them himſelf, and leaves the o­ther two with you; one of which you ſend away in­cloſed in a Letter to your Correſpondent, to whom the 15 Bails of Cloth are conſigned; the other you keep with you for a Teſtimony againſt the Maſter, if occaſion ſhall ſo happen, by loſſes or otherwiſe, whereby he may be forced to make ſatisfaction. Al­ſo the Bill of Lading which remains in your hand is of great concernment; for if in caſe the Goods are injured, and come to damage, or are loſt, the Inſu­rer will be forced by vertue of the ſame, to make you ſatisfaction for the ſaid loſs: for by the ſaid Bill it will appear, that ſuch and ſuch Goods were ſhipped75 in ſuch or ſuch a Ship, by ſuch or ſuch a one, and conſigned to ſuch or ſuch a place, to ſuch or ſuch a one. This for Goods Outwards.

But now for Goods that come into the Nation, you muſt, as near as you can, by your Letters and Facto­ries, gueſs at what quantity of Goods you have, and then go to the Cuſtom-houſe, and carry Money, and when you have the firſt Clerk, he will, as before, ſend you from Man to Man, until you have accompliſhed your buſineſs; and having paid your Money in the Morning, if you go to the Ship in the Afternoon, you will find there a Warrant for the delivering your Goods unto you.

Of Aſſurance.

Aſſurance is, when you are in any manner of fear of the Ship your Goods are in, or the danger of the Voy­age, or of Pyrats, &c. you then are willing to give another man a certain ſum of Money to put himſelf in your place; and if any danger ariſes, to pay you for the ſame Goods the value that you have aſſured. It is a thing hath been long in Cuſtom and Uſe amongſt Traders, and was eſtabliſhed by a Law under Claudius Caeſar, before the Birth of our Saviour Chriſt; it hath been much practiſed in all Trading Nations, and is a cauſe of great increaſe of Trade, becauſe that hazard is born by four or five with mutual conſent; which otherwiſe muſt fall upon one perſon. The nature of it is thus: Suppoſe you Ship 300 l. of Goods for Ja­maica, you being unwilling to run ſo great a hazard your ſelf; you go to the Aſſurance-Office, behind the Royal Exchange in London, and there acquaint the Clerk you would enſure 200 l. 250, or if you will the whole 300 l. (for you may enſure the whole, or any part)76 upon ſuch a Ship for ſo much Goods you have on board. The Clerk preſently ſpeaks to other men that are Merchants, that make it their Trade to enſure, and you agree with them at a price ſo much in the Hun­dred, and this is called Primo: In conſideration of this Primo, the man that is your Inſurer, runs all the ha­zard that can be imagined, until your Goods arrive ſafe at Jamaica. Before you pay the Primo, you have a Policy of Inſurance ſign'd by the man or men you a­gree withal; for you may deal with 2, 3, or 4, to un­der-write for you ſeveral Sums: This Policy of In­ſurance ought to be Copied in the Office of Aſſurance, in a Book kept there for that purpoſe, and for which you pay a certain Sum unto the Clerk or Clerks, ſit­ting at that time. In the Policy is expreſt the Name of the Perſon that cauſeth himſelf to be Enſured, the Place he Enſures for, the Ship, the Maſters Name, the ſum of Mony, the dangers you are Enſured from, and how long that laſteth, with the Name of the Party or Parties, that Enſure or under-write the Policy for you. As ſuppoſe you would Enſure 200 l. of the above mentioned 300 l. for Jamaica, on the Triſton Frigat, Ayry Saunders Maſter, the Ship being yet in the River of Thames, or under Sail, ſuch Aſſurance is drawn up as followeth.

The Copy of a Policy of Aſſurance.

In the Name of God, Amen. I, E. H. of London, Mer­chant, as well in his own Name, as for and in the Name and Names of all and every other Perſon and Perſons to whom the ſame doth, may, or ſhall apper­ain in part, or in all, doth make Aſſurance, and cau­ſeth himſelf, and them, and every of them, to be In­ſured, loſt or not loſt, from the Port of London, to the77 Port of Port Royal in Jamaica, upon any kind of Goods and Merchandize whatſoever, Laden, or to be Laden abroad the good Ship, called the Triſton Frigat of London, burden of 5 hundred Tuns, or thereabouts, whereof is Maſter under God for this preſent Voyage, A.S. or whoſoever elſe ſhall go for Maſter in the ſaid Ship, or by whatſoever other Name or Names, the ſame Ship, or the Maſter is, or ſhall be named or cal­led, beginning the Adventure upon the ſaid Goods and Merchandize, from and immediately following the Loading thereof aboard the ſaid Ship at the Port of London, and ſo ſhall continue and endure, until the ſaid Ship with the ſaid Goods and Merchandizes whatſoever ſhall be arrived at Port Royal aforeſaid, and the ſame there ſafely Landed: And it ſhall be lawful for the ſaid Ship in this Voyage, to ſtop and ſtay at any Ports or places between London and Port Royal, without prejudice to this Inſurance; the ſaid Goods or Merchandizes by agreement is, and ſhall be valued at Three Hundred Pounds Sterling, without further account to be given for the ſame. Touching the Ad­ventures and Perils which we the Aſſurers are con­tented to beat, and do take upon us in this Voyage, are of the Seas, Men of War, Fire, Enemies, Pyrats, Ro­vers, Thieves, Jettezones, Letters of Mart, and Coun­ter-Marts, Surpriſals, Takings at Sea, Reſtraints, and Detainments of all Kings, Princes and People, of what Nation, Condition, or Quality ſoever, Arreſts, Barra­try of the Maſter and Mariners, and of all other Perils, Loſſes, and Misfortunes, that have, or ſhall come to the hurt, damage, or detriment of the ſaid Goods and Merchandize, or any part thereof. And in caſe of any Loſs or Misfortune, it ſhall be lawful to the Aſſured, his, or other Factors and Servants, and Aſſign, to ſue, labour, and travel for, in, and about the defence, re­covery78 and ſafeguard of the ſaid Goods and Merchan­dizes, or any part thereof, without prejudice to this Inſurance: To the Charges whereof we the Aſſurers wiil contribute each one, according to the rate and quantity of his Sum herein aſſured. And it is agreed by us the Inſurers, that this writing and Aſſurance ſhall be of as much force and effect, as the ſureſt Poli­cy, or Writing of Aſſurance heretofore made in Lum­bard-ſtreet, or now within the Royal Exchange, London. And ſo we the Aſſurers are contented; and do here­by promiſe, and bind our ſelves each one for his own part, our Heirs, Executors, and Goods, to the Aſſured, his Executors, Adminiſtrators and Aſſigns, for the true performance of the Premiſes, acknowledging our ſelves paid the Conſideration due unto us for this Aſ­ſurance by E.H. at the Rate of Three Pounds per Hun­dred Pound Sterling. In witneſs whereof, we the Aſ­ſurers have ſubſcribed our Names, and Sums: Aſſu­red in London.

I, R.O. am content with this Aſſurance, for the ſum of One hundred pounds,
I, M. P. am content with this Aſſurance, for the ſum of One hundred pounds,

This is the Copy of an Aſſurance for Goods Out­wards: But ſuppoſe you receive Advice this laſt Poſt, that you have 200 Hogſheads of Jamaica Sugar, Shipt for your Account on board the Friendſhip, Captain Francis Bartholomew Commander from Jamaica: If you have a mind to Inſure it, you muſt go to the Office, and agree with the Inſurers what you ſhall give them for Inſurance, and then get your Policy made and ſigned by them, and pay them the Primo, and cauſe your Policy to be entred, and the Work is79 the ſame as for Goods Outwards, only you alter the Ships and Maſters Name, and mention that it comes home, inſtead of going out.

Other Aſſurances are made upon Goods that are ſent by Waggon or Cart, &c. by Land, from all Rob­bers or Thieves, &c. Other Aſſurances are made up­on the Lives of Men and Women, at a Rate that is moderate. For by this means if you buy any Place or Office that is worth 100 l. or more, or leſs, and you have not money enough to purchaſe it, you borrow 4 or 500 l. Now if you die, and are not in a condition to pay this money, it is loſt: But if you Enſure your Life, then your Friend that you did borrow it of, will have his money honeſtly paid him.

Some Aſſurances are likewiſe made on the Heads of men; as if a man going for the Streights, and per­haps is in ſome fear that he may be taken by Moors or Turkiſh Pyrats, and ſo made a Slave, for the Redem­ption of whom a Ranſom muſt be paid; he may (ere he goes on Ship-board) go to the Inſurance Office, and advance a Premio accordingly upon a Policy of Aſ­ſurance; And if he be taken into Slavery in the Voy­age, the Aſſurer, or Aſſurers muſt anſwer the Ranſom that is ſecured to be paid on the Policy.

Of Factors and Commiſſions.

A Factor is a Servant, created by a Merchants Let­ters, to buy and ſell Goods for another mans account, and receives a certain Sallery (called Factorage, or Commiſſion) for his pains, but is not to run any man­ner of Risk or Hazard, if the Goods be loſt, or burnt, or any Accident happen, he is not to bear it; and for the bad Debts (if there happen any) the Factor is not to bear it, unleſs he goes contrary to his Order80 that doth employ him; then in ſuch caſes the Factor is to bear the loſs, and not the Proprietor. As ſup­poſe you have advice of a parcel of Spices coming on board ſuch a Veſſel for you to diſpoſe of, for the account of a Merchant at Amſterdam, and the Goods do not come to your hands, but periſh at Sea, that is nothing to you: But if they come to your hands, and you have a true order from him for the entring of the ſame, and paying the Cuſtom, ſhould of your own head, or by any Accident or miſtake, en­ter the Goods falſe, and the ſame ſhould be ſeized, the loſs would lie at your door; or if he orders you not to ſell theſe Goods but for ready Money, and you ſell them for one Month, or for any time, and the Debt become bad, it will be at your door. And ſo in the buying any manner of Goods, if the Goods be not according to order, the man may refuſe them when he hath received them, and the dammage ſhall fall upon you.

And as Fidelity, Diligence, and Honeſty are ex­pected from the Factor, ſo the Law requires the like from the Principal; judging the act of one to be the act of the other: Therefore if a Merchant ſhall remit counterfeit Jewels to his Factor, who ſells and diſpoſes them for valuable conſiderations, as if they were right, if the Factor receives any loſs or pre­judice thereby, by Impriſonment or other puniſh­ment, the Principal ſhall not only make good the Damage to the Factor, but alſo render Satisfaction to the Party damnified: And ſo it was adjudged, where one How was poſſeſt of three counterfeit Jewels, and having Factors in Barbary, and know­ing one Southern, a Merchant, was Reſident on the Place, conſigns thoſe Jewels to his Factor, who re­ceiving them, intreated Southern to ſell thoſe Jewels81 for him, telling him that they were good Jewels: Whereupon Southern, not knowing they were coun­terfeit, ſold them to the King of Barbary, for 800 l. (they being worth really but 100 l.) and delivered the Money to the Factor; who remitted the ſame to How. The King of Barbary, not long after, finding himſelf cozened, committed Southern to Priſon till he had repay'd the 800 l. Whereupon Southern com­ing for England, brought his Action againſt How, and had Judgment to recover his damage.

The Satisfaction that Factors have for their pains in buying and ſelling, is called Commiſſion or Facto­rage, which is done at ſeveral Prices in ſeveral Pla­ces, according to the cuſtom of the Country: In ſome Countries they take 8 and 10 per Cent. as at Barbadoes, Jamaica, Virginia, and moſt of thoſe Weſtern Parts: In others and three per Cent. as generally throughout all Italy; two per Cent. as in France, Spain, Portugal. &c. per Cent. as in Hol­land, and in other places: but the generality only take throughout Europe, 2 per Cent.

Of Diſcount.

Diſcount is when you ſell a parcel of Goods at three months time, and a day or two after, the Buyer comes and tells you he is willing to pay you the mony preſently, if you will allow him the Diſcount, which is generally after the rate of 6, or 8, or 10 per Cent. per Annum, as you can agree with him; and to be ſure the Buyer will look to your neceſſity of mony in com­pounding for the rate of Diſcount, and take the ad­vantage thereof for a greater abatement than ordina­ry: So that I have known ſome, who having ſold a parcel of Goods amounting to 400 l. at three months time, and the Buyer perceiving the Sellers neceſſities82 of mony to be great, have brought him to Diſcount 6 months at the rate of 10 per Cent. per Annum, ſo that for the 400 l. which would have been paid at the end of 3 months, there was paid but 380 l. down. But for my part, I either think ſuch ſellers caſe near deſperate (that compound at ſo large a rate of Diſ­count) or elſe that he hath over-reacht his Chapman in the Goods ſold him.

But though this be often found amongſt ſome In­feriour Merchants, or whole-ſale-men (to abate ſolarge­ly for Diſcount) yet it is not the general courſe of Diſcount practiſed amongſt Merchants and Dealers that value their reputations; who projecting to tranſ­act all affairs that ſome profit may reſult, did with very good reaſon, condeſcend to a competent abate­ment for prompt payment of monies: (that ſome pro­fit might redound to the party paying) which abate­ment is properly called Diſcount; and is thus under­ſtood and calculated between Merchant and Merchant; Suppoſe A. is to receive of B. 200 l. ſix months hence, B. offers to pay A. preſently, if he will Diſcount at 6 per Cent. per Annum, A. condeſcends, and they agree. Now to know what A. muſt allow B. for Diſcount, do thus. Firſt reduce your 200 l into Pence; the Product will be 48000 Pence; then multiply thoſe Pence by 6, the number of months to be diſcounted for, the Product will be 288000, which divide by 200, and the quantity of time that is to be allowed, both which make 206 for your Diviſor, the Quotient will be 1398 6 / 103 Pence, which reduct into Shillings, is 116 s. 6 d. 6 / 103 parts of a peny; this reduct into Pounds, makes 5-16-6 6 / 103 and ſo much muſt be abated out of the 200 l. for the 6 months Diſcount, and no more, according to the true method received amongſt Merchants. And the reaſon of it is this; be­cauſe83 if you allow 6 l. then you allow the full Intereſt of 200 l. for 6 months; but you do not receive 200 l. and wherefore then ſhould you allow the Intereſt for 200 l.? You muſt only allow the Intereſt of what you do receive, which is 196 l.

The aforeſaid Rule is not only true for any even Sum to be Diſcounted, but for any old broken Sum, always remembring to add the number of months to be Diſcounted for, to 200, and let that be your Di­viſor.

CHAP. XXVI. Of Cuſtoms, Subſidies, and Impoſitions, paid upon Commodities: This may be of dayly uſe for Merchants.

WHereas Cuſtoms, Subſidies, Impoſitions, Toles Exciſes, Impoſts, and other duties, by the exemplary Actions of Princes, and Common-Weals, are due by the Law of Nations, as a matter inherent to their Prerogatives, becauſe they are abſolute Com­manders in their Harbours, Havens, and Ports, where Commodities are exported; every Merchant is bound to take notice thereof, and to obſerve the ſame ac­cording to the ordinances and proceedings uſed there­in, in all Countries reſpectively, to avoid the danger of the loſs and forfeiture of his Commodities, and to make a true calculation how to buy and ſell to profit; obſerving how much upon the hundred pounds in value of his Commodities (rated by the orders of di­vers84 Countries) the ſame amounteth unto, and to add the ſame with the charges upon Commodities, to the price whereat the ſaid Commodities were brought, as well in his Native Country, as in other Countries where he doth traffick and trade.

In Ruſſia, Denmark, and Sweden, the Cuſtom and Ordinance is; if a Merchant do not declare all his Commodities, which he importeth or exporteth, but concealeth ſome part of them, all the Commodities of that kind are forfeited to the Prince; and he ſhall find but ſmall favour to redeem them.

In Spain, and other Dominions of the King of Spain the Commodities concealed are only forfeited; unleſs they be prohibited and unlawful Goods.

In England, Scotland, and Ireland, is the like; and only the Goods concealed are forfeited, and may be had again upon reaſonable compoſition: For the Sta­tute Law giveth Authority to the Officer who maketh the ſeizure, that upon Licence ſued forth to com­pound, he may do it ſafely for his part, which is the one moyety; and for the other moyety which is the Kings, Merchants are graciouſly dealt withal, by the Judges or Barons of the Kings Exchequer, or others thereunto Authoriſed: Inſomuch that it hath happen­ed that ſome Merchants relying upon this favourable dealing, have adventured to expoſe their Commodi­ties unto the forfeiture thereof; being Commodities which pay much Cuſtom and Impoſition: as Cam­bricks, Lawns, Tobacco, Cocheneale, Venice Gold; Thred, and other things, becauſe they were (in a manner) aſſured to make compoſition under the ſum which they were to pay for Cuſtom and Impoſition.

In France, and Germany, ishe••like for concealed Commodities, which are not declared in the Cuſtom-houſe; and Jewels, and precious Stones; and Pearis,85 are freed of Cuſtom. And ſo it was in England, un­til of late Years, ſince the Cuſtoms were taken to Farm, and yet they pay but three per Cent. of the value of their appraiſement, to be rated by the Offi­cers of the Cuſtom-houſe at London. But if any Mer­chant or Jeweller bring over any Jewels, or precious Stones and Pearls, he is to declare them to the Offi­cers or Waiters of the Place where he Landeth, other­wiſe they will be ſeized (by water or land) as for­feited to the King; wherein more ſtrict dealing hath been uſed of late, ſince the King hath letten to Farm his moyety of the Seizures. So that firſt of all the Cuſtom of concealed Goods muſt be paid, before any compoſition be made; next the Compoſition being made, then may the Informer be agreed withal. And no Commodities can be delivered upon ſecurity to the owner, as formerly by the Law was accuſtomed to be done; but they muſt remain in ſome ſufficient Cuſtody until the matter be tryed by Law, or com­pounded by Agreement. But prohibited Commodi­ties (as Allom and other things) by Letters Patents and Proclamation, the poſſeſſion may be had, upon ſecurity to be given to anſwer the value thereof, ac­cording to the appraiſement made of them. And theſe Commodities (if the Maſter of the Ship do not declare them upon his Entry made in the Cuſtom-houſe upon his Oath, are alſo ſubject to the Forfei­ture, although they come conſigned unto a Merchant or Factor unawares, by another Merchant that knew not that ſuch Commodities were prohibited to be im­ported. The like is for a Merchant ſhipping out un­lawful Wares but herein he may have intelligence by the Cuſtomer, before he do lay them upon the Water to be ſhipped. Again, if a Merchant carry mo­ney by Water down to Graveſend, with an Intention86 to beſtow the ſame in Bays at Sandwich, or in other Commodities atanterbury; he is firſt to declare the ſame in the Searchers Office, or elſe the Money is loſt, and three times the value upon Information. For no mony of Gold or Silver, or any foreign Coyn or Plate brought into the Kingdom can be tranſport­ed; only for Paſſengers expences, ſome four or five pounds may be carried out. But for Commodities brought in, which have paid Cuſtom, the ſame may be Shipped out again by Coquet, without paying any more Cuſtom and Impoſition; ſo it be done upon good Certificate, that it is the ſame Commodity, and that the property thereof is not altered; and this muſt be done within ſix months after their Importation.

All Merchants Ships being laden, have always (time out of mind) been permitted to break bulk below, or at Tilbury-Hope, and to pay no Cuſtom, but for the Goods they brought up, or Landed in England, and not for the Goods which they did Tranſport in the ſaid Ship, or in any other Veſſel or Ship: which priviledge and certainty of Merchants Cuſtom ought to be ſeriouſly obſerved, better than it hath been of late. And of this and other obſervations, Merchants and Factors are to give notice to their Friends and Maſters, to the end they do not incur any danger, which (to avoid in ſome ſort) is effected by entring the Goods upon ſight of the Cuſtomers view, by o­pening of them.

In Barbary and other places, where the Cuſtoms are paid in kind or ſpecies, if any part be concealed and not entred, that only will be forfeited; and yet the loſs is greater, becauſe they will make choice of the beſt: As for example, Suppoſe a Merchant doth enter divers ſorts of Linnen Cloth, and concealeth ſome pieces; the Officers will take both the tenth piece for87 the Cuſtom, and all the concealed pieces of the beſt and fineſt ſorts, to your exceeding great loſs.

In the Low-Countries and Germany, as alſo in moſt places of Italy and Turkey, you ſhall only forfeit the Goods concealed, and be permitted to compound for them as you can agree, wherein the Circumſtances in ſome places will be conſidered, and the manner how the error grew, or whether it were done with a ſet purpoſe.

There are alſo in divers places allowances made (as in England) upon Wines in regard of Leakage of ten or fifteen upon the hundred, or elſe all the Butts and Pipes are to be filled up, and ſo to pay accordingly; wherein the time of the Voyage, foul weather, and other accidents are to be conſidered, to make your compoſition thereafter.

Upon Clothes to be Shipped out, there is allowance made of the tenth Cloth for a Wrapper, which payeth no Cuſtom: and ſo of all other Woollen Commodi­ties, which payeth after the rate; as three Northern Kerſies for a Cloth, four Devonſhire Kerſies, two ſin­gle Dozens, one double Dozen, ſix Cardinals, Pin­whites, Statutes, Stockbridges, Straits, and Tavi­ſtocks, four Corniſh Dozens, Pennyſtones unfriezed, Iſland Dozens, and Northern Plains for one Cloth, two Bridgwaters, Corniſh and Devonſhire double Dozens, Florentines, Northern Dozens ſingle, and Pennyſtones for a Cloth, to be underſtood for a ſhort Cloth coloured, or white of twenty and four yards long, weighing 60 l. unto 64 l. whereof Engliſh Cu­ſtom was a Noble, and the Merchant-ſtrangenr thirteen ſhillings and four pence, whereunto is added the anci­ent Cuſtom heretofore paid by the Merchants of the Steel-yard oHaunce-Towns, being 14 pence, ſo toge­ther 14 s. 6 d. a Cloth, beſides the over length of 3 d. ¼88 the yard; which is of late compriſed in the new Im­poſition of the pretermitted Cuſtom for weighing of Cloths, at two pence the pound: ſo that a ſhort Cloth paid in times paſt a Noble, and now ten ſhillings, be­ſides the overlength, according to the weight, after the ſaid rate at two pence for the pound: All which the Merchant-ſtranger payeth double.

Alſo whereas of late years, ſince the Cuſtoms were letten to farm, all Commodities, as Sugars, Spices, Raiſins of the Sun, and others are weighed, and there­upon the Tare for the Cask or Cheſt is to be allowed, and ſo the Cuſtom is paid. There ought good allow­ance to be made for the ſaid Tare, becauſe many Commodities being unladed, and having taken the moiſture of the Seas, increaſeth the weight of their Caſk; ſo that Merchants pay many times Cuſtom for that which they have not, by the ſtrict dealing of Officers contrary to Equity and Juſtice, if they do not warily look to their affairs, wherein the Officers may alſo be excuſed.

Now to conclude touching Cuſtoms, we muſt con­ſider what they may amount unto upon the Hundred, according to which, Merchants are to caſt up their Accounts for benefit and loſs, as aforeſaid.

The Cuſtom in England (called Parva Cuſtuma) was three pence upon every pound, that the Com­modities are rated in the Cuſtom Book, which is paid by Merchants Strangers, now altered paying ſix pence.

The Subſidy or Poundage is paid by all Merchants of what Nation ſoever, which is 12 d. upon all Com­modities brought in. And for Cloth exported 6 s. 8 d. for Engliſh Merchants, and Merchants Strangers double.

The new Impoſition eſtabliſhed in the year 1608, is alſo 12 d. upon all Commodities imported, and up­on89 ſome Commodities exported is limited; ſo that Cuſtom and Subſidy in England is 12 ½ upon the 100 for Merchants Strangers: Beſides Butleridg or Sca­vage, almoſt one per Cent. more for Goods inward; and for Engliſh Merchants is ten upon the hundred.

The Impoſt upon Wines is limited upon the Butt, Pipe, Hogſhead, as by the Book of Rates, with the Compoſition-money, and other Duties.

In Spain and Portugal they take after divers rates for Commodities, ſome 1 / 10 or 1 / 15 and twenty five upon the hundred, eſteemed to be one with another unquinto or part, or 20 per Cent. with the Alcavalla taken from Brokeridge to ſell them. In Barbary ſe­ven per Cent. aboard.

The Turk taketh part as the Aegyptians. The Ve­netians take 3, 5, 7, and 10, upon the hundred with great adviſement, and upon the Manufactures of o­ther Nations 14, 15, and more. And the like is is done in France to advance the Handy-craftſman.

The great Impoſts demanded in the year 1604 by Philip the Third, King of Spain (of 30 upon the 100) of French, Engliſh and Flanders Commodities, was ſoon aboliſhed, when the French King, Henry the Fourth, did the like: for one extream enforcing a­nother, is of ſmall continuance.

CHAP. XXVII. An Exact and True Table of the Fees of the Chief or Head-Searcher, and of his Majeſties five Ʋnder-Sear­chers in the Port of London; Eſtabliſhed by the Commons in Parliament, Anno 14 Car. 2. Collected for the benefit of all Perſons as well Mer­chants, as others, Trading in the Port of London.

 s.d.
SPain, Portugal, the Streights, Weſt-Indies, Guinney, or the Weſtern-Iſlands. 0600
Eaſt-India1000
All other Engliſh Ships into Foreign Parts0400
For every Strangers Ship or Bottom0608

The lawful Fees due to His Majeſties five Ʋnder-Sear­chers that attend at London.

Engliſh and Aliens.
For every Certificate for ſhipping out Goods formerly Imported0200
But if half the Subſidy to be received back, amounts but to forty ſhillings, then0100
To be paid by Engliſh and Aliens for Goods that pay Subſidy, and paſs out by Coquet or Warrant.
Pipe, Puncheon, or Butt0004
Hogſhead or Bag0002
Tin, the Block or Barrel0001
Beer-eager, Wood of all ſorts, Copperas, Allom, and ſuch groſs Goods, the Tun0004
Corn the Laſt, Sea-Coal the Chaldron, Beer the Tun, Lead the Fodder0002
The Maund, Fat, or Pack0006
The Bundle, Bale, Cheſt or Caſe0003
Raiſins and Figs, the twenty Frails or Barrels0003
Butter and ſuch Goods the Barrel0002
For every Coſt Certificate or Cocquet0100
Tranſires for the Coaſt, free0000
For every Horſe, Mare or Gelding0100
For certifying every Debenture for re­ceiving back half Subſidy, &c. 0006
91
 s.d.
For every piece of Ordnance0100
For the Endorſement of every Cocquet0100
For every Certificate out of their Books, of Goods loſt at Sea, taken by Pirates, or return'd whereby ſo much may be ſhip­ped Cuſtom-free0100
For every Bill of Sufferance, or Bill of Store above ten Shillings in the Book of Rates0100
If under0006
The Fardle or Truſs by Engliſh of three hundred weight or upwards0006
Woollen-Cloth, the Bale not exceeding five Cloths or three hundred weight, Stuffs, Bays or Says0003
Merchant-Strangers, Ʋnfreemen of London, or ſuch as ſhip on Strangers Ships or Veſſels.
The Fardle or Truſs0100
The Bale0006
Signed by vertue of an Order from the Houſe of Com­mons, Dated May 17. 1662 E. Turner

CHAP. XXVIII. Of the Commodities of all Countries, where­by Commerce is maintained, a thing ne­ceſſary to be known by all Merchants, &c.

The Commodities of Great Britain, containing the Kingdoms of England and Scotland, and the Do­minion92 of Wales, are rich and Staple Wares and ve­ry abundant, with a continual increaſe, namely:

Wooll-Cloths of all ſorts, broad and narrow, long and ſhort, called and known by the Names of ſeveral Shires, being 250000 Cloths made yearly, beſides the new Draperies of Perpetuanaes, and the like Commo­dities.

Tin, wrought and unwrought, above twelve hun­dred thouſand pounds yearly.

Lead tranſported and uſed; above eight thouſand Fodders every year.

Alloms made in abundance, above ſeven hundred Tuns yearly.

Copperas made according to the quantity uſed, ſome 250 Tuns yearly.

Iron of all ſorts, ſetting 800 Furnaces on work.

Iron Ordnance, or Caſt-pieces, according to occa­ſion made.

Wools and Woolfels and Calve-ſkins in great quan­tity, and Cony-ſkins,

Stockings of all ſorts of Silk, Wool and Yarnſey, Yarn and Wool.

Buffins, Mocadoes, Grograins, Sattins, Calaman­co's, Velvets, Worſteds, Serges, Fuſtians, Durance, Tukes, and all other Norwich Wares and Stuffs.

Saffron the beſt that can be found in any Country.

Glaſs and Glaſſes of all ſorts, Venice-Gold, Sea-Cole, and Salt.

Scotch-Cole, Wheat, Barly, and all kind of Grains in both Kingdoms.

Linnen-Cloth and all Ironmongers Wares, Hides, Tallow, Leather dreſt and undreſt, Trayn-Oyl, Sal­mons, Pilchards, Herrings, Hake, Conger, Red-Her­ring, Hops, Woad, Butter, Cheeſe, Beer, Salt-petre and Gun-powder, Hony and Wax, Alabaſter, and many other Stones

93

The Commodities of the Kingdom of Ireland, are

WOolls, Fells, Yarn, Furrs, Flax, Linnen-Cloth, Hides, Tallow, Hemp, Hony, Wax, Herrings, Cods, Hake-fiſh, Salmons, Eels, Rugs, Mantles, Iriſh Cloth, Pipeſtaves, Iron and Lead, Wheat and all kind of Grain, Salt-Beef, Butter and Cheeſe, and many Manufactures.

The Commodities of the Kingdom of France, are

WInes, Prunes, Canvas, Linnen-Cloth, Salt, Vel­vets, Raw-Silk, and divers Stuffs of Silk, Buckrams, Boxes with Combs, Paper, playing Cards, Glaſs, Grain to di, Rozen, Wheat, and all kind of Grain Corn.

The Commodities of Spain and Portugal, are

WOolls, Madera-Sugar, Almonds, Wines, Oyls, Anniſeeds, Anchovies, Bayberries, Bariglia, Figs, Raiſins, Trayn-Oyl, Iron, Oranges, Lemons, Sumack, Saffron, Sope, Coriander, Cork, Liquoras, Woad, and the Commodities of the Weſt-Indies, Sugar of Brazil, Fernandebuck-Wood, Tobacco, and other Commodities

The Commodities of Italy, and certain Iſlands.

VEnice-Gold, Velvets, Sattins, Cyprus, Silks, Cloth of Gold and Silver, Cottons, Fuſtians, Wines, Cur­rans, Cloves, Raſhes, Rice, Sarcenets, Raw Silk, Al­loms, and Vitriol, Glaſſes, and other Manufactures.

The Commodities of Germany, and Places adjoyning,

WOolls, Argol, Steel, Lattin, Copper, Iron, and all kind of Manufacture made of them; Cop­peras, Alloms, Lead, Fuſtians, Paper, Linnen-Cloth,94 Quickſilver, Bell-mettal, Tin, Rheniſh Wines, and Mather.

The Commodities of Eaſtland, and thereabouts.

AShes, Bowſtaves, Cables, Canvas, Buff-hides, Flax, Hemp, Hony, Wax, Stock-fiſh, Spruce, Iron, Match, Wheat, Rye, Meal, Woolls, Wainſcot, Pitch and Tar, and Linnen-Cloth, Cordage and Ropes

The Commodities of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden

WHeat, Rye, Woolls, Deals, Clap-boards, Pipe­ſtaves, Maſts, Wainſcot, Copper, Timber, Fiſh and Furrs, Alloms in ſome places.

The Commodities of Ruſſia.

TAllow, Hides, Caveare, abundance of rich Furrs, Black Fox, Martins, Sables, and the like: Hony, Wax, Cables, Ropes and Cordage.

The Commodities of Barbary.

GOat-ſkins, Almonds, Dates, Aneale, Gum, Fea­thers, Salt-petre, Gold plentifully: And from Guinea, Hides, Elephant-teeth and Grain.

The Commodities of the Low-Countries.

TApeſtry, Battery-work, Steel, Cambricks, Lawns, Hops, Mather, Butter, Cheeſe, Grograms, Bo­zatoes, Chamblets, Mocadoes, Bruſhes, Tape, Linnen-Cloth, Pots, Bottles, Wheat, Rye, Salt, Chimny-backs, Blades, Horſes, Sope, Fiſh, Herrings, Cods, Ling, and many things; as Diaper, Smalt, Hoops of Iron.

The Commodities of the Weſt-Indies.

FRom the Low-Country beginning the Weſt-India Trade, let us ſet down the Commodities of it, ſeeing that the States of the Ʋnited Provinces have made lately a Society of Merchants, bearing Date the95 ninth of June, 1621. wherein other Nations may be Adventurers, as by their Letters Patents appeareth; prohibiting all other their Subjects or Inhabitants, that they ſhall not Trade from the ſaid Countries, nor out, or from any other Kingdom and Country whatſoever, unto the Coaſts and Countries of Africa, from Tropicus Cancri along to the Cape of Bona Speran­za, neither in the Countries of America, from the ſouth end of Magellanes le Mary, and other Straits, to the Straits of Anian on every ſide, Nova Guinea included, upon forfeiture of the Ships and Goods, and all their poſſeſſions, within their Juriſdiction and Command, and Arreſts of their Perſons, unleſs they be of the ſaid Company made and eſtabliſhed for the Weſt-India Trade.

Gold and Silver, Cocheneal, Sugars, rich Indico, Donnigo, Ginger, Pearls, Emeraulds, Hides, Cam­peche or Logwood, Salſaparilla, Tobacco, Canafiſtu­la, Cocuſ-wood, Lignum vitae, Cotton-wooll, Salt, and ſome other Drugs for Phyſick or dying of Stuffs. And this may ſuffice for a declaration of the principal Com­modities of moſt Countries.

CHAP. XXIX. Of Docks.

THeſe Docks or Harbours are cut into the Land without further Current, and are uſeful for the convenient lying of Veſſels, Hoys, Lighters, Barges, Boats, &c. in order to the convenient delivery of Proviſion, Victuals, Fuel, &c. to the adjacent In­habitants. They are in number very many. Some96 of the chief are Scotland-Dock, adjoyning to White-hall, White-Fryars-Dock, Puddle-Dock, at the Weſt-end of Thames Street. Queen-Hithe-Dock a place of much Trade for ground Corn, or Meal, which is brought out of the Weſt Country thither in great quantities; Billings-Gate-Dock, a place of great Trade, and where Ships of conſiderable Bur­then may harbour. Sabbs-Dock, Tower-Dock, St. Katherines-Dock, Hermitage-Dock, Execution-Dock; which though it be of latter years fitted up, retains to this day the former name, which it recei­ved becauſe it was the only place for Executing Pyrats and Sea-Robbers, which is uſually done by Hanging them on a Gibbet Erected at low-water-mark. Limehouſe-Dock, And on the South-ſhore are, Clinck-Dock, and St. Saviours-Dock There are beſides theſe, many Docks for private uſes, as for repairing of Ships and Veſſels, which we omit.

Under this Head of Trade, and in this place, it may not be improper to give a brief Account of the Porters of London, who are not incorporate Compa­nies, but Brotherhoods; whoſe Original and Go­vernment are by Acts of Common-Council. They are of two ſorts.

1. Ticket-Porters, who take up, weigh, load and houſe all Merchants Goods; as Cloth, Fruit, Sugars, Oyls, Wines, Metals, &c. and have to their Gover­nour, Sir Thomas Allen: Theſe are very numerous; their Quarteridge is 4 d. each.

2. Fellowſhip-Porters. To theſe belong the ſhoring or landing, houſing, carrying or recarrying all meaſurable Goods, as Corn, Salt, Coals, &c. Their chief Governour, is the Alderman of Billings-Gate-Ward, who is at preſent Sir John Peak. Theſe are in number about 700, and their Quarteridge is 12 d.97 each. Theſe and the former have very good Go­vernment and Orders among themſelves, and before any is admitted to that Employ among them, they pay a Fine. The Ticket-Porters give good ſecuri­ty for their Honeſty, and Fidelity, ſo that no more need be done, but to take notice of his name, which is ſtampt on his Ticket that hangs at his Girdle, and repairing to their Governour, ſatisfaction may be had for any wrong or misbehaviour, &c.

There is a very remarkable Cuſtom among the Fellowſhip-Porters, as an ingenious Perſon that be­longs to their Society informed me, which is thus:

The next Sunday after every Midſummer-day, they have a Sermon preached to them, ſo ordered by an Act of Common-Council, in the Pariſh-Church of St. Mary-on-the-Hill, preparative to which this Order is obſerved; they furniſh the Merchants and their Families about Billings-Gate with Noſegays or Poſies over Night, and in the Morning they go from their Common-Hall, or place of Meeting, in good Order, each having a Poſie or Noſegay in his hand; they walk through the middle Iſle to the Communion-Table, where are two baſons; and every one offers ſomething to the relief of the Poor, and towards the Charges of the day. After they have all paſt, the Deputy, the Merchants, their Wives, Children and Servants, do all come in Order from their Seats, and beſtow their Offerings alſo; which is a Ceremony of much variety. I am certainly informed, that the very charges of their Noſegays coſt them in one year, not long ago, near 20 l.

98

CHAP. XXX. Of Money and Gold.

Of Hebrew Money.

  • A Mite three parts of one C.
  • A Quadrans, or Farthing, 2 mites
  • An Aſſary, or Farthing, half penny farthing.
  • A Gerah, or piece of Money, penny half penny.
  • A Drachm, or penny, ſeven pence half penny.
  • A Didrachm, or Shekel one ſhilling three pence.
  • A Sater or, or Shekel of the Sanctuary, 2 s. 6 d.
  • A Mina, or pound, 3 l. 2 s. 6 d.
  • A Talent of Silver, 187 l. 10 s.
  • A Shekel of Gold, Peice, a Dracon, Darius, or Drachm of Gold, 15 s.
  • A Pound of Gold, 75 l.
  • A Talent of Gold, 2250 l.

Of Engliſh Gold, and Money.

Fineneſs of Gold is Eſtimated by the Karract, which is no certain Weight, but the 1 / 24 of any quantity, this Karract is divided into Grains and Parts: The Karract that Weighs Jewels is divided into 4 Grains, 20 of which make 24 Grains Troy, or 1 penny weight.

As 12 to 1 in value, ſo is Gold to Silver.

Therefore if an Hebrew Talent of Silver is valued at 375 pound, that of Gold is worth 375 pound.

In England Gold is thus Eſtlmated:

  • One Penny weight of Angel Gold is worth 4 Shillings 2 pence half penny
  • 99
  • Crown Gold, 3 Shillings 10 pence half peny.
  • Sovereign Gold, 3 Shillings 6 pence half peny.

The Standard for Starling. Money in England.

11 Ounces 2 Drams fine Silver, and 18 Drams of Allay of Copper.

13 Ounces of pure Silver is worth 3 pound 4 ſhil­lings 6 pence.

1 Ounce without Allay, is worth 5 ſhillings 4 pence half peny.

12 Ounces with A lay, is worth 3 pound.

1 Ounce with Allay is worth 5 ſhillings.

The Standard for Gold, in the pound Troy 22 Kar­racts of fine Gold; 2 Karracts of Allay, Silver or Copper, viz. 11 Ounces fine Gold, 1 Ounce〈◊〉

The Spaniſh, French, and Flemiſh Gold〈◊〉as Engliſh.

The French and Dutch put more All〈…〉Money than Engliſh.

 l.s.d.
1 Pound Troy of Goldis worth40184¾
1 Pound Haver. of Gold49138¼
1 Pound Troy of Silveris worth030300
1 Pound Haver. of Silver03153½

A Hundred Pound in Gold weighs 1 Pound 11 Ounces, 3 Quarters.

A Hundred Pound in Silver weighs 26 Pound, 9 Ounces Haverdupois.

100

CHAP. XXXI. Foreign Coin reduced to Engliſh Mony.

Spaniſh Money.
  • 6 CArnados make 1 Mervid.
  • 54 Mervids make 1 Ryal. or 6 d. Engliſh.
  • 11 Ryals make 1 Ducat.
  • 8 Ryals make 1 Piece of 8, or 4 s. Engl.
  • 4 Quartiliards make 1 Ryal or 6 d. Engl.
Portugal Money.
  • 〈…〉make 1 Ryal, or 6 d. Eng.
  • 〈…〉make 1 Teſtoon.
  • 〈…〉or 10 Ryals make 1 Ducat.
  • 〈…〉make 1 Milt of Gold.
French Money.
  • 12 Demers make 1 Soulx.
  • 20 Soulx make 1 Frank or Liver.
  • 16 Soulx make 1 Cardeque.
  • 4 Carducas make 1 Crown.
Scotch.
  • 1 Small Piece make 2 d. 1 q. Engliſh.
  • 3 Small Pieces make 1 Nob. Scot. or 6 d ¾ En.
  • 2 Nobles Scotch make 1 Mark, or 13 d. 2 q. Eng.
  • 3 Nobles Scotch make 1 l. Scot. or 20 d. Engl.
101
Iriſh.
  • 2 Ob. or 4 d. 2 q. Eng. is 1 Harper, or 9 d. Engl.
  • 20 Harpers is 1 l. Iriſh, 15 s. Engliſh.
Flemiſh.
  • 8 Pence is 1 Groat.
  • 2 Groats is 1 Single Stiver.
  • 2 Single Stivers is 1 Double Stiver, or 3 d. 1 q. En
  • 20 Single Stivers, or 10 Double is 1 Guilder, 3 s. 4 d. En­gliſh.
  • 6 Guilders is 1 Pound.
Perſian Coyns.
  • 2 Biſtees is 1 Shawhee.
  • 2 ½ Shawhees is 1 Lawree.
  • 2 Shawhees is 1 Mammoodee.
Hollands Money.
  • A Doit makes 8.
  • 8 Doits makes 1 Stiver 3 q. & 25 Doits.
  • 2 Stivers makes 1 Doppelgen.
  • 6 Stivers makes 1 Shilling Hol. 11 d. ½ Eng.
  • 1 Rixdoller makes 50 Stivers, 4 s. 6 d. Engl.
102

CHAP. XXXII. For the better inſtructing of Young Traders, I have here added an Account of Weights, Meaſures, and Numbers.

THree Barly-corns make an Inch, two and a half a Nail. A Hand is four Inches, or Fingers breadth; 3 Hands is a Span, 4 Hands or 12 Inches a Foot, 2 Foot makes a Pace, 5 Foot a Geometri­cal pace, 3 Foot, or 16 Nails is a Yard, one Yard and a quarter, that is 20 Nails make an Engliſh Ell. A Dutch Ell or ſtick is three quarters of a Yard; which way they commonly meaſure Tapiſtry.

Six Foot makes a Fathom.

Ten Foot is a Gad, or Geometrical Perch, ſome­times Nine foot.

Sixteen foot and a half is a pole or perch by the Statute.

Eighteen foot a Wood-land perch, uſed in Fens and Moors.

21 foot a Foreſt perch, uſed in Ireland or Lanca­caſhire.

18 foot three quarters a Scotch pole or perch.

4 Statute perches, or 100 Links make a Chain.

125 Geometrical paces make a Stade.

8 Stades, or a thouſand Geometrical paces make an Italian Mile, uſed by Engliſhmen at Sea.

An Engliſh Mile is 1760 Yards.

8 Furlongs make an Engliſh Mile, as 8 Stades an Italian

103

3 Italian Miles are an Engliſh League.

Four thouſand Geometrical Paces make a ſmall German Mile, five thouſand a great.

Forty ſquare Perches is a Rood, four Rood an A­cre, that is to ſay, 160 perches in length, 1 in breadth; or 80 perches in length, and 2 in breadth; or 4 in breadth, and 40 in length, make an Acre.

Ten Chains in length, and one in breadth make an Acre.

Thirty Acres is a Yard Land, and one Hide of Land is a hundred Acres.

Ten Foot every way is a ſquare, that is, a hund. ſquare Feet.

How to meaſure Wood; neceſſary for Country-men.

A Coard of Wood is four Foot over, four Foot deep, eight Foot long, being 128 Cubick Feet.

A Stack of Wood is 3 foot over, 3 foot deep, and 12 long, which makes 108 Cubick feet.

Block-wood, being great Logs, are ſold by the Coard, ſmall by the Stack.

A Cubick Foot contains 1728 cubick Inches, a cubick Yard 27 cubick Feet, or 46656 cubick Inches.

50 Foot of Timber makes a Load, 40 foot makes a Tun, 20 foot a Butt or Pipe, 10 foot an Hogſhead.

18 Foot ſquare, and 1 foot deep, or 324 cubick feet is called a Floor.

A Brick by the Statute ſhould be 9 Inches long, 4 and a quarter broad, and 2 and a half thick; 500 make a Load, and 1000 of plain Tiles likewiſe.

I How much Plank makes a Load.

300 Foot of 2 Inch Plank, 200 fo••〈…〉Plank, 150 foot of 4 Inch Plank, 40〈…〉a half Plank, and 200 of Inch make〈…〉

104

CHAP. XXXIII. Something Ʋſeful to know about Tale of Goods.

CAnvas Cloth, 120 Ells is accounted an Hun­dred.

Fuſtian, 14 Ells is a Chief, but of fine Linnen, Silk, and Syndon, 10 Ells make a Chief.

Fiſh, as Ling, Haberdine and Codfiſh, &c. 124 is an Hundred; 1240 makes a Thouſand. Eels, 25 to a Strike, 10 Strike to the Bind. Herrings and Stock-fiſh, 120 to a Hundred; 1200 makes a Thou­ſand in a Barrel, 12 Barrels make a Laſt.

Laths, There muſt be but fiveſcore to the Hun­dred, of five foot long; but four foot long are ſix­ſcore, or 120 to the Bundle; their breadth one Inch and half, half an Inch thick.

There are 120 Deals and Nails to the Hundred, four thouſand ſix Inches Tree-Nails, (being made for Ship-pins) three thouſand nine. Inches, two thou­ſand foot, fifteen hundred eighteen Inches, or one thouſand two foot Tree-Nails or Ship-pins go to the Thouſand, and there's a Load of Timber in them.

Lime is ſold by the Bag in London, which ſhould be a Buſhel; 25 make a Hundred: In the Country it is ſold by the Load, which is about forty Buſhels.

Hoops are ſold by the Bundle, as 70 Pipe-Hoops〈◊〉head, 120 Barrel or Kilderkin, 180 Pink or〈…〉make a Hundred.

〈…〉are numbred by the Kipp, of fifty〈…〉Other skins fiveſcore to the Hun.

105

Furs, as Sables, Filches, Minks, Martins, Greys, and Jennets, forty skins make a Timber.

Glaſs, a Seam is 24 Stone, or 120 l. New-Caſtle Glaſs, 5 footake a Table, 45 Tables make a Caſe, Normandy-Glaſs, 25 Tables is a Caſe, which is cut into long ſquares, the other Diamond-faſhion. Glaſs-Bottles, 21 to the Dozen; 12 ſuch Dozen, or 252 make a Groſs, which is a Days Work.

Paper, a Bale is ten Ream; a Ream twenty Quire, twenty four ſheets in a Quire; in Genoa Paper twenty five ſheets in a Quire.

Parchment, a Roll is five dozen, twelve skins a Dozen.

Hides, Ten make a Dicker, twenty Dicker a Laſt.

Gloves, Ten pair is a Dicker; Horſe-ſhoes the ſame.

106

CHAP. XXXIV.

A TABLE of Expences and Wages.
Pence.
 Week.Month.Year.
l.ſh.d.l.ſh.dl.dſh.
10070241105
20120483010
3019070413
4024094618
5021101187121
60360140926
7041016410121
804801881234
90531102139
1005011341542
1106515816140
Shillings.
10701801850
20140216036100
311044054150
418051207300
511507009150
6220880109100
72909160127150
82120114014600
93301212016450
1031001400182100
1131701580200150
124401616021900
134110184023950
14418019120255100
155502100273150
165110228029200
51902316031050
602540328100
026120336150
0280036500
107

CHAP. XXXV. The Principal CITIES and Market-Towns in England and Wales, with the Diſtance of one CITY and Market-Town from another.To which is ad­ded, An Account in what County each City and Town lies, and the reſpective Market Days; A Thing Uſeful to be known by all Whole-Sale Dealers: And likewiſe it is Uſeful to direct all Tradeſmen in their Travelling upon the Road from Town to Town, and from City to City.

I. The Road from London to Huntington, Stamford, York, Durham and Berwick to Newmarket and Norwich, to Cambridge, Ely and King's-Lynn, to Bury, to Walſingham to Peter borough, and Boston, to Lincoln, Hull and Flamborough.
Berwick Road.Partic. Totals. County.
cm. mmc m. mm
Waltham Croſs.12121212M. & H.
Hoddeſdon, Th.561718Hartf.
Ware, Tu.332021Hartf.
Puckeridge.462427Hartf.
Bunting ford, Sat.342731Hartf.
Royſton, W.673338H. & C.
Caxton, Tu.9124250Cambr.
Huntington, Sat.674857Hunting.
Stilton.9125769Hunting.
Water-Newton.566275Hunting,
Part of Berwick-Road.ParticTotals. Coun­ty.
cm. mmcm. mm.
Stamford, M. F.786983Lincoln.
Southwitham8107793Lincoln.
Grantham, S.81185104Lincoln.
Newark, W.101495118Nottin.
Tuxford, M.1013105131Nottin.
Bramby on the Moor810113141Nottin.
Beautry, S46117147Yo. w. r.
Doncaſter, S.68123155Yo. w. r.
Wentbridge710130165Yo. w. r.
Ferry-bridge45134170Yo. w. r.
Sherbourn, S.46138176Yo. w. r.
Tadcaſter, Th.46142182Yo. w. r.
YORK, Th. S.89150191Yo. n. r.
Skipbridge68156199Yo. w. r.
Borough-bridge, S.710163209Yo. w. r.
Sandheuton812171221Yo. n. r.
Northallerton, W.58176229Yo. n. r.
Great Smeton56181235Durh.
Darlington, M.58186243Durh.
Woodham68192251Durh.
DURHAM, S.811200262Northu.
Newcaſtle, Tu. S.1214212276Northu.
Morpeth, W.1215224291Northu.
Caucot810232301Northu.
Alnwick, S.68238309Northu.
Belford1214250323Northu.
Hagerſton68256331Northu.
Berwick, S.62262339Berwic.
Norwich-Road.     
Puckeridge  2427Hartf.
Barkway783135Hartf.
Barley223337Hartf.
Wittlesford-bridge884145Cambr.
Part of Norwich Road.ParticTotals. County.
cm. mmcm. mm.
Firſt Ditch54652Cambr.
Newmarket, Tu.785360Ca. & S.
Barton-Mills786068Suffolk.
Thetford, S.9116979Norfolk.
Larlingford687587Norfolk.
Attleborough, Th.467993Norfolk.
Windham, F.668599Norfolk.
NORWICH, W. F. S.6991108Norw.
Kings-Lynn-Road     
Barkway  3135Hartf.
Foulmere673742Cambr.
Cambridge, S. 694351Cambr.
Milton344655Cambr.
Streetham-Ferry675262Cambr.
ELY, S.465668Cambr.
Littleport456073Cambr.
Southrey566579Norfolk
Dounham, S.577086Norfolk
Seeching, Tu.677693Norfolk
Kings-Lynn, T.S.458098Norfolk
Bury-Road.      
Newmarket, Tu.  5360Ca. & S.
Kenford345664Suffolk.
Burrow-bridge355969Suffolk.
Bury St. Edmonds, W.456374Suffolk.
Walſingham-Road.     
Barton-Mills  6068Suffolk.
Brandon-Ferry896877Suffolk.
Hilborow697486Suffolk.
Part of Walſingham Road.Partic. Totals. County.
cm. mmcm. mm
Swafſham, Sat.467892Norfolk.
Newton.358197Norfolk.
Fakenham, Th.81289109Norfolk.
Walſingham, F.4693115Norfolk.
Boſton Road.     
Stilton.  5769Hunting.
Taxley, Tu.225971Hunting.
PETERBOROW, S. 356276Northa.
Crowland. 9117187Lincoln.
Spalding, Tu.8117998Lincoln.
Gosberton4683104Lincoln.
Boſton, W. Sat.81091114Lincoln.
Flamborough Road.     
PETERBOROW, S.   6276Northa.
Market-deeping, Th.8117087Lincoln.
Bourn, Sat.567593Lincoln.
Beacon hill.6881101Lincoln.
Sleaford, M.7988110Lincoln.
Branſwell,4692116Lincoln.
The five ways.5697122Lincoln.
LINCOLN, Fr.57102129Lincoln.
The Windmills810110139Lincoln.
Redburn.79117148Lincoln.
Elſham.810125158Lincoln.
Barton, Tu.56130164Lincoln.
Hull, Tu. Sat.56135170Yor. e. r.
Beverley, W. S.69141179Yor. e. r.
Wootton.68147187Yor. e. r.
Killham, Th.89155196Yor. e. r.
Burlington, Sat.68161204Yor. e. r.
Flamborough.45165209Yor. e. r.
Flamborough-head.22167211Yor. e. r.
111
II. The Road from London to Colcheſter, Ipſwich, and Yarmouth to Harwich.
Yarmouth Road.Partic. Totals. County.
cm. mmcm. mm
Rumford, W.10121012Eſſex.
Burntwood, Th.561518Eſſex.
Ingerſton,562024Eſſex.
Chelmsford, F.552529Eſſex.
Witham.783237Eſſex.
Kelendon.343541Eſſex.
Colchester, S. 894350Eſſex.
Stretford-ſtreet.574857Suffolk.
Ipſwich, W. F. S.7115568Suffolk.
Woodbridge, W.776275Suffolk.
Wickham.346579Suffolk.
Saxmundam, Th.577086Suffolk.
Blithborough.6107696Suffolk.
Beckles, S.71083106Suffolk.
Fritton.5988115Suffolk.
Yarmouth, S.4692121Suffolk.
Harwich Road.     
Colcheſter, S.  4350Eſſex.
Ardley.454755Eſſex.
Maningtree, Tu.445159Eſſex.
Street.785867Eſſex.
Harwich, Tu.346171Eſſex.
112
III. The Road from London to Rocheſter, Canterbury, and Dover, to Sandwich and Deal.
Dover-RoadParticTotals. County.
cm. mmcm. mm
Deptford4545Kent
Dartford, S.10111416Kent
Northfleet, Tu.451821Kent
ROCHESTER, Fr.892630Kent
Chatham112731Kent
Siningborn793440Kent
Bocton-ſtreet8104250Kent
CANTERBURY, W. S.464656Kent
Liddon9105566Kent
Dover, W. S355871Kent
Deal-Road.     
CANTERBURY, W. S.  4656Kent
Wingham575163Kent
Sandwich, W. S.565669Kent
Deal456074Kent
IV. The Road from London to Tunbridge and Rye.
Rye-Road.     
Bromely, Th.5767Kent
Sevenoke, S.10131620Kent
Tunbridge, F.462026Kent
Stonecrouch10133039Kent
Newenden8113850Kent
Rye, W. S.8104660Suſſex
113
V. The Road from London to Maidſtone, Aſhford, and Hith.
Hith-Road.Partic. Totals. County.
cm. mmcm. mm.
Eltham6868Kent
Birchwood571115Kent
Wrotham, Tu.8101925Kent
Maidſtone, Th.8112736Kent
Hareſham683344Kent
Aſhford, S.8124156Kent
Hith, S.8124868Kent
VI. The Road from London to Lewis and Newhaven
Newhaven-Road     
Croydon, S.0111011Surry
Godſtone1791720Surry
Eaſt-Greenſteed, Th.8102530Suſſex.
Sheffield-Green683138Suſſex.
Lewis, S.9124050Suſſex
Newhaven574557Suſſex
VII. The Road from London to Arundel
Arundel-Road     
Wantlebridge6868urry
Epſom671215Surry
Darking, Th.892024Surry
Rohook9112935Surry
Billinghurſt663541Suſſex
Parham784249Suſſex
Arundel. W. S.464655Suſſex
114
VIII. The Road from London to Portſmouth, to Chicheſter.
Portſmouth Road.ParticTotals. Count­ty.
cm. mmcm. mm.
Wanſworth5656Surry
Kingſtone, S561012Surry
Cobham781720Surry
Guilford, S.8102530Surry
Godolming342834Surry
Lippock10123846Southa.
Petersfield, S. 784554Southa.
Harnden675161Southa.
Portſmouth, Th. S. 9116072Southa.
Chicheſter Road.     
Godolming  2834Surry
Chidingfold573341Surry
Midhurſt, Th.8104151Suſſex.
CHICHESTER, W. S.9115062Suſſex.
IX. The Road from London to Salisbury, Exeter, Plymouth, and Lands-End. to Wincheſter and Pool. to Southampton. to Weymouth to Minhead.
Lands-End Road.     
New Brentford, Tu.810810Middl.
Hounſlow221012Middl.
Stanes, Fr.571519Middl.
Bagſhot8105329Surry
Hartley-Row893138Southa.
Baſingſtoke, W.8103948Southa.
Whitchurch,10114959Southa.
Andover, S.675566Southa.
Part of Lands-End Road.ParticTotals. Coun­ty.
cm. mmcm. mm.
Middle-Wallop676173Southa.
SALISBURY, Tu. S.9117084Wilts
4 Mile Poſt787792Wilts
Shaftsbury, S. 111288104Dorſet
Sherborne, Th. S. 1215100119Dorſet
Evil, or Yeovel, F.45104124Somerſet
Crewkern. S.69110133Somerſet
Axminster, S. 913119146Devon.
Honiton, S. 710126156Devon.
EXETER, W. F.1216138172Devon.
Chidly, S.89146181Devon.
Aſhburton, S. 79153190Devon.
Brent67159197Devon.
Woodland67165204Devon.
Plymouth, M. Th.810173214Devon.
Lowe, S.1216185230Cornw.
Foy, S. 79192239Cornw.
Trenawry56197245Cornw.
Tregoney, S. 810205255Cornw.
Blow-cold-wind1012215267Cornw.
Blewſtone45219272Cornw.
Merketjew, Th.913228285Cornw.
Penſance, Th.23230288Cornw.
Sennan810238298Cornw.
Pool Road.     
Bagſhot  2329Surry
Farnham, Th.9123241Surry
Alton, S. 793950Southa.
Alresford, Th.894759Southa.
WINCHESTER. W. S.785467Southa.
Rumſey, S. 9116378Southa.
Part of Pool RoadPartic. Totals. County.
cm. mm. cm. mm.
Caſtlemalwood686986Southa.
Ringwood. W.8107796Southa.
Knaſton6883104Dorſet.
Pool, M. Th.5688110Dorſet.
Southampton Road.     
Alresford, Th.  4759Southa.
Twiford795468Southa.
Swaland566074Southa.
Southampton, Tu. F.336377Southa.
Weymouth Road.     
Baſingſtoke, W.  3948Southa.
Cramborn9124860Southa.
Stockbridge795569Southa.
Eaſt Den796278Southa.
Dunkton, F.566784Wilts.
Cranborn, W.9117695Dorſet.
Blanford, S. 91285107Dorſet.
Milborn6891115Dorſet.
Dorcheſter, S.6897123Dorſet.
Weymouth, Tu. F.79104132Dorſet.
Minhead Road.     
Andover, S.  5566Southa.
Ambrewsbury, F.10146580Wilts.
Shrawton567086Wilts.
Narminſter, S.10138099Wilts.
Maiden Bradley5785106Wilts.
Bruton, S,8993115Sommer.
Lidford78100123Sommer.
Part of Minhead Road.Partic. Totals. County.
cm. mmcm. mm.
Aſcot810108133Somerſe
Bridgwater, Th.810116143Somerſe
Nether-Stowley68122151Somerſet
Watchet, S.68128159Somerſet
Minhead57133166Somerſet
X. The Road from London to Marlborough and Briſtol, to Gloceſter and Hereford, to Wellst to Bath, to Monmouth and St. Davids to Carmarthen.
Briſtol-Road     
New Brentford, Tu.810810Middl.
Hounſlow221012Middl.
Colebrook, W.561518Bucks
Maidenhead, W.792227Berks
Reading, S.10133240Berks
Woolhampton9104150Berks
Newbury, Th.664756Berks
Chilton-Foliot9105666Wilts
Marleborough, S.696275Wilts
Caln, Tu.10137288Wilts
Chipenham, S.567794Wilts
Marſhfield, Tu.7984103Gloceſt.
BRISTOL, WS.101294115Gl. & S.
Gloceſter and Hereford Road.     
Maidenhead, W.  2227Berks
Henly, Th.782935Oxford
Nettlebed453340Oxford
Henſhington663946Oxford
Abington, M F.794655Berks
Part of Gloceſter and Hereford-Road.ParticTotals. Coun­ty.
cm. mmcm. mm.
Faringdon, Tu.10135668Berks
Letchlade, Tu.466074Gloceſt.
Fairford, Th.236277Gloceſt.
Barnſley466683Gloceſt.
Perrots-bridge346987Gloceſt.
Burlip hill787695Gloceſt.
GLOCESTER, W. S.5781102Gloceſt.
Huntley5886110Gloceſt.
Roſs, Th.6892118Heref.
HEREFORD, W. F. S.1013102131Heref.
Wells-Road     
Marleborough, S.  6275Wilts
Devizes Th.10147289Wilts
Troubridge, S.8108099Wilts
Kilmerſdon81088109Somerſet
WELLS, W. S.81196120Somerſet
Bath-Road.      
Chipenham, S.  7794Wilts
Pickwick358099Wilts
Bathford4584104Somerſet
BATH, W. S.3487108Somerſet
St. Davids Road.     
GLOCESTER, W. S.  81102Gloceſt.
Great-Dean, M.81289114Gloceſt.
Coverd6895122Gloceſt.
Monmouth, S.4599127Monm.
New-Church912108139Monm.
Newport, S.812116151Monm.
Part of St. David's Road.ParticTotals. Coun­ty.
cmmm. cm. mm.
Cardiff, W. S.1012126163Glamor.
Cowbridge, Tu.1012136175Glamor.
Newbridge57141182Glamor.
Aberavon911150193Glamor.
Swanſey, W. S.69156202Glamor.
Llanelly, Tu.911165213Carma.
Kidwelly, Tu.68171221Carma.
Llacharn, F.68177229Carma.
Llangiddo810185239Pemb.
Haverford, W. Th. S.1013195252Pemb.
Rock68201260Pemb.
St. Davids.67207267Pemb.
Carmarthen-Road     
Monmouth, S.  99127Monm.
Llantilio Cruſeny78106135Monm.
Abergavenny, Tu.56111142Monm.
Crecowel, Th.47115148Breckn.
Brecknock W. S.813123161Breckn.
Redbrue68129169Breckn.
Llanimdiffry811137180Breckn.
Abermarlas56142186Carma.
Rue Raddor68148194Carma.
Carmarthen. W. S.912157206Carma.
XI. The Road from London to Oxford, Worceſter, and Aberiſtwith, to Buckingham, to Ludlow and Montgomery.
Aberiſtwith Road.     
Acton68618Middl.
Ʋxbridge, Th.9101518Middl.
Beaconsfield, Th.782226Bucks
Part of Abereſtwith Road.ParticTotals. Coun­ty.
cm. mmcm. mm.
High-Wickham, F.562732Bucks
Stoken-Church563238Oxford
Tetſworth563744Oxford
Whately-Bridge454149Oxford
OXFORD, W. S.664755Oxford
Woodſtock, Tu.685363Oxford
Enſton565869Oxford
Morton-in-Marſh10136882Gloceſt.
Broadway587390Gloceſt.
Perſhore, Tu.71280102Worceſt.
WORCESTER, W. F. S.61086112Worceſt.
Bromyard, M.101296124Heref.
Lemſter811104135Heref.
Preſtain, S.813112148Radnor
Ithon-River813120161Radnor
Raiadergwy69126170Radnor
Brunant914135184Cardig.
Aberiſtwith, M.1115146199Cardig.
Buckingham-Road.     
Ʋxbridge, Th.  1518Middl.
Emerſham, Tu.9112429Bucks
Wendover, Th.693038Bucks
Alesbury, S.453443Bucks
Eaſt-Claydon6104053Bucks
Buckingham, S.474460Bucks
Montgomery-Road.     
WORCESTER, W. F. S.  86112Worceſt.
Stockton91295124Worceſt.
Tenbury, Tu.67101131Worceſt.
Ludlow, M.58106139Salop
Newton57111146Salop
Biſhops-Caſtle, F.57116152Salop
Montgomery, Th.67122159Montg.
121
XII. The Road from London to Coventry, Litch­field, Cheſter, Denbigh, and Holy-head, to Baldock, St. Neots, and Oakham, to Bedford, Webing-borough, and Oakham, to Northampton, Leiceſter, and Darby, to Shrewsbury, to Lancaster, Kendal and Carliſle.
Holy-head-Road.ParticTotals. Coun­ty.
cm. mmcm. mm.
Highgate4545Middl.
Barnet, M.671012Hartf.
St. Albans, S.10102022Hartf.
Dunſtable, W.10123034Bedfor.
Little Brickhil7103744Bucks
Stony-Stretford, F.794453Bucks
Towceſter, Tu.685061Northa.
Daventry, W.10126073Northa.
Dunchurch686681Warwic.
COVENTRY, F.8117492Warwic.
Coleſhil, W.81182103Warwic.
Wiſhaw Green4586108Warwic.
LITCHFIELD, Tu. F.81094118Staffor.
Rugely, Tu.5899126Staffor.
Brine-pits57104133Staffor.
Stone, Tu.67110140Staffor.
Pipe-yate912119152Staffor.
Namptwich, S.710126162Cheſter
Torperly79133171Cheſter
Harding57145189Flint
Northop35148194Flint
Smelmils67154201Denbi.
Denbigh, W.68160209Denbi.
Bettus711167220Denbi.
Aberconway, F.79174229Carnar.
Penmenmaur56179235Carnar.
Part of Holy-head Road.Partic. Totals. County.
cm. mmcm. mm.
Beaumaris, W. S.50184241Angleſ.
Llangaveny910193251Angleſ.
Rudband-bridge67199258Angleſ.
Holy-head911208269Angleſ.
Oakham-Road.     
Barnet, M.  1012Hartf.
Hatfield, Th.781720Hartf.
Stevenage, F.8112531Hartf.
Baldok, Th.462937Hartf.
Biggleſwade, W.583445Bedfor.
St. Neots, Th.8114256Hunting
Great Catworth7104966Hunting
Lidford585474Northa.
Dean686082Northa.
Oakham, S.8136895Rutlan
Bedford-Road.     
St. Albans, S.  2022Hartf.
Luton, M.8102832Bedfor.
Barton-Clay583340Bedfor.
Bedford, Tu. S.7104050Bedfor.
Chellington694659Bedfor.
Wellingborow, W.695268Northa.
Kettering, F.575775Northa.
Rockingham8106585Northa.
Ʋppingham, W.456990Rutlan.
Oakham, S.567496Rutlan.
Derby-Road.ParticTotals. County.
cm. mmcm. mm.
Stony-Stretford, F.  4453Bucks
Kings-Grafton454858Northa.
Northampton, S.695467Northa.
Brixworth575954Northa.
Harborough, Tu.7106684Leiceſt.
Great Glen797393Leiceſt.
LEICESTER, S.567899Leiceſt.
Mountſorrel, M.5583104Leiceſt.
Loughborough, Th.3386107Leiceſt.
Kegworth4590112Leiceſt.
Derby, F.81098122Derby
Shrewsbury-Road     
COVENTRY, F.  7492Warwic.
Meriden467898Warwic.
Bermingham, Th.101188109Warwic.
Dudley,81096119Worceſt.
Rourd Oak68102127Staffor.
Bridgnorth, S.68108135Salop
Wenlock, M.68114143Salop
Shrewsbury, W. Th. S.1013124156Salop
Carliſle-Road.     
Stone, Tu.  110140Staffor.
Newcaſtle, M.68116148Staffor.
Brereton-Green813124161Cheſter
Laſtock58129169Cheſter
Warrington, W.711136180Lancaſt.
Newton55141185Lancaſt.
Wiggan, M. F.78148193Lancaſt.
Renchmore79155202Lancaſt.
Preſton, W. F. S.77162209Lancaſt
Baxton56167215Lancaſt
Part of Carliſle-Road.ParticTotals. Coun­ty.
cm. mmcm. mm.
Garſtang, Th.55172220Lancaſt.
Elhil55177225Lancaſt.
Lancaſter, S. 55182230Lancaſt.
Burton, Tu.912191242Weſtm.
Kendal, S.912200254Weſtm.
Hauſe-houſe69206263Weſtm.
Thurnby710213273Weſtm.
Penrith, Tu.57218280Cumber.
Heſket79225289Cumber.
CARLISLE, S.79232298Cumber.

The Table of ROADS Deſcribed.

The firſt Column contains the Names of Places wherein Cities are in Capital Letters, as in Berwick-Road, YORK, &c. and Market-Towns in Italic, as Hoddeſdon, &c. The Letters after them ſhew the Days their Markets are kept on. The ſecond Column ſhews the Diſtance of one place from another; and the third the Diſtance of each from London, in com­puted and meaſured Miles; cm. ſtands for computed, and mm. for meaſured Miles. The laſt ſhews the County each Town and City lies in; a thing of great Uſe in Directing of Poſt-Letters and Parcels.

125

CHAP. XXXVI. An Alphabetical Account of all the Carri­ers and Waggoners, and Stage-Coaches that come to London, Weſtminſter, and Southwark, from all parts of Eng­land and Wales; with the reſpective Days of their Going out.

Mondays.
  • A Shby-de-la-zouch, Leiceſterſhire, Ax in Alder­man-bury.
  • St. Edmunds-Bury, Bull in Biſhopſgate-ſtreet.
  • Brackley in Northamptonſhire, Mairmaid in Carter­lane.
  • Battle in Suſſex, Spur in Southwark.
  • Beudley in Worceſterſhire, Ipſwich Arms in Cullum-Street.
  • Button in Staffordſhire, Caſtle in Smithfield.
  • Bagworth in Leiceſterſhire, Caſtle in Smithfield.
  • Daventree in Northamptonſhire, Bell-ſavage on Lud­gate-Hill.
  • Exeter, Roſe on Holborn-Bridge.
  • Falkingham, Lincoln-ſhire, Bell in Weſt-Smithfield.
  • Gainsborough, Lincolnſhire, Red Lion in Alderſgate-ſtreet.
  • Grantham, Newark, Lincolnſhire, Croſs-Keys in White-Croſs-ſtreet.
  • Highworth, Wiltſhire, George on Holborn-Bridge.
  • Kilworth, Leiceſterſhire, Red Lion in Alderſgate-ſtreet.
  • Louth, Lincolnſhire, George in Alderſgate-ſtreet.
  • 126
  • Lyn, Green Dragon in Biſhopſgate-ſtreet.
  • Leiceſter, Roſe in Weſt-Smithfield.
  • Lincoln, Barton, Stanford, Grantham, Red Lion in Alderſgate-ſtreet.
  • Loughborough, Leiceſterſhire, Red Lion in Alderſgate-ſtreet.
  • Mansfield, Nottinghamſhire, George in Weſt-Smith­field.
  • Melton-Mowbray, Leiceſterſhire, Bell-ſavage on Lud­gate-Hill.
  • Nottingham, Bell-Savage on Ludgate-Hill.
  • Newmarket, Chequer in Holborne.
  • Oxford, White Swan on Holborn-Bridge.
  • Pool, Dorſetſhire, Kings Arms on Holborn-Bridge.
  • Portſmouth, White Hart in Southwark.
  • Petersfield, Queens Head in Southwark.
  • Richmond, Yorkſhire, White-Horſe without Cripple­gate.
  • Tixal, Warwickſhire, Bell-ſavage on Ludgate-Hill.
  • Tamworth, Warwickshire, Caſtle in Weſt-Smithfield.
  • Worceſter, Blew Boar in Holborn.
  • Wolverhampton, Staffordſhire, Bell-ſavage on Lud­gate-hill.
  • Wemington, Leiceſterſhire, Bear and Ragged Staff in Smithfield.
Tueſdays.
  • ST. Albans, Cock in Alderſgate-ſtreet.
  • Amerſham, Buckinghamſhire, Bell in Holborn.
  • Brentrey, Eſſex, Pewter Pot in Leaden-Hall-ſtreet.
  • Beconsfield, Buckinghamſhire, Bell in Warwick-Lane.
  • Ely, Bull in Biſhopſgate-ſtreet.
  • 127
  • Guilford, Surrey, Queens head in Southwark.
  • Kempton, Hertfordſhire, Bell in Alderſgate-ſtreet.
  • Stanſteed, Mountfitchet, Eſſex, Rams-Head in Fen-Church ſtreet.
  • Windſor, Bell-ſavage on Ludgate Hill.
Wedneſdayes.
  • BInfield, Berkshire, George in Alderſgate-ſtreet.
  • Biſhop-Stafford, Kings-Head in Leaden Hall.
  • Buckingham, George in Weſt-Smithfield.
  • Biſciter, Oxfordſhire, Bull in Holborn.
  • Brill, Buckinghamſhire, Bear and Ragged Staff in Smithfield.
  • Copel, Bedfordſhire, Red Lion in Alderſgate-ſtreet.
  • Cocthrop near Oxford, Bell in the Strand.
  • Dillington, Bedfordſhire, George in Alderſgate-ſtreet.
  • Dreyton, Buckinghamſhire, Mermaid in Carter-lane.
  • Darking, Greyhound in Southwark.
  • Epping, Eſſex, Nags-head in Aldgate.
  • Hampſtead, Hertfordſhire, George in Holborn.
  • Huntington, Red Lion in Alderſgate-ſtreet.
  • Horſham, Suſſex, Kings head in Southwark.
  • Kimbolton, Huntingtonſhire, Red Lion in Alderſgate-ſtreet.
  • Litchfield, Staffordſhire, Caſtle in Woodſtreet.
  • Lemſtree, Buckinghamſhire, Bear and Ragged Staff in Smithfield.
  • Marſh, Buckinghamſhire, Mermaid in Carter-lane.
  • Norwich, Bull in Biſhopſgate-ſtreet.
  • Newport, Eſſex, Dolphin in Biſhopſgate-ſtreet.
  • Seare, Surrey, Katherine-Wheel in Southwark.
  • Tring, Buckinghamſhire, George in Holborn.
  • Watford, Herifordſhire, George in Holborn.
  • 138
  • Wickham, Buckinghamſhire, George in Alderſgate-ſtreet.
  • Wallingford, Barkſhire, Bull and Mouth in Alderſ­gate-ſtreet.
  • Stoke, Bruen, Northamptonſhire, Caſtle in West-Smith­field.
  • Stoke-Haven, Buckinghamſhire, Mermaid in Carter-Lane.
Thurſdays.
  • A Bington, Bell in Fryday-ſtreet.
  • Aylesbury, George on Holborn-bridge.
  • Andover, Berkſhire, Kings Arms on Holborn-bridge.
  • Haverhill, Suffolk, four Swans in Biſhopſgate-ſtreet.
  • Aberſley, Huntingtonſhire, Red Lion in Alderſgate-ſtreet.
  • Agham, Hampſhire, White Hart in Charing-Croſs.
  • Arundel, Suſſex, Queens-head in Southwark.
  • Aſhford, Kent, Spur in Southwark.
  • Bradford, Berkſhire, White Horſe in Southwark.
  • Baſingſtoke, Kings Arms on Holborn-bridge.
  • Burwaſh, Suſſex, Queens-Head in Southwark.
  • Burford, Oxfordſhire, Bell in Fryday-ſtreet.
  • Barton, Oxfordſhire, Bell in Woodſtreet.
  • Buckelbury, Barkshire, Croſs-Keys in Woodſtreet.
  • Bedford, Cock in Alderſgate-ſtreet.
  • Banbury, Oxfordſhire, Roſe on Holborn-bridge.
  • Chipton-Warden, Northamptonſhire, white Swan on Holborn-bridge.
  • Cherbury, Oxfordſhire, Roſe on Holborn-bridge.
  • Cranfield, Bedfordſhire, George in Alderſgate-street.
  • 139
  • Canterbury-Poſt, Dark-houſe in Billingſgate.
  • Coliasby, Northamptonſhire, Caſtle in Weſt-Smithfield.
  • Crandon, Northamptonſhire, Bear and Ragged Staff in Smithfield.
  • Chipton-Norton, Oxfordſhire, Idem.
  • Cramborough, Kent, Kings-Head in Southwark.
  • Cranbrooke, Kent, Talbot in Southwark.
  • Dunchurch, Warwickſhire, Caſtle in Weſt-Smithfield.
  • Derington and Wellingborough, Northamptonſhire, Caſtle in Weſt-Smithfield.
  • Dorſet, Salisbury, Blandford, Idem.
  • Dover, Rams-Head in Eaſt-Smithfield.
  • Dorcheſter, Bell in the Strand.
  • Hook-Norton, Oxfordſhire, Roſe on Holborn-bridge.
  • Hallifax, Yorkſhire, White-Horſe without Cripple­gate.
  • Hurſt, Berkſhire, Windmill in Shoe-Lane.
  • Harrold, Bedfordſhire, Bear and Ragged Staff in Smithfield.
  • Hitching, Hertfordſhire, Swan in St. Johns-ſtreet.
  • St. Ives, Huntingtonſhire, Croſs-Keys in White-Croſs-ſtreet.
  • Ipſwich, Croſs-Keys in Grace-Church-ſtreet.
  • Ingerſtone, Eſſex, Three Nuns without Aldgate.
  • Kenton, Warwickſhire, George in Smithfield.
  • Kettring, Northamptonſhire, Roſe in Weſt-Smithfield.
  • Lutterworth, Leiceſterſhire, Ram in West-Smithfield.
  • Lawworth, Rugby, Dun-Church, Warwickſhire, Bell in Weſt-Smithfield.
  • Leach-ſtead, Oxfordſhire, Bell in Holborn.
  • Marlborough, White Swan on Holborn-bridge.
  • Morlington, Oxfordſhire, Sarazens-Head in Carter-Lane.
  • Mavil, Suſſex, Kings-Head in Southwark.
  • Newbury, Kings Arms on Holborn-bridge.
  • 130
  • Newport, Buckinghamſhire, Bell in Alderſgate-ſtreet.
  • Oldham, Aſton-under-Line, Lancaſhire, Red Lion in Red-Croſs-ſtreet.
  • Ony, Buckinghamſhire, Red Lion in Redcroſs-ſtreet.
  • Oundel, Northamptonſhire, Ram in Smithfield.
  • Piſſey, Berkſhire, Croſs-Keys in White-Croſs-ſtreet.
  • Potten, Bedfordſhire, Red Lion in Alderſgate-ſtreet.
  • Papworth, Kings-head in Southwark.
  • Petworth, Suſſex, White Hart in Southwark.
  • Saffron-walden, Bull in Biſhopſgate-ſtreet.
  • Strayton-harlow, Warwickshire, Sarazens head in Carter-lane.
  • Stratford on Avon, Warwickshire, Bell-ſavage on Ludgate-Hill.
  • Stony-Stradford, Buckinghamſhire, Caſtle in Weſt-Smithfield.
  • Stains, Kings-head in Southwark.
  • Shoreham, Suſſex, Queens-head in Southwark.
  • Stow-Market, Pewter-pot in Leaden-Hall-ſtreet.
  • Stanbourne, Eſſex, Ram in Fenchurch-ſtreet.
  • Thrapſon, Northamptonſhire, Bear and Ragged Staff in Weſt-Smithfield.
  • Wincheſter, Roſe on Holborn-bridge.
  • Witney, Oxfordſhire, George in Holborne.
  • Whitchurch, Shropſhire, Caſtle in Weſt-Smithfield.
  • Warwick, at the Roſe in Weſt-Smithfield.
  • Wiltopp, Hamptſhire, Wind-Mill in Shoe-lane.
  • Watford, Leiceſterſhire, Caſtle in Weſt-Smithfield.
  • Wadhurſt, Suſſex, Queens-head in Southwark.
131
Frydays.
  • BEckles, Suffolk, Croſs-Keys in Grace-Church-ſtreet.
  • Blackbourn, Preſton, Lancaſhire, Bloſoms Inn in Laurence-lane.
  • Backwel, Derbyſhire, Bloſoms Inn in Lawrence-lane.
  • Billinghurſt, Queens-Head in Southwark.
  • Cheſham, Buckinghamſhire, White Swan on Holborn-bridge.
  • Coxel,pread-Eagle in Grace-Church-ſtreet.
  • Cambridge, Bull in Biſhopſgate-ſtreet.
  • Cheſterfield, Derbyſhire, Caſtle in Woodſtreet.
  • Cirenceſter, Gloceſterſhire, Caſtle in Woodſtreet.
  • Crandan, Buckinghamſhire, George in West-Smith­field.
  • Colcheſter, Spread-Eagle in Grace-Church-ſtreet.
  • Chinord near Thame, Oxfordſhire, Bell in the Strand.
  • Clare, Spread-Eagle in Grace-Church-ſtreet.
  • Chicheſter, White-Hart in Southwark.
  • Chiteſton, Kent, White-Horſe in Southwark.
  • Duſeley, Gloceſterſhire, Roſe in Holborn.
  • Dunmore, High Ruden, Eſſex, Ram in Fenchurch-ſtreet.
  • Gloceſter, Bell-ſavage on Ludgate-hill.
  • Henley, White Swan on Holborn-bridge.
  • Hadnam, Buckinghamſhire, Talbot in the Strand.
  • Heningham, Spred-Eagle in Grace-Church-ſtreet.
  • Harwich, Sarazens-Head within Aldgate.
  • Kendal, Weſtmorland, White Horſe in Cripplegate.
  • Leeds, Yorkshire, Idem.
  • Lancaſter, Wiggon, Warington, Leverpool.
  • 142
  • Bolton, Swan with two Necks in Lad-lane.
  • Mancheſter, Bloſoms Inn in Laurence-lane.
  • Maxfield, Mancheſter, Congerton, Leake, Swan with two Necks in Lad-lane.
  • Middleton, Mancheſter, Boulton, Knucksford, Axe in Aldermanbury.
  • Maidenhead, Boult and Tun in Fleetſtreet.
  • Malmesbury, Wiltſhire, Bell in the Strand.
  • Northampton, Roſe in Weſt Smithſield.
  • Royſton, Vine in Biſhopſgate-ſtreet.
  • Rudenhigh, Eſſex, White Bear in Lime-ſtreet.
  • Southampton, White Swan in Holborn.
  • Salisbury, Kings Arms on Holborn-bridge.
  • Sheffield, Yorkshire, Caſtle in Woodſtreet.
  • Shrewsbury, Bell in the Strand.
  • Stroud, Gloceſterſhire, Kings Head at the Old Change
  • Stroud-water, Gloceſterſhire, three Cups in Bread­ſtreet.
  • Swallowfield, Witſhire, Bull in Holborn.
  • Sunnock, Kent, Spur in Southwark.
  • Sudbury, Spread-Eagle in Grace-Church-ſtreet.
  • Tociter, Northamptonſhire, Caſtle in Weſt-Smithfield.
  • Thame, Oxfordſhire, Sarazens Head in Fryday-ſtreet.
  • Uxbridge, Bull in Holborn.
  • Wing, Buckinghamſhire, George in Holborn.
  • Warrington, Lancaſhire, Caſtle and Falcon in Al­derſgate-ſtreet.
  • Wisbich, Iſle of Ely, Bull in Biſhopſgate-ſtreet.
  • Weeden, Northamptonſhire, Pewter Platter in St. Johns-ſtreet.
  • Wallingford, Berkshire, Caſtle in Woodſtreet.
  • Woodford, Maidenhead in St. Giles.
  • Wittham, Eſſex, Croſs-Keys in Grace-Church-ſtreet.
143
Saturdayes.
  • AShbourn, Derbyſhire, Caſtle in Woodſtreet.
  • Brumley, Kent, Kings-Arms in Barnaby-ſtreet.
  • Briſtol, Three Cups in Breadſtreet.
  • Bath, Idem.
  • Barnſtable, Devonſhire, Bull and Mouth in Alderſgate-ſtreet.
  • Bleechenley, Surry, Half Moon in Southwark.
  • Bridgnorth, Shropſhire, Bull and Mouth in Alderſgate-ſtreet.
  • Baldoc, in Hertfortſhire, Red Lyon in Alderſgate-ſtreet.
  • Billericay, Eſſex, Blew Boar in White-Chappel.
  • Bunnington, Hertfortſhire, Dolphin in Biſhopſgate-ſtreet.
  • Buſhey, Hertfordſhire, Angel in St. Giles.
  • Coddiot, Hertfordſhire, George in Alderſgate ſtreet.
  • Chelton, Gloceſterſhire, Sarazens-head in Carter-lane.
  • Coventry, Warwickſhire, Bell-Savage on Ludgate-Hill.
  • Chelmsford, Eſſex, Spred-Eagle in Grace-Church-ſtreet.
  • Crookhorn, Evil, Gerards-Hall in Baſing-lane.
  • Denby, Rixham, Rutham, Bloſoms Inn in Lawrence-lane.
  • Dunſtable, three Cups in Alderſgate-ſtreet.
  • Egham, Surry, Black Lion in Water-lane.
  • Elſtree, Hertfordſhire, Angel in St. Giles.
  • Epſom, Spread-Eagle in Grace-Church-ſtreet.
  • Eatonbridge, Kent, White-Horſe in Southwark.
  • Everſham, Worceſterſhire, Caſtle in Woodſtreet.
  • Grinſtead, Suſſex, White-Horſe in Southwark.
  • 134
  • Hadham: Hartfordſhire Bull in Biſhopſgate-ſtreet.
  • Hertford: Idem.
  • Hodſdon: Hertfordſhire: Green-Dragon in Biſhops­gate-ſtreet.
  • Hatfield: Idem, Red-Lyon in Aldersgate-street.
  • Hereford, Croſs-Keys in Woodstreet.
  • Sawbridge, Kidderminſter, Worceſter-ſhire, Bear and Ragged Staff, in Weſt-Smithfield.
  • Lemſter, Hertford-ſhire, White Swan in Holbourn.
  • Ludlow, Shrop-ſhire, George in Aldersgate-ſtreet.
  • Ledbury, Hereford-ſhire; Caſtle in Woodſtreet.
  • Luton, Bedford-ſhire, Cock in Aldersgate-ſtreet.
  • Linsfield, Surry, half Moon in Southwark.
  • Monmouth Croſs Keys in White-croſs-ſtreet.
  • Maidſtone, Kent, Star on Fiſhſtreet-Hill.
  • Malden, Eſſex, Blew Boar in White-Chappel.
  • Newport, Dreyton, Bloſoms Inn in Lawrence-Lane.
  • Onger, Eſſex, Whire Bear in Limeſtreet.
  • Peterborough, Croſs Keys in Whitecroſs-ſtreet.
  • Reading, Berkshire, Gerards-Hall in Baſing-Lane,
  • Rickmanſworth, Hertfordſhire, Greyhound in Holborn.
  • Sturbridge, Worceſterſhire, Bear and Ragged Staft in Smithfield.
  • Taunton-Dean, Somerſetſhire, Bell in Woodſtreet.
  • Wolverhampton, Staffordſhire, Caſtle and Falcon in Alderſgate-street.
  • Ware, Vine in Biſhopſgate-ſtreet.
  • Weſtcheſter, Bloſoms Inn in Lawrence-Lane.
  • Watford, Hertfordſhire, Bull in Holborn.
  • Weam, Shropſhire, Bloſoms Inn in Lawrence-Lane.
  • Yarmouth, Green Dragon in Biſhopſgate-ſtreet.
  • York, Black Swan in Holborn.
135

CHAP. XVXVII. ARTS GLORY; OR, The Beſt and Eaſieſt Arithme­tick yet extant, Epitomized; comprehending ſo much of Practical Arithmetick as is of abſolute neceſſity for all thoſe that are engaged in a Trade.

THE Parts of Arithmetick contained in this Brevium, are theſe;

  • Numeration,
  • Addition,
  • Subſtraction,
  • Multiplication,
  • Diviſion,
  • Reduction.

Of Numeration.

Numeration is that Part of Arithmetick, whereby we may duly value and expreſs any Figure ſet down in their places; and that you might the better know and underſtand what it is, I have here given you the Table of Numeration, whereby you may know and underſtand the Uſe of it.

146
A Table of Numeration.
Hundreds of Millions.Tens of Millions.Millions.Hundreds of Thouſands.Tens of Thouſands.Thouſands.Hundreds.Tens.Unites.
999999999
888888888
777777777
666666666
555555555
444444444
333333333
222222222
111111111

This Table hath nine Places, and in every one of them are ſet the value of each Figure, at the upper147 end of the Table, ſo that by this you may learn how to expreſs any number, if it exceed not theſe nine Figures; every Figure hath his Denomination, as one Unites, and another Tens, another Hundreds; ſo that if you would number the firſt upper Line, which contains all Nines, you muſt begin at the firſt Figure of Nine on your left hand; look over it, and ſee the denomination of that Figure, which is Hundreds of Millions: Well then, begin thus; nine hundred ninety nine Millions, nine hundred ninety nine Thouſands, nine hundred ninety nine; which is the denomination of all thoſe nine uppermoſt Fi­gures; in the ſame manner you muſt number all the reſt: This the ſum and ſubſtance of Numeration.

Addition.

Addition is that part of Arithmetick, which ſhew­eth to add, or collect divers ſums or numbers toge­ther, and to expreſs their total value in one ſum; as for example; ſuppoſe the number 4667 and 2568. If you would gather theſe two ſums together,

4667
2568
7235

begin at the two firſt Figures on your Right hand; as thus; 8 and 7 is 15, then ſet down your 5 under the 8, and carry 1 to the next Figure, always obſerving this Rule, if your Number be above ten, or ten, you muſt carry one; if twenty, you muſt car­ry two to the next Figure, if thirty, carry three; if forty, carry four; in the like manner for all the reſt of the Figures or Numbers you meet with. Then proceed, and ſay, 1 and 6 is 7, 7 and 6 is 13; ſet down your 3 under the ſecond Figure, and carry 1 to the next, ſaying, 1 and 5 is 6, 6 and 6 is 12; ſet down 2, and carry 1 to the next, ſaying, 1 and 2 is 3, 3 and 4 is 7, ſet down your 7, and thus your ſum is finiſhed.

138

In the ſame manner you may do any other Sum I'll give you one example more, and ſo proceed.

If the number added do amount to 10, or 20, or 30, or 40, or 50, or any other number of the value of them,

897864
346123
521897
462178
2228062

you muſt ſet down in the place of the Number added, and carry the figure of 1 for 10, of 2 for 20, of 3 for 3, ſo for any other after the ſame manner, to the next figure.

Addition of Money.

Note that 4 Farthings make 1 Penny, 12 Pence make 1 Shilling, 20 Shillings make 1 Pound Sterling.

If your ſum hath in it Pounds. Shillings, Pence and Farthings; ſet the Farthings firſt to your right hand, and begin there, and if there remain any odd far­things, ſet them down at the line drawn underneath the ſame line you caſt up, and carry the Pence to the next line of Pence, as for Example.

l.s.d.q.
6789321410032
43268902060
2568905000
20610091
6835179908063
l.s.d.q.
674312000
34600101
7808112
602063
717404042

And ſo likewiſe for Pence, the odd Pence remaining, after caſt up, ſet down underneath the line drawn, and carry the Shillings that were in thoſe Pence to the place of Shillings and likewiſe the Shillings, be­ing caſt up, the Pounds carry to the place of Pounds, but the odd Shillings ſet down under the line drawn. as the Example ſhews you plainly. Now if at any time no odd remains, ſet down ao; now for the139 Proof, of your ſum, do thus; when you have caſt up your ſum, draw a line underneath your uppermoſt line of your ſum, and caſt up the other line of your ſum together, then ſubſtract that ſum from the total ſum before caſt up, and the remainder will be the number you cut off, if the ſum be true, elſe not.

Subſtraction.

Subſtraction is that part of Arithmetick which de­duceth, or taketh one number or ſum from another, the leſs from the greater, and produces what there re­mains: As ſuppoſe, you ſhould buy 786785 Sheep and Oxen, and you ſhould have ſold again 360604, would you know how many there would remain, do thus: place the greater number from which you would ſubſtract, and place the leſſer number to be ſubſtract­ed under it, then draw a line with your Pen underneath, as you ſee in the example;

786785
360604
526181

Then take the firſt Figure towards your right hand in the lowermoſt line, and ſay, 4 from 5 (which is the oppoſite figure) and there remains one, 0 from 8 and there remains 8, 6 from 7 and there remains one, always ſet­ting the remaining number in the line underneath, 0 from 6 and there remains 6, 6 from 8 and there ramains 2, 2 from 7 and there remains 5.

Another example of Subſtraction, I would take 26896 from 34213,

34213
66896
••7317

and know what there remains: Set your Sum, then take the lower number from the upper, begin­ning at the firſt Figure towards your Right Hand: 6 from 3 I cannot, but 6 from 13 and there remains 7: Obſerve this Rule always in Subſtraction, for every ten you want in the firſt place, you are to take from the ſecond;150 as here you borrowed 10 in the firſt place, 6 from 3 you could not, but 6 from 13 and there remains 1; then carry 1 to the next Figure, and ſay 1 and 9 is 10, 10 from 1 I cannot, but 10 from 11, and there remains 1, then carry 1 to the next Figure, and ſay, 1 and 8 is 9, 9 from 2 I cannot, but 9 from 12, and there remains 3, ſet your 3 as in the Example: Then carry 1, and ſay, 1 and 6 is 7, 7 from 4 I cannot, but 7 from 14, and there remains 7; then carry 1, and ſay, 1 and 2 is 3, 3 from 3, and there remains o; thus your Sum is finiſhed.

Subſtraction of Money,

Place the greateſt Number, from which the Sub­ſtraction is to be made, in the uppermoſt line, and the number to be ſubſtracted or deduced, right un­derneath every Figure of the like kind, as Pounds under Pounds, Shillings under Shillings, Pence un­der Pence, and Farthings under Farthings, in this manner: Suppoſe you ſhould borrow the ſum of Money following in the upper Line, and ſhall have paid the ſum underneath; and if you would know how much remains owing, ſubſtract the lower num­ber from the upper, and the number remaining is the ſum you owe; as thus;

 l.s.d.q.
Lent,78978617113
Paid,69258319101
Remains9720218012
Proof,78978617113
141

The way to prove this, is to add the Number you ſubſtract, and the remaining Number together, and they will make the upper Line, if the ſum be truly wrought.

Several Examples.
 l.s.d.
Lent,67812345607106
Paid at ſeveral times,21261642191010
6897621031
346026003
 21268885838044
Remains,46543459769062

The way to do this Sum, is, to add the three ſe­veral payments together, and place them underneath, as you ſee in the Sum, and ſubſtract that Line which is added together underneath, from the Line at the top, and place the remainder underneath the next Line, as you ſee in the ſum: The proof of your ſum is by adding the two lowermoſt Lines together, and if they make the ſame number as the uppermoſt Line doth, your ſum is right, but elſe is wrong; this ſhall ſuffice for Subſtraction: The next Rule is of Multi­plication.

Multiplication.

Multiplication is that part of Arithmetick, by which is multiplied one Number by another, to the end the product may be known. In Multiplication there are three parts, Multiplicand, Multiplier, Product. Mul­tiplicand is the Number given to be multiplied; Mul­tiplier142 is the Number by which you multiply; thProduct is that which is produced by the Multiplication: As to muliply 6 by four, the Product will be 24; for 4 times 6 is 24. There is Multiplication ſingle, and Multiplication compound: Single, when the Multiplicand and Multiplier conſiſts but of one ſingle Figure.

For the eaſie underſtanding of the following Table, ſeek out your firſt or laſt Digit in the greater Figure, and from that go right forth to the right hand, till you come under the number of your ſecond Digit, which is in the higheſt row, and then the number which is in the meeting of the rows of the little ſquares, which comes directly from both your propounded Digits, is the Multiplication that they may amount unto,

The Table of Multiplication.
1123456789
 24681012141018
 39121518212427
 4162024283236
 52530354045
 636424854
 7495663
 86472
 981

To proceed to the uſe of this Rule of Multiplicati­on: I'll begin with one Figure firſt.

143
Multiplicand.68961324
Multiplier.2
Product.137922648

The ſecond Example is when the Multiplier is two Figures.

The ſecond Example.
689602
67
4827214
4137612
46203334
The third Example.
87968
987
7615767
03744
791712
86824416

Diviſion.

Diviſion is the diſtributing a greater ſum by the Unites of a leſſer; or it is an Arithmetical dividing of a third Number, in reſpect of two propounded Numbers; which third Number ſhall often contain any Unity, as the greater of the two propounded Numbers can contain a leſſer.

Diviſion bringeth many parcels into few, but yet ſo, if theſe few taken together are equal in value to the other many; for by Diviſion pence are turned into ſhillings, and ſhillings turned into pounds: As for example, of 120 ſhillings it makes 6 pounds, ſo are 120 turned into 6; which is a ſmall Number; but if you conſider the Denominators, you will ſee they are ſuch, that one of the latter is equal with 20 of the firſt, and ſo in the value the ſums are one, though in the number they differ, the latter ſum is144 the leſſer always in Diviſion, though in the working, the Sum is parted by another.

In Diviſion are required three Numbers, Dividend, that is the greater ſum, which is divided; the ſecond, which is generally the leſſer is the Diviſor, by which you muſt divide the other Number; and the third is the Anſwer to the Queſtion (how many times) and that is the Quotient. Now to know this Rule, firſt place your Dividend, then place your Diviſor juſt under the firſt Figure, towards your left hand, juſt contrariwiſe to the Work of Multiplication; as for Example; If you would divide 365 (which are the days of the Year (by 28, which are the days of a Month common, ſet them thus, as you ſee in the Example.

365
28

But if you would divide thoſe 365 Days by the Weeks in the Year, ſet them thus;

365
52

If you would divide them by the Quar­ters, thus;

365
4

But to give you more light in this Rule, obſerve this Sum proved.

365 (1
28

I ſeek firſt, how many times I can have 2 in (which is the firſt Figure of the Diviſor) 3, which is the firſt of the Number to be divided, I make a crooked Line at the end, as you ſee, and conſidering I can take 2 out of 3, but once,

18
365 (1
28

ſo I ſet that 1 at the end of the crooked Line, which is called the Quoti­ent; then I ſay, once 2 is 2, 2 from 3, and there remains〈◊〉; which I place over the 3, and then I croſs the 2 and the 3, and go to the next Figure, and ſay, 8 out of 16 (which are the145 Figures over head) and there remains 8, which I place over head, and croſs the 8 underneath the 1 and the 6.

When you have thus wrought 1, then begin a­gain, and write your Diviſor anew, as you ſee in the Example, ſet 2 under 8, and 8

2
181
365 (13
288
2

under 5, as thus; then ſeek how many times you may have 2 in the Figure over head, which is 8; 4 times 2 you cannot, becauſe you cannot take 8 ſo many times out of the Figure over head; therefore ſay you may have 3 times; ſet your 3 in the Quotient, and ſay 3 times 2 is 6, and place your 2 over your 8, and croſs your other Figures; then go to the next Figure, which is 8, and ſay 3 times 8 is 24, 24 from 25, and there remains 1; ſet your 1 over 5, and croſs your 5 and your 2, and then your Sum is finiſhed.

That you may know when you have divided your Sum right, uſe this Method; firſt, caſt away 9 as of­ten as you can out of the Diviſor, and that which re­mains; then ſet on one ſide of the Croſs, as

X1

in your Example before your Diviſor was 28, from which you may take 9 three times, and 1 remaineth; ſet your 1 as you ſee on the right hand, then examine your Quotient, which in your Example is 13, and from thence caſt away 9 as of­ten as you can, and the Remainder ſet on the other ſide of the Croſs; take 9 out of 13, and

4X1

there remains 4; ſet your four over againſt the 1 thus; then multiply 4 by 1, and it yieldeth but 4, thereto add the remainer of the Diviſion, which was 1, and that is 5, ſet you the 5 over the Croſs thus,146 Then you ſhal likewiſe examine the whole ſum divided,

 5 
4X1

and take away 9 as often as you can, and that which remaineth, ſet on the foot of the Croſs, and if it be juſt equal with that in the head of the Croſs, then you have done well; as in your Example,

 5 
4X1
 5 

the whole ſum was 365, which maketh 14; from that take 9, and there remains 5; ſet your 5 at the foot thus, and you have well done.

Thus have I finiſhed what I intended, and what my ſhort Treatiſe will give me leave, as to the Arithmeti­cal Part, I hope to the content of the Reader.

CHAP. XXXVIII. Shewing how the Merchant ſhould mark his Goods that go beyond Sea; together with a Diſcourſe concerning Freight; and the great Ʋſefulneſs of a Publick Notary.

1. THat every Merchant may mark his Goods well, he muſt learn to write the twenty four Capital Letters of the Alphabet very plain and hand­ſome; for the Marks that moſt men uſe, are the two Letters of their Names: and for Numbers, they are generally begun by the firſt Parcel of Goods that are ſent. The firſt Box or Hogſhead is marked Num. 1. the ſecond No 2. and the third No 3, &c. and ſo continue according to the Quantities that are ſent; and by theſe Numbers any Hogſheads or Casks147 are known and diſtinguiſhed one from another.

2. As for Freight, it is nothing elſe but a certain ſum of Mony that a Maſter is to have for carrying of Goods from one place to another: it is generally a­greed upon by the Merchant that ſhips the Goods, and the Maſter of the Ship; and in moſt Countries it is paid when the Goods are landed.

3. As for a Publick Notary, he is a man appointed by the King's Majeſty, or the States of any Common Wealth, to be Witneſs to any Act that is done and tranſacted betwixt Merchant and Merchant, or man and man, in any matter of Trade; and theſe men are eſteemed by others beyond the ſeas, more than ordinary men, becauſe they are ſet in places of Authority; and what they act is eſteemed juſt and true, becauſe they are put in places of Truſt; though what another particular man ſaid is not much regarded, nay, not at all in any manner of difference at Law; whereas the Affirmation of the other is as good as any Witneſs whatſoever; as for inſtance, ſuppoſe you have received a Bill of 100 l. from a Friend in Holland upon Mr. A. B, in London, and you are ſent with this Bill of Exchange to Mr. A. B. to have him accept it, and he tells you he will not ac­cept it, you are to bring back this Bill to your Ma­ſter, and he ſends it back to Holland, and writes word that he had ſent it to be accepted, and Mr. A.B. would not accept it; but ſaid, He could not do it, &c. The man that drew the Bill at Holland, tells you, It is falſe, and he is ſure Mr. A. B. will accept it, and that he never gave ſuch an Anſwer; This now begets a Quarrel betwixt you, and you cannot be re­conciled: But when the ſaid Bill is carried to a No­tary, and that Notary doth ſignifie by Proteſt that the Bill was preſented, and Mr. A. B. ſaid he would148 not accept it. This Proteſt of the Notary, where there is nothing but his bare Word, is believed as much as if 500 men were there to ſwear it.

But, Reader, here you may ask, Are theſe men uſed in nothing but for Bills of Exchange?

Anſw. Yes, Suppoſe you have got a Commiſſion from Holland, &c. for the ſelling of 20 Pieces of Linnens, and thoſe Linnens hold ſhort, or are dammaged, or are not Merchantable, &c. upon a Certificate before a No­tary, made by the Buyers of the Goods, or by Perſons that are knowing in the ſaid Commodities, and the man that ſent them unto you, muſt reſt ſatisfied; Or, if he have brought them for your Account, he may force by that Certificate, ſatisfaction from them that ſold them unto you.

2. But here again poſſibly you may ask, In what other Caſes are theſe men neceſſary in Trade?

Anſw. In the making of Proteſts againſt Maſters, Ships for Demurrage, in the demanding Freight for Goods, in the making Charter-Parties, in any thing wherein a Publick Witneſs is neceſſary.

This man ſupplies the Place, & anſwers any Diſpute that is made, or if you have any Paper or Parchment that is uſeful, and the Loſs of it would be prejudicial to you, you may have a true Copy of it drawn by a Notary, and he aſſerting the ſame, you may make the ſame Uſe of it as of the Original it ſelf.

149

CHAP. XXXIX. Giving every honeſt Merchant or Dealer an Account of the Method he ſhould take (according to Law) to get in what is juſtly owing to him, either by ſhuffling Tradeſmen in the City, or diſhoneſt Cor­reſpondents in the Countrey.

1. THere is the Court of Conſcience; and this only for Debts that are under forty ſhillings, and take cognizance only of ſuch as are owing by Free­men of the City of London, inhabiting within the ſaid City, or the Liberties thereof. Here you cauſe the Debtor to be warned in, and muſt refer the Mat­ter to Commiſſioners appointed by the Lord Mayor, &c. and you muſt abide by the Determination of the ſaid Commiſſioners. Generally Poverty is pleaded, and the Debtor is ordered to pay ſo much by the Week, 6 d. or 12 d. or what the Court thinks fit, or elſe Execution is taken out againſt him. You are believed for what you demand upon your Oath.

2. The Second way of Proceeding that is Civil, is to make an Attachment upon your Debtors Eſtate, Monies or Goods that you underſtand is due to him from A. B. J. C, &c. in the Mayors or either of the Sheriffs Court; and this doth not hurt the Perſon of him that owes the Mony, but only ſecures the Debt, and is no very great Diſgrace to the Debtor, nor any great Charge, and is done with much Privacy.

150

3. The Third way, if you have any difference with a man, and have a mind not openly to diſpa­rage him, you acquaint him, you intend to enter an Action againſt him in ſuch a Counter, and he will do well to put in Bail by ſuch a day; this is a great piece of Civility, if you muſt go to Law, and ſaves Money on both ſides that is given to Sergeants, &c.

4. The fourth way is, When you fear your man indeed, and do really think to ſecure him, then you give Order to an Officer to take him into cuſtody; you muſt firſt enter your Action at one of the Coun­ters, and pay your Sergeant; and when the Sergeant hath him, you have the Sheriff for your Security, if the Party makes any Eſcape, or the Bail be not good.

5. The Fifth is, by way of Writ from the King's Bench, or the Common-Pleas; and here the Party is held to ſpecial Bail before a Judge, and muſt give in Bail here below, and above too; and this is troubleſon for the Debtor, and alſo Chargeable.

6. A Sixth way is, by Outlawry, and this is very rigorous; and a man now adays by the baſeneſs of an Attorney, is ſued to an Outlawry, and knows nothing of it, but is quiet, and means no body harm; and here he is ruined, and run up to much Charge before he knows wherefore he is troubled.

7. The Seventh is, A Commiſſion of Bankrupt; and this is many ways convenient, but exceeding charge­able; the meaning of it is, a Commiſſion from under the Great Seal of England, directed to ſuch and ſuch Com­miſſioners, naming five or more, directing them to enquire into all the Particulars of the mans Conditi­on that hath failed.

They have power to Adminiſter an Oath, to ſend to151 Priſon, to releaſe out of Priſon; they can break open Houſes, ſeize Goods, ſell them, extend Lands; and in ſhort, do any thing for the Advantage of the Credi­tors.

But a Statute cannot be taken out againſt a man, un­leſs one or more Creditors joyn together, or the Sums amount to more than 100 l. and they muſt give Security to prove the man of Bankrupt.

This is a very rigorous manner of Proſecution, and generally leaves the Eſtate far worſe than they found it; for it is very chargeable and tedious.

Theſe are the ſeveral Ways that are uſed to get Money in, and to proſecute men: What more there are, I know not; that muſt be enquired into of them that are Learned in the Law.

But how if I am employed by another to proſecute ano­ther here, how must I Act it?

Anſw. In the ſame nature as is before cited; but you muſt have Power from the man that employs you.

What mean you by Power? Is not his Letter enough, and his Order to do it?

Anſw. No; that is not ſufficient; you muſt have a Procuration: ſo called in all Foreign Parts; and by us in England, A Letter of Attorney, that impowers you to ſue his Debtor, caſt him into Priſon, and re­leaſe him.

150
〈1 page duplicate〉
151
〈1 page duplicate〉
152

CHAP. XL. Directions to Merchants and other Dealers how to diſcover all Counterfeit Coyn, and bad Money, of great uſe in the receiving of great ſums of Money; Together with the valuation of Foreign and Engliſh Gold and Silver.

I will further add ſomething that may be uſeful to Merchants and all other Dealers that know it not, to prevent their being deceived with the counterfeit Coyn, that notwithſtanding the great care uſed by our Governours to prevent it, is continually made and vended amongſt us; wherefore they are to obſerve.

1. That there is one ſort of unlawful Money that is made ſo (of the lawful Coyn) by Clipping or Filing, or both, or otherwiſe lightening or impairing the ſame.

2. There is another ſort of unlawful counterfeit Money, made with the mixture of a little Silver and other baſer Metal, which by Artificial Working, Boyling and Finiſhing, will be made much like in Countenance, and near as paſſable as good Money.

3. There is another ſort of unlawful Money made of ſolid Copper or Braſs, and covered or caſed over, on the flat parts, as thick as Paper, and on the edges near as thick as a ſixpence with good Silver, and is commonly as paſſable as the other.

4. There is another ſort of counterfeit Money, made only of fine hardened Tin, which comes near153 (at firſt making) to the Colour of good Silver Mo­ney.

For the knowing of theſe (one from another, and all) from the lawful Coyn; Note further,

Firſt, The good Silver Coyn that is Clipt, Filed or Leſſened, although thereby made unlawful, yet ac­cording as it is more or leſs by theſe ways abuſed, the People do receive or refuſe it, as they can agree.

Secondly, This ſort although when Artificially finiſht, it much reſembles the proper Silver-Coyn, yet it can­not be ſo cunningly done, but it may be diſcovered by its different aſpect from the good; if that give cauſe of ſuſpition, rub either the edge or flat part of it up­on a dry Board, that hath gravelly or gritty matter on it; as the ſtep of a ſtair, or ſuch like, or elſe when the out-part of the edge is a little rubb'd off, rub it on a good clean Touchſtone, as afore is directed, and if it be falſe you will thereby diſcover it, or elſe take a Goldſmiths Graver made ſharp, and enter it in ſome part of the flat of the Money, as if you began to en­grave it, and in that Hole or Entrance, (by viewing it in the light) if bad, it will appear in its yellowiſh Colour.

Thirdly, This ſort is always different from the good ſilver-Money, thus (to wit) as the good Silver Mo­ney hath frequently, (I mean the old Money) ſmall cracks on the edges thereof, which is made by the forging it; ſo this ſort of counterfeit Money is ge­nerally ſmooth on the edges without ſuch cracks; and as the good Money will (being let fall, or thrown flat on a ſolid Board) ring ſhrill, ſo this ſort of bad Money, by reaſon its Caſe of Silver, cannot be ſo u­nited to its Body of Braſs or Copper, but it will (if let fall or thrown as aforeſaid) ſound like Lead; where theſe Signs give cauſe of ſuſpition; the uſe of a154 Graver, as aforeſaid, will plainly diſcover it.

Of the fourth, This ſort is eaſily diſcovered thus, (that is to ſay) it cannot be avoided but his Counte­tenance will look much duller or darker than the good Money; and if you bite it, you may make grea­ter Impreſſions thereon with your Teeth than on the good Coyn; for it is ſofter, and much eaſier to be bent either between the Teeth, or in ſome Chink or Joynt of Boards) than good Money.

There may be other ſorts of Counterfeit Silver-Mo­ney, otherwiſe to diſcover the ſame: But to enlarge this Diſcourſe on the Critick Nicities of what is, or may be obſervable therein; and the Laws in force concerning the ſame, would not only ſwell this, but be matter for another Volume; therefore I will on­ly add, that ingenious Traders being well acquainted with the Particulars of the foregoing Treatiſe, and theſe plain Rules here laid down, and by their care, to obſerve nicely, the Proportion, the Stamp, Coun­tenance, and wearing of the good Money, will eaſi­ly diſcern its difference from the Counterfeit: And as the Counterfeiting, Clipping, Rounding, Waſh­ing, Filing, Impairing, Diminiſhing, Falſifying, Sca­ling or Lightening.

For wicked Lucre ſake, the proper Money or Coyns of this Realm, is High Treaſon by theſe Statutes, (to wit) 25 Edw. 3.2. & 5 Eliz. 11. & 18 Eliz. 1. and the Actors of theſe Crimes, the Councellors, Conſen­ters, or Aiders therein, to be puniſhed accordingly; ſo the counterfeiting the Sterling or Standard-Gold or Silver of this Realm, in any Works or Wares what­ſoever, both the Working, Selling, Expoſing to Sale, and Exchanging or Bartering thereof, is ſevere­ly puniſhable, as is before made manifeſt; and it may be ſaid of the unlawful Money as of the unlawful Gold155 and Silver-Works; that if the People would (as they may) be ſo ingenious to know, and refuſe them, the Maker of either would ſoon deſiſt from ſuch unlawful Employments

CHAP. XLI. The valuation of Foreign and Engliſh Gold, is as follows, viz.

Foreign Gold.
 l.s.d
French Piſtol001704
French Lewis001404
Holland Rider010509
Hungary Ducket000908
Spaniſh Piſtol001704
Flanders Albertus001300
Double Sower of Flanders010806
Italian Piſtol001607
Gilder of Porthono000610
Gilder of Matthias Emp.000702
Gilder of Norembergh000701
Half Cradinal Angel000604
uckeen of Venice000904
A new Daniſh Coyn, with a Crown on the one ſide of it001507
 l.s.d.
Carolus or Piece 002000
Guiney-Pieces 002200
Angel 10 s. &110000
Crown 05 s &000506
Half a Crown02806 d &000209
The valuation of Foreign and Engliſh Silver, viz.
Holland Dollar0004
Lyon Dollar000304
Duckatoon of Flanders000504
Rixdoller of the Empire0004
Mexica Real0004
Sevil Real0004
Old Cardecus000106
French Lewis0004
Doub. Milret of Portugal0003
Single Milret of Portugal000109
St. Mark of Venice000206
Double Dutch Stiver0000
Croſs Dollers0004
Zealand Doller000207
Old Philip Doller000500
Ferdinando Doller, 1623000403
Prince of Orange Doller, 16240004
Rodalphus Doller, 1676000404
Maximilian Doller 1616000405
Daniſh Doller 162000211¼
Portugal Feſtoon0001
New ¼ of French Lewis000101

A Crown, 5 s. Half a Crown, 2 s. 6 d. Thirteen-pence-half-penny, 1 s. 1 d. ½. Half and Quarter Thir­teen-pence-half-penny. Nine-pence, 9 d. Four-pence-half-penny, 4 d. ½. Shilling, 12 d. Six-pence, 6 d. Groat, 4 d.. Three-pence, 3 d. Two-pence, 2 d. Pen­ny, 1 d. Half-penny, ½ d.

A Plain Table of Intereſt.
 1 Mon.2 Mon.3 Mon.9 Mon.A Year.
Shillings. ſh.p.q.ſh.p.q.ſh.p.q.ſh.p.q.ſh.d.q.
5001003013021071
10002013032052032
150030220510800100
Pounds.10100320700101121
2021070121191242
30320102191173363
4043121242263490
5060160300460670
6070192370542721
7081210421631842
8092242491712963
901032815428031000
Tens of Pounds. l.ſh.d.l.ſh.d.l.ſh.d.l.ſh.d.l.ſh.d.
100100300600900120
2002006001200180140
3003009001801701160
40040012014011602180
5005001501100250300
60060018011601403120
70070110220330440
8008014028031204160
9009019021404105180
100010011003004100600

The Uſe of this Table is this; If you'ld know whathe Intereſt of 100 and 5 l. is for 9 Months at 6 perent. then in the firſt Column find out 100 at the footf the Column, and right againſt it under the TitleMonths (which is the fifth Column) here you'll findl. 10 s. And againſt the Number 5 l. you ſhallnd 4 s. 6 d. So that the Intereſt of 100 and 5 l. forMonths cometh to 4 l. 14 s. 6 d. The ſame of the reſt.

158

CHAP. XLIII. A Compleat Tide-Table, ſhewing the Time of High-Water at London, Graveſend, the Downs, Malden, Rocheſter, Quinborough, Portſmouth, and Iſle of Wight, with Hours and Minutes,

Mo. Age.LondonGraveſ. Rocheſt. Quinbor.
H.M.H.M.H,M.H.M.H.M.
1163182131331146
2174363622136
31852435439224
419612442357312
5207053045040
621748615533448
72283076621536
823924754719624
9241012842757712
102511093084580
112611431018933848
122712271161021926
13281241151191024
1429212124211571112
1530301301245120

In the firſt Column is the Moons Age, in the ſecond is the hours and minutes of High Water at London-Bridge, Graveſend, and other Places. When the Moon is one day old, it is High Water at London-Bridge at Three of the Clock eighteen Minutes paſt; and ſo it is when the Moon is ſixteen days old; and ſo〈◊〉is with every Mons Age; the Figure oppoſite to it, is the hour and minute of High Water in every Column.

159

The TERMS and their Returns

Hillary Term begins Jan. 22. ends. Feb. 12.
Return on Eſſoyn days. Exch. da. Ret. Br. Appear.
Octab. Hill. Jan. 21.Jan. 21Jan. 22Jan. 23
Quind. Hill. Jan. 28Jan. 28Jan. 29Jan. 30
Claſt. Purif. Febr. 5Febr. 4Febr. 5Febr. 6
Octab. Purif. Febr. 11Febr. 11Febr. 12Febr. 12
Eaſter Term begins April 16, ends May 12.
Quind. Paſch. Apr. 14April 15Apr. 16April. 16
Tres Paſch. Apr. 21April 22Apr. 23April. 24
Menſ. Paſch. Apr. 28April 29Apr. 30May 1
Quinq. Paſch. May 5May 6.May 7May 7
Craſt. Aſcenſ. May 9May 10May 10May 12
Trinity Term begins May 30 ends June 18.
Craſt. Trin. May 26May 27May 28May 30
Octab. Trin. June 2June 3June 4June 5
Quinq. Trin. June 9June 10June 11June 12
Tres Trin. June 16June 17June 17June 18
Michalem. Term begins Oct. 23 ends No. 28.
Tres Mich. October 20October 21Octo. 22Octo. 23
Menſ. Mich. Octob. 27October 27Octo. 29Octo. 0
Craſt. Anim. Novem. 3Novem 4Nov. 5Nov. 6
Craſt. Mart. Novem 1Novem. 13Nov. 14Nov. 15
Octab. Mart. Nov. 19Novem. 20Nov. 21Nov. 22
Quind. Mart. Nov. 25Novem. 26Nov. 27Nov. 28

The Exchequer opens 8 days before any Term begins, except Trinity Term, before which it opens only 4 days. Note, that the firſt and laſt days of eve­ry Term, are the firſt and laſt days of Appearance.

160

CHAP. XLV. A Perpetual Almanack of daily Ʋſe to all Traders.

Apr July.Sept. Dec.June. Febr.Mar. Nov.Au­guſt.May. Jan.Octo­ber.
1234567
891011121314
15161718192021
22232425262728
29303100000000

Note, That on what Day of the Week the Year be­gins, the Figure under each Month is the ſame day of the Week until the Years end: as for Example; The 25th. day of the firſt Month, called March, was on the Third Day of the Week, called Tueſday; under Sep­tember and December you ſee (2,) which ſheweth Tueſday to be the ſecond day of each of thoſe Months; and ſo go on to the end of the Month; and the like in all the other Months.

161

CHAP. XLVI. Of the Poſt-Office.

THis Office is now kept in Lumbard-ſtreet, for­merly in Biſhopſgate-ſtreet; the Profits of it are by Act of Parliament ſetled on his Royal Highneſs the Duke of York; but the King by Letters Patents, under the Great Seal of England, conſtitutes the Poſt-Maſter-General.

From this General Office, Letters and Pacquets are diſpatched.,

On Mondays,To France, Spain, Italy, Germany, Flanders, Swede­land, Denmark, Kent, and the Downs.

On Tueſdays,To Holland, Germany, Swedeland, Denmark, Ire­land, Scotland, and all parts of England and Wales.

On Wedneſdays,To all parts of Kent and the Downs.

On Thurſdays,To France, Spain, Italy, and all parts of England〈◊〉Scotland.

On Frydays,To Flanders, Germany, Italy, Swedeland, Denmarkand, Kent and the Downs,

On Saturdays,all parts of England, Wales, Scotland and Ireland. Letters are returned from all parts of England andland certainly every Monday, Wedneſday and Fry­day from Wales every Monday and Fryday; and from〈◊〉and the Downs every day; but from other parts〈◊〉uncertainly, in regard of the Sea.

162

A Letter containing a whole ſheet of Paper is con­vey'd 80 miles for 2 d. two ſheets for 4 d. and an Ounce of Letters for 8 d. and ſo proportionably; a a Letter containing a ſheet, is convey'd above 80 miles for 3 d. two ſheets for 6 d. and every Ounce of Letters for 12 d. A ſheet is conveyed to Dublin for 6 d. two for a ſhilling, and an Ounce of Letters for 12 d.

This Conveyance by Poſt, is done in ſo ſhort a time, by night as well as by day, that every 24 hours the Poſt goes 120 Miles, and in five days, an Anſwer of a Letter may be had from a place 300 miles di­ſtant from the Writer.

Moreover, if any Gentleman deſire to ride Poſt to any principal Town of England, Poſt-horſes are always in readineſs (taking no Horſe without the conſent of his Owner) which in other Kings Reigns was not duly obſerved; and only 3 d. is demanded for every Engliſh Mile, and for every Stage to the Boſt-Boy, 4 d. for conducting.

Beſides this Excellent convenience of conveying Letters and Men on Horſeback, there is of late ſuch an admirable commodiouſneſs both for Men and Women of better Rank, to travel from London, and to almoſt all the Villages near this great City, that the like hath not been known in the World, and that is by Stage-Coaches, wherein one may be tranſported to any place, ſheltered from foul Weather, and foul ways, free from endamaging ones Health or Body by hard jogging, or over-violent motion; and this not only at a low price, as about a ſhilling for every five Miles, but with ſuch velocity and ſpeed, as that the Poſts in ſome Foreign Countries, make not more Miles in a day; for the Stage-Coaches, called Flying Coaches, make forty or fifty Miles in a day, as from163 London to Oxford or Cambridge, and that in the ſpace, of twelve hours, not counting the time for Dining ſetting forth not too early, nor coming in too late.

CHAP. XLVII. The ſeveral Rates that now are, and have been taken for the Carriage of Letter, Pacquets and Parcels, to or from any of His Majeſties Dominions, to or from any other Parts or Places beyond the Seas, are as followeth, that is to ſay,

 s. d
MOrlaix, St. Maloes, Caen, New­haven, and places of like di­ſtance, Carriage paid to RouenSingle06
Double10
Treble16
Ounce16
Hamburg, Colen, Frankfort, Carri­age paid to Antwerp, isSingle08
Double14
Treble20
Ounce20
Venice, Genoua, Legorn, Rome, Na­ples, Meſſina, and all other parts of Italy, by way of Venice, Franct pro Mantua. Single09
Double16
Treble23
Ounce28
Marſeilles. Smirna, Conſtantinople, Aleppo, and all parts of Turky, Carri­age paid to MarſellesSingle10
Double20
¾ Ounce29
Ounce38
And for Letters brought from the ſaid places into EnglandSingle08
Double14
Treble20
Ounce20
For Letters brought into England from Calais, Diepe, Bologne, Abbeville, St. Omers, Amiens, Montrel. Single04
Double08
Treble10
Ounce10
Rouen. Single06
Double10
Treble16
Ounce16
Genoua, Leghorn, Rome, and o­ther parts of Italy, by way of Lyons, Frank pro Lyons. Single10
Double20
¾ Ounce29
Ounce39
And of Letters ſent Outwards.
To Bourdeaux, Rochel, Nantz, Orle­ans, Bayon, Tours, and Places of like diſtance, Port paid to Paris. Single09
Double16
Treble23
Ounce20
For Letters from thoſe Places in England. Single10
Double20
¾ Ounce30
Ounce40
And Letters ſent outwards to No­rembergh, Bremen, Dantzick, Lubeck, Lipſwick, and other Places of like di­ſtance, Port paid to Hamburgh. Single10
Double20
¾ Ounce30
Ounce40
Paris Single09
DoubleC6
Treble23
Ounce20

Dunkirk, Oſtend, Liſte, Ipres, Cam­bray, Ghent, Bruxels, Bruges, Antwerp, and all other parts of Flanders.

Sluce, Fluſhing, Middleburgh, Am­ſterdam, Roterdam, Delph, Hague, and all other parts of Holland and Zealand.

Single0
Double14
Treble20
Ounce20

All Merchants Accompts, not exceeding a Sheet, Bills of Exchange, Invoyces, Bills of Lading, ſhall be allowed without Rate in the price of the Letters, and alſo the Covers of the Letters not exceeding〈◊〉Sheet, to Marſeilles, Venice, or Legorn, towards Turky.

The ſaid Office is managed by a Deputy, and other Officers, to the Number of ſeventy ſeven perſons, who give their actual Attendance reſpectively, in the diſpatch of the Buſineſs.

Upon this Grand Office depends one hundred eighty two Deputy-Poſt-Maſters in England and Scot­land; moſt of which keep Regular Offices in their Stages, and Sub-Poſt-Maſters in their Branches; and alſo in Ireland, another General Office for that King­dom, which is kept in Dublin, conſiſting of Eighteen like Officers, and Forty five Deputy-Poſt-Maſters.

The preſent Poſt-Maſter-General keeps conſtantly, for the Tranſport of the ſaid Letters and Pacquets;

Between Eng­land and

  • France two Pacquet-Boats.
  • Flanders, two Pacquet-Boats.
  • Holland three Pacquet-Boats.
  • Ireland, three Pacquet-Boats.

And at Deal, two Pacquet-Boats for the Downs.

166

All which Officers, Poſt maſters, Pacquet-Boats, are maintained at his own proper charge.

And as the Maſter-piece of all thoſe good regulati­ons, eſtabliſhed by the preſent Poſt-maſter-General, for the better Government of the ſaid Office, he hath annexed and appropriated the Market Towns of En­gland, ſo well to their reſpective Poſt-Stages, that there is no conſiderable Market-Town, but hath an eaſie and certain Conveyance for the Letters thereof, to and from the ſaid Grand Office, in the due courſe of the Males every Poſt.

Though the Number of Letters miſſive in England, were not at all conſiderable in our Anceſtors days, yet it is now ſo prodigiouſly great (ſince the mean­eſt People have generally learnt to write) that the Office is Farmed for above 40. rather 50000 l. a Year.

CHAP. XLVIII. The Rates and Orders of Coach-men.

BY an Act of Paliament made in the Fourteenth Year of our Sovereign Lord King CHARLES the Second; It is appointed, That no perſon or per­ſons, after May 1. 1662. ſhall preſume to drive (except Stage-Coaches) or let to Hire by the hour or day, or otherwiſe, any Hackney-Coach or Coach-Horſes, within the Pariſhes compriſed within the Bills of Mortality, without an eſpecial Licenſe from the Commiſſioners appointed by his Majeſty for Licen­ſing and regulating Hackney-Coaches. That no Horſe Gelding or Mare to be uſed with ſuch Coaches, be un­der 14 hands high, according to the Standard. Th••167the number of Coaches ſo Licenſed, ſhall not exceed 400. That every Coach ſo Licenſed ſhall have a mark of diſtinction by Figure, or otherwiſe, as the Commiſſioners ſhall think fit, to the end they may be known, if any complaint ſhall be made of them. That no perſon ſhall be Licenſed to keep more than two Coaches, which Coaches ſhall have ſeveral Fi­gures or marks of diſtinction, as if belonging to ſe­veral perſons. That no perſon ſhall put that Figure or mark upon his Coach, which is appointed for any o­ther, under the forfeiture of five pounds. That no perſon ſhall be Licenſed to drive or keep a Hackney-Coach or Coach-Horſes, that uſes any other Trade or Occupation. That firſt ſuch as have been ancient Coach-men, or ſuch Coach-men as have ſuffered for their Service to His Majeſty or his Father, or the Widows of ſuch (that have Coaches of their own) be Licenſed. That the Commiſſioners forfeit one hundred pounds for every Coach they Licenſe above the number of 400.

That no Hackney-Coach-man ſo Licenſed, ſhall preſume to take for his Hire in or about the Cities of London and Weſtminſter, above Ten ſhillings for a day, reckoning 12 hours to the day; and by the hour, not above 18 pence for the firſt hour, and 12 pence for every hour after; nor for his Hire from any of the Inns of Courts, or thereabouts, to any part of St. James, oWeſtminster (except beyond Tuttle-ſtreet) above 12 pence, and the like from the ſame places to the Inns of Courts, or thereabouts; nor from the Inns of Courts, or thereabouts, to the Royal Ex­change, more than 12 pence; but if to the Tower, Biſhopſgate-ſtreet, Aldgate, or places thereabouts. 18 pence; and ſo from the ſame places to the ſaid Inns of Court, as aforeſaid.

168

That the like Rates be obſerved from or to any place at the like diſtance with the places before-named. That if any Coach-man ſhall refuſe to go at, or exact more for his Hire than theſe Rates, he ſhall for every Offence forfeit Ten Shillings.

CHAP. XLXI. The Rates for Car-men.

ALL Car-men Trading or Working with Carrs, in the City of London, and Liberties thereof, ſhall and may demand, and take for every Carriage or Load of the Commodities under-mentioned, the Rates hereafter following, that is to ſay,

From any the Wharfs between the Tower and London-Bridge, to Tower-ſtreet, Grace-Church-ſtreet, Fen-Church-ſtreet, Biſhopſgate-ſtreet within, Cornhill, and places of like diſtance up the Hill, with 18 Hundred weight, not exceeding 20 Hundred Weight. 2 s. 2 d.

And being above 20 Hundred Weight, for eve­ry Hundred 2 s. 2 d.

In which may be included,

Two puncheons of Prunes, 2 Bales of Mather, 20 Barrels of Figs, 2 Fats of Fuſtians, 6 ordinary Sacks of Cotton-Wool of Smirna, and 3 Cyprus-Bags, 2 Butts of Currans, 1 great Butt of Oyl, 3 Cheſts of Sugar, 8 Bags of Allom, 1 Laſt of Flax, 1 Laſt of Hemp, and any other Goods herein not named, of the Like weight, for every Load 2 s. 2 d.

169

And for Sea-Coals, 14 pence the Load, every Load to be half a Chaldron; and for one Hundred Fagots the like Rate 1 s. 2 d.

And from any the Wharfs aforeſaid, to Broad­ſtreet, Lothbury, Old Jury, Baſſiſhaw, Coleman-ſtreet, Ironmonger-lane, St. Lawrence-lane, Milk-ſtreet, Al­dermanbury, Cheapſide, Woodſtreet, Friday-ſtreet, Bread­ſtreet, and places of like diſtance, for the like weight of 18 Hundred, not exceeding 20 Hundred weight, for the Goods aforeſaid, and other Goods herein not named, of the like weight, for every Load 2 s. 6 d.

And being above 20 Hundred weight, for every Hundred 0 s. 2 d

And for Sea-Coals, 16 pence the Load, every Load to be half a Chaldron; and for one Hundred Fagots the like Rate. 1 s. 4 d.

And from any the Wharfs aforeſaid, to Smithfield-Bars, Holborn-Bars, Temple-Bar, or any of the Bars on the Northſide of the City, and places of like di­ſtance up the Hill, with 18 Hundred weight, not ex­ceeding 20 Hundred weight, for every Load 3 s. 4 d.

And going beyond the ſaid places, the parties to agree with the Car-men.

Alſo from any the Wharfs aforeſaid, to Tower-ſtreet, Biſhopſgate-ſtreet within, Cornhil, and other places of like diſtance up the Hill with 14 Hundred weight, not exceeding 18 Hundred Weight 1 s. 10 d

Alſo from any the Wharfs aforeſaid, to Broadſtreet, Lothbury, Old-Jury, Baſſiſhaw, Coleman-ſtreet, Ironmon­ger-Lane, St. Lawrence Lane, Milk-ſtreet, Aderman­bury, Cheapſide, Woodſtreet, Fryday-ſtreet, Breadstreet,170 and places of the like diſtance, for any of the ſaid Goods of the ſame quantity and weight, for every Load 2 s. 0 d.

Alſo from any the Wharfs aforeſaid, to Tower-ſtreet, Grace-Church-ſtreet, Fenchurch-ſtreet, Biſhops­gate-ſtreet within, Cornhil, and other places of like diſtance up the Hill, with 8 Hundred Weight, not ex­ceeding 14 Hundred Weight 1 s. 6 d.

And from any the Wharfs aforeſaid, to Broad-ſtreet Lothbury, Old Jury, Baſſiſhaw, Coleman-ſtreet, Iron­monger-Lane, St. Lawrence-Lane, Milk-ſtreet, Alder­manbury, Cheapſide, Wood-ſtreet, Friday-street, and o­ther places of like diſtance, for any other Goods of like Load or Weight, for every Load 1 s. 8 d.

Alſo from London-Bridge-foot, Weſtward to the Old Swan, Cole-Harbour, the 3 Cranes, Queen-hith, Broken Wharf, Paul's Wharf, Puddle Wharf, the Wardrope, and to all other places not exceeding the Poultry, Cheapſide, or Newgate-Market, for 13 Hundred weight not exceeding 18 Hundred Weight 1 s. 10 d.

And for Sea-Coles, 14 pence the Load, every Load to be half a Chaldron; and for 1 Hundred Fagots the like Rate 1 s. 2 d.

And from all other Wharfs and Places between London-Bridge and Temple-Bar, to the ſame, and pla­ces of like diſtance, for every load of Coles 14 pence, every load to be half a Chaldron; and 100 of Fagots the like Rate 1 s. 2 d.

And to all places Northward of the Poultry, Cheap­ſide, Newgate-Market, Holbourn-Bridge, and Fleet-ſtreet, for 14 hundred Weight, not exceeding 18 hun­dred Weight 2 s. 0 d.

And from Tower-ſtreet, Grace-Churchſtreet, Fen-Church-ſtreet, Biſhopſgate-ſtreet within, Cornhil, and other places of like diſtance, for every pack of 20171 Cloths, for 6 bales of Cloths and Kerſies, 6 bales of Pepper, 6 barrels Indico, 5 hogſheads of Cloves, and for other Goods not herein mentioned, of like weight, to the Water-ſide 1 s. 4 d.

And from Broad-ſtreet, Lothbury, Old Jury, Baſſi­ſhew, Coleman-ſtreet, Ironmonger Lane, St. Lawrence­lane, Milk-ſtreet, Aldermanbury, Cheapſide, Woodſtreet, Friday-ſtreet, Bread-ſtreet, and other places of like di­ſtance to the Water-ſide, for the like weight, 1 s. 8 d.

CHAP. L. Orders for Car-Men.

THE Car-Men for the foregoing Rates, are to help load and unload their Carts.

If a Car-man, exact more than theſe Rates, upon due proof before the Lord Mayor, or any two Juſtices of the Peace, he ſhall ſuffer Impriſonment for the ſpace of 21 days, without Bail, or Mainpriſe.

If any Merchant: or other perſon, ſhall refuſe to pay a Car-man for his Hire after theſe Rates, upon Complaintmade by the Car-man to the Preſident of Chriſt-Hoſpital, or any Juſtice of the Peace, the Pre­ſident or Juſtice may oblige them to do it.

All Merchants, or others, may chuſe what Car they pleaſe, except ſuch as ſtand for Wharf-work, Tacklework, Crane-work, Shop and Merchants Houſes, which are to be taken in turn.

172

Every Car-man ſtanding with his empty Car, next to any Goods to be loaded, ſhall upon the firſt de­mand load the ſame, without bargaining for any o­ther Wages than the Rates before-mentioned.

If a Merchant or other perſon ſhall cauſe a Car­man to attend at his Houſe, Shop, Ware-houſe or Cellar, with his Loaden Carr, above half an hour before he unloads (the Car-man being willing to help unload the ſame) he ſhall pay the Car-man after the Rate of Twelve-pence for every hour after the firſt half hour, for his Attendance.

Every Licenſed Car-man is to have a piece of Braſs fixed upon his Car, upon which is to be ſet a certain Number, which Number (together with the Car-man's Name) is Regiſtred in a Regiſter kept in Chriſt-Hoſpital; ſo that if any Car-man offends, it is but taking notice of the Number of his Carr, and ſearch for that in the ſaid Regiſter, and you will find his Name.

Every Car-man that ſhall not conform to theſe Bules, or work without a Numbred piece of Braſs fixed on his Carr, may be ſuſpended from his Em­ployment.

Complaints of the Abuſes of Car-men may be made every Tueſday at Two of the Clock in the Afternoon, to the Court ſitting in Chriſt-Hoſpital.

173

CHAP. LI. The Rates or Fares of Water-men.

 Oars. Skul.
s.d.s.d.
FRom London to Limehouſe, New-Crane Shadwel-Dock, Bell-wharf, Ratcliff-croſs1006
To Wapping-Dock, Wapping-New, and Wapping Old-Stairs, the Hermitage, Ro­therhith Church-Stairs, and Rotherith-Stairs 0603
From St. Olaves to Rotherhith-Church-Stairs, and Rotherhith-Stairs 0603
From Billingſgate and St. Olaves, to St. Sa­viour's Mill 0603
All the Stairs between London-Bridge and Weſtminſter 0603
From either ſide above London-Bridge, to Lambeth and Fox-Hall 1006
From White-hall to Lambeth and Fox-hall0603
From Temple, Dorſet, Black-Fryars-Stairs, and Pauls-Wharf, to Lambeth 0804
Over the water directly in the next Skuller between London-Bridge and Lime-houſe, or London-Bridge and Fox-hall 0002
OARS.
 Wh. FareCom­pany
 s.d.s.d.
FRom London to Graveſend 4606
From London to Graiſe, or Greenhive 4008
From London to Purfleet or Eriff 3006
From London to Woolwich 2604
From London to Black-wall 2004
From London to Black-Wall 2004
From London to Greenwich or Deptford 1603
From London to Chelſey, Batterſey, Wandſor1603
From London to Putney, Fullam, Barn-Elms2004
From London to Hammerſmith, Chiſwick, Mortclack 2606
From London to Brainford, Thiſtleworth, Richmand, 3606
From London to Twickenham 4006
From London to Kingſton 5009
From London to Hampton-Court 6010
From London to Hampton-Town, Sunbury, and Walton 7010
From London to Werbridge and Chortſey 10010
From London to Stanes 12010
From London to Windſor 14020

Rates for Carrying Goods in the Tilt Boat between Graveſend and London.

A Half Firkin, 1 d. a whole Firkin, 2 d. a Hogſhead '2 s. A hundred weight of Cheeſe, Iron, or any heavy Goods, 4 d. A Sack of, Sah or Corn, 6 d. An ordi­nary Cheſt or Trunk, 6 d An ordinary Hamper, 6 d. The Hire of the whole Tilt-Boat, 1 l. 2 s. 6. d. Every ſingle Perſon in the ordinary Paſſage, 6 d.

What Waterman takes and demands more than theſe Rates, lies liable to pay Forty Shillings, and ſuf­fer half a years Impriſonment.

And if he refuſe to carry any Paſſengers or Goods at theſe Rates, upon Complaint made to the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen, he ſhall be ſuſpended from his Employment for Twelve Months.

175

CHAP. LII. A TABLE of KINGS.

Names.Began their Reign.Reigned.Since they Reigned.
Y.M.D.
W. Con.1066 Oct. 14201122597 Sept. 9
W. Rufus1687 Sept. 9221118584 Aug. 2
Henry 11100 Aug. 13541549 Dec. 1
Stephen1135 Dec. 2181118530 Oct. 25
Henry 21154 Oct. 253591495 July 6
Richard 11189 July 6990485 April 6
John1199 April 61770468 Oct. 9
Henry 31216 Oct. 195619412 Nov. 16
Edward 11272 Nov. 163486377 July 7
Edward 21307 July 71975358 Jan. 25
Edward 31326 Jan. 255157307 June 21
Richard 21377 June 2122314285 Sept. 29
Henry 41399 Sept. 291363271 Mar. 20
Henry 51412 Mar. 209524262 Aug. 31
Henry 61422 Aug. 313868224 Mar. 4
Edward 41460 Mar. 42215201 April 9
Edward 51483 April. 9021801 June 18
Richard 31483 June 2225199 Aug. 22
Henry 71585 Aug. 2223102175 April 22
Henry 81509 April 2237102138 July 28
Edward 61546 Jan. 286510131 July 6
Mary1553 July 65422126 Nov. 17
Elizabeth1558 Nov. 174441682 Mar. 2.
James1602 Mar. 24228259 Mar. 27
Charles 11625 Mar. 272310236 Jan. 30
Charles 21648 Jan. 30Whom God long preſerve.

Now may look on Monarchy, and ſing, In Health and Peace long live Great CHARLES our King. Note that every King began his Reign when the pre­ceding King ended his.

176

CHAP. XLIII. Next follows the Names of the principal Fairs in England, &c. Together with the Month, Day, and Place where they be kept, more exactly than heretofore, for the uſe of all Citizens, and others that go to Fairs.

January.THe 5 day at Hicketford in Lancaſhire; the 6 day at Saliſbury; the Thurſday after at Ban­bury; the 25 at Graveſend, Briſtol, Churchingford, Northallerton in Yorkſhire, every Wedneſday from Chriſtmas until June.

February.The firſt day at Bromly in Lancaſhire; the 2 day at Reading in Barkſhire, Maidſtone, Bickleſworth, Becklesfield, Bath, Lin, Bugwort; the 3 day at Brogrove; on Valentines day at Owndle in Nor­thamptonſhire, Feverſham; the 24 day at Henly upon Thames, Baldock; on Aſhwedneſday at Roy­ſton, Dunſtable, Eaton, Tamworth, Tunbridge, Lichfield, Exeter, Cirenceſter: the firſt Thurſday in Lent at Banbury.

177

March.The 3 day at Bromwel-brakes in Norfolk; the 4 at Bedford; the 12 at Alſome in Norfolk, Sudbury, Wooburn; the 13 at Wye, Bodwin in Cornwall: the 20 at Durham; the Monday before our Lady-day at Kendal, Wiſbich; the 25 day at Huntington, Northampton, Malden, Aſhwel in Hartfordſhire, Newcaſtle; Mid-lent at Saffron-walden in Eſſex; Goodfriday at Norwich; Palmſunday-eve at Wisbich, Worceſter, Pomfret.

April.Eaſter-monday at Oney in Bedforſhire, Gainsbo­rough; Eaſter-tueſday at Daintry in Northamptonſh. Godmoncheſter, Schole in Norfolk, St. Edmonds­bury; on Wedneſday at Wellingborough in Nor­thamptonſhire; on Friday in the ſame Week at Darby; on Saturday at Bickleſworth; the 2 at Hitchen, Rochford, Northfleet: the 7 at Darby; the 9 at Billingſworth, Bickleſworth: the 22 at Stabford: the 23 at Ipſwich, Harbin in Norfolk, Northampton, Sapſar in Hartfordſhire, Charing, Hinningham, Tamworth, Bury in Lancaſhire, S. Bombs in Cornwal: the 27 at Dunmow in Eſſex, Oakham in Rutlandſhire, Buckingham, Darby: the 29 at Tenderden in Kent, Pleet; the 30 at Beverly a week together.

May.The firſt day at Havevel in Eſſex, Layton-buzzard in Huntingtonſhire, Rippon in Yorkſhire, Reading,178 Maidſtone, Toxford in the Clay; the 3d. at Elſtow in Bedfordſh. Noneaton in Warwickſh Thedford in Norfolk, Chelmford in Eſſex, Waltham-Abby, Hin­ningham, Rochdale, Bramyard: the 7th. at Newton in Lancaſhire, Beverley, Oxford: the 10th. at Ro­cheſter, Dunſtable, Magfield in Suffolk: on Rogation munday at Reach: on Aſcention-day at Thaxted, Be­verly, Rippon, Sudminſter, Biſhops-ſtratford, S. Eeds, Wickham in Lancaſhire, Middle-Wich in Cheſhire, Chappel-frith in Derbyſhire; on Whitfon-Eve at Skipton in Craven: on Whitſon-monday at St. Ives, Rygate in Surry, Bickleſworth, Bradford, Agmunde­ſham in Buckinghamſh. on Whitſon-Tueſday at New­market: on Wedneſday at Royſton: on Thurſday at Odehil in Northamptonſhire: the 26th. day at Lenham: the 29th. at Crainbrook.

June.On Trinity-Eve at Rowel, Kendal: on Corpus Chriſti at banbury, Biſhops-ſtratford, St. Eedes, Co­ventry, Newbury: the 9. at Maidſtone: the 11 at Breme in Norfolk, Bardfield in Eſſex: the 17. at Hadſtock: the 23. at S. Albans, Deerham in Nor­folk, Shrewsbury: the 24 at Halſon in Suffolk, Barn­wel beſide Cambridge, Bedford, Colcheſter, Bum­ford, Reading, Windſor, Halifax, Hardford, Beverly, Haſelinden: the 26 at Briſtol, Derby: the 27 at Burton on Trent, Folſtone: the 28 at S. Pombs in Cornwal: the 29 at Peterborough, Aſhwel, Sudbury, Stebbing in Eſſex, Benington in Hartfordſhire.

179

July.The 1, 2, and 3 days at Congelſton in Cheſh. the 7 at Royſton, Burntwood: the Munday after at Fod­ringham: the 11 at Partney for Horſes: the 20 at Uxbridge, Coolidge, Woodſtock, Barkway: the 22 at Ickleton, Bickleſworth, Norwich, Colcheſter: the 25 at Audly-end beſide Walden, Reading.

Auguſt.The firſt day at Bedford, S. Eedes, Dunſtable, Fe­verſham, Wisbich, Bickleſworth, Stoni-ſtratford: the 10 at Blackanore, Harple in Norfolk, Thaxted in Eſſex, S. Ives. Bedford, Banbury, Farnham, Brain­ford: the 15 at Cambridge, Huntington, Dunmow, Luton, Northampton: the 24 at London Sudbury, Norwich, Oxford, Northallerton, Dover, Beggars­buſh, Burton: the 29 at Halſon in Suffolk, Harlow-buſh in Eſſex, Watford,

September.The firſt day at S. Giles in the buſh, on Thurſday and Friday next before the 8 day at Sandbach in Cheſh. the 7, 8, 9 and 10 days at Woodbury-hill in Dorſetſh. the 7 at Ware; the 8 at Huntington, Bury in Lancaſh. Partney, Wakefield, Northampton, and Sturbridge-fair belonging to Cambridge begins; the 14 at Rppon for Horſes, Waltham-Abbey, Cheſter­field in Darbiſhire, Richmond; the 21 day at Marle­borough, Bedford, Baldor; S. Edmond••ury, Hol­den in Holderneſs, Braintry, Bracklymaiden, Malden: the 29 at S. Ives, Baſingſtoke, Market-deeping, Shel­ford180 in Bedfordſhire, Biſhopſtratford, Malden for Horſes, Stow in Lincolnſhire; Thurſday after at Ban­bury.

October.The ſecond at Salisbury; the 6 at Havent in Hampſh. Maidſton, Coolidge, Gayworth by Lin, S. Faiths; the 8 at Biſhopſtratford, Harborough; the 9 at Gainsborough in Lincolnſhire; the 13 at Wind­ſor, Colcheſter, Graveſend; the 18 day at Ely, Biſhops­hatfield, Barnet, Banbury, Thirſt, Burton on Trent; the 21 day at Saffron-Walden; the 23 at Bickleſ­worth; the 28 at Newmarket, Dis in Norfolk, Wake­field, Richdrle in Lancaſhire.

November.The firſt day at Chelmsford; the 2 at Epping-Kingſtone on Thames, Padamhaſſon in Suffolk: the 6 day at Newport pond, Bedford, Hartford; the 11 at Lodden in Norfolk, Lenton in Nottinghamſhire, Hempton in Norfolk, Fockingham in Lincolnſhire, Bridgſtock in Northamtonſh. Marleborough; the 17 at Spalding in Lincolnſhire, Harlow, Lincoln, Hide, Northampton; the 19 at Horſham in Kent; the 20 at S. Edmondsbury, Ingerſtone in Eſſex, Heath; the 23 at Sandwich; the 30 at Boldoc, Bareford, Koling­borough, Maidenhead, Warrington, Rocheſter.

December.The 5 at Pluckly; the 6 at S. Eedes, Woodſtock. Spalding, Norwich in Cheſhire, at Exeter, Senock in Kent, Arundel, Grantham; the 7 at Sandhurſt; the 8 at Northampton, Clitheral in Lancaſhire, Huntington, Malpas in Cheſh. the 29 at Canterbury, Salisbury.

FINIS.

An Alphabetical Table of the whole Book.

A.
  • ADvantages of London with reſpect to Trade, Pag. 22
  • Aſſurance, what it is. Pag. 75
  • An Alphabetical Account of all the Carri­ers, Waggoners and Stage-Coaches that come to London, Weſtminſter, and Southwark, from all Parts of England and Wales, with their reſpective Days of going out. Pag. 125
  • Arts Glory; or, The Tradeſmans Practical Arithmetick. Pag. 135.
  • A perpetual Almanack. Pag. 160
C.
  • COmpleat Houſe-Keeper, or, Directions to all Tradeſmen for the cheap Order­ing their Domeſtick Affairs. Pag. 14
  • Cororations of London. pag. 20
  • Coal-Market. pag. 61
  • Corn-Market. ibid.
  • Cuſtoms, Subſidies and Impoſitions paid upon Commondities. pag. 83
  • Commodities of all Countries, whereby Com­merce is maintained. pag. 91
  • Cities and Market Towns in England and Wales, with the Diſtance of one City and Market-Town from another; with an ac­count likewiſe in what County each City and Town lies, and their reſpective Mar­ket-Days; very uſeful for all Tradeſmen in their travelling upon the Road from Town to Town, and from City to City: and likewiſe in their directing all their Poſt-Letters and Parcels, and upon many other Accounts beſides pag. 107
  • The ſeveral Rates that now are, and have been taken for the Carriage of Letters, Pacquets and Parcels, to or from any of His Majeſties Dominions, and to or from any other Parts of Places beyond the Seas. pag. 163
  • The Rates and Orders of Coahmen. pag. 166
  • The Rates of Car-men pag. 168
  • Orders for Car-men. pag. 171
D.
  • DIrections for the well managing a Trade. p. 3
  • Directions to young Shop-keepers in their firſt ſetting up. p. 8
  • Directions to Merchants how to keep their Books of Accounts after the beſt man­ner. p. 68
  • Directions to all Merchants and other Deal­ers, giving them light into the Method for Entring of Goods inwards or Out­wards, at the Cuſtom-Houſe; how to get Bills of Lading Signed; together with the Coyy of a Bill of Lading. p. 71
  • Diſcount, what it is. p. 81
  • Docks, what uſeful to know concerning them. p. 95
F.
  • FOreign Trade of London p. 24
  • Fiſh-Market. p. 62
  • Factors and Commiſſions. p. 79
  • Fees of the Chief or Head-Searcher, and of His Majeſties Five Ʋnder Searchers in the Port of London.
  • Foreign Coyn reduced to Engliſh Mo­ney. p. 100
  • The Valuation of Foreign and Engliſh Gold. p. 155
  • An Account of the Principal Fairs in Eng­land, together with the Month, Day and Place where they be kept, more exactly than heretofore; for the Ʋſe of all Citi­zens and others that go to Fairs. p. 176
I.
  • INduſtry and Trade in General. p. 1
  • A Table of Intereſt. p. 157
K.
  • KIngs Reigns. p. 175
M.
  • LAws of the Maket. p. 60
  • Merchants of London. p. 62
  • Money and Gold. p. 98
  • Hebrew Money. ib.
  • Engliſh Money and Gold. ib.
  • How the Merchant ſhould mark he, Goods that go beyond Sea; together with a Diſ­courſe concerning Freight, and the great Ʋſefulneſs of a Publick Notary. p. 146
  • How every honeſt Merchant or Dealer ſhould (according to Law) get in what is just­ly owing to him, either by ſhuffling Tradeſmen in the City, or diſhonest Cor­reſondents in the Country. p. 149
  • Directions to Merchants and other Dealers how to diſcover all counterfeit Coyn, and bad Money; of great Ʋſe in the receiv­ing of great Sums of Money: Together with the Valuation of Foreign and En­gliſh Gold and Silver. p. 152
O.
  • OAth of a Freeman of London. p. 21
P.
  • PEtty Sho-Kerpers living in Country-Villages. p. 38
  • Pedlars and Petty Chapmen. p. 44
  • Of the Poſt-Office. p. 161
R.
  • RƲles to be obſerved in buying and ſel­ling Commodities. p. 11
S.
  • SHop-keeping Trades in the Kingdon. p. 33
  • Standard for Sterling-Money in Eng­land, p. 99
T.
  • TRadeſmen directed in the cheap order­ing of their Domestick Affairs. p. 14
  • Trade of London. p. 19
  • Trade of London into the Country. p. 25
  • Trades being in Companies p. 26
  • Tradeſmen breaking, the real Cauſe of it. p. 29
  • Table of Accounts ready caſt up for the ſure and ready buying of any Commodities whatſoever, either by Number, Weight or Meaſure. p. 48
  • Table for buying and ſelling and thing by the Hundred. p. 58
  • Table for finding out the Day of the Month for ever. p. 71
  • Tale of Goods, ſomething uſeful to know about it. p. 104
  • Table of Expences and Wages, ſhewing by what you ſpend or pay by the day, what it comes to by the Week, Month or Year. p. 106
  • A Comleat Tide-Table. p. 158
  • The Terms and their Returns. p. 159
W.
  • WEights, Meaſures and Numbers, what uſeful to know concerning them. p. 102
  • Orders for Watermen. p. 173

ADVERTISEMENT. BOOKS lately Printed for J. Dunton, VIZ.

I. THE Pilgrims Guide, from the Cra­dle to his Death-Bed, in a pleaſant new Allegory To which is added, The Sick-Man's Paſſing-Bell, with 50 ingenious Treatiſes beſides: To which is annext an impartial Treatiſe concerning Devils, Apparitions, Ghſts of Dead Perſons, Hags, Wizards, Withch•• and their Imps; with the manner how perſons become Witches: Illuſtrated with 8 Copper-Plates.

II. The Travels of True Godlineſs (By B. Keach, Author of War with the Devil) in a new Allegory: To which is now ad­ded 5 new Cuts; together with True God­lineſs's Voyage to Sea.

III. The Prog••ſs of Sin; or, The Tra­vels of Ʋngodlineſs; in a Pleaſant Allegory likewiſe; Both written by the ſame Au­thor.

IV. The Continuation of the Morning Ex­erciſe, in Octob. 1682. By 31 Reverend Divines in the City of London.

About this transcription

TextThe compleat tradesman, or, The exact dealers daily companion instructing him throughly in all things absolutely necessary to be known by all those who would thrive in the world and in the whole art and mystery of trade and traffick : and will be of constant use for all [brace] merchants, whole-sale men, shopkeepers, retailers, young tradesmen, countrey-chapmen, industrious yeomen, traders in petty villages, and all farmers and others that go to countrey fairs and markets, and for all men whatsoever that be of any trade, or have any considerable dealings in the world / composed by N.H., merchant in the city of London.
AuthorN. H..
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Edition1684
SeriesEarly English books online.
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(EEBO-TCP ; phase 2, no. A87183)

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Bibliographic informationThe compleat tradesman, or, The exact dealers daily companion instructing him throughly in all things absolutely necessary to be known by all those who would thrive in the world and in the whole art and mystery of trade and traffick : and will be of constant use for all [brace] merchants, whole-sale men, shopkeepers, retailers, young tradesmen, countrey-chapmen, industrious yeomen, traders in petty villages, and all farmers and others that go to countrey fairs and markets, and for all men whatsoever that be of any trade, or have any considerable dealings in the world / composed by N.H., merchant in the city of London. N. H.. The second edition, with large additions.. [4], 180, [8] p. : ill. Printed for John Dunton ...,London :1684.. (Includes index.) (Advertisement: p. [8] at end.) (Later edition published under title: "The exact dealer's daily companion.") (Includes tables.) (Numerous errors in paging.) (Imperfect: stained, tightly bound, and torn, with print show- through, and loss of text.) (Reproduction of original in: Newberry Library.)
Languageeng
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  • Business -- Handbooks, manuals, etc.

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