THEaO thou ſword of the Lord, how long will it be ere thou be quiet? put up thy ſelfe into thy ſcabbard, reſt and be ſtill,Jer. 47.6. Meritò in terra homini non gloria, ſed pax eſt quę•enda, pax cum Deo, pax cum proximo, pax cum ſeipſo, Bernard in feſt. omnium Sanctorum,Serm. 5. col. 297. FVRY OF VVARRE, ANDbAnd Samuel ſaid to Saul, thou haſt done fooliſhly; thou hast not kept the Commandement of the Lord thy God, which he commanded thee,1 Sam. 13.13. Omnes ſtulti mali ſunt,Senec. de Benefic. lib. 5. cap. 15.Humilis res eſt ſtultitia, abjects, ſordida, ſervilis, multis affectibus, & ſaeviſſimis ſubjecta: Hos tam graves dominos, interdum alternis vicibus, imperantes dimittit a te ſapientia, quę ſola libertas eſt. Idem. Epiſt. lib. 5 ep. 37. FOLLY OF SINNE, (As an Incentive to it) declared and applyed.
FOR Caution and Remedy againſt the Miſchiefe and Miſery of both.
IN A SERMON Preached at St. Margarets Weſtminſter, before the Honourable Houſe of COMMONS, at their late ſolemne and publike FAST, Aprill 26. 1643.
By Iohn Ley Miniſter of Great Budworth in Cheſhiere.
LONDON, Printed by G.M. for Chriſtopher Meredith at the Signe of the Crane in Pauls Church-yard, 1643.
WHile I humbly offer that to the view, which I lately preſented to the audience of your ever Honoured, and then ſacred Aſſembly (both the preaching and publiſhing of it in print, being acts of due obedience to your commands; and I wiſh they were capable of titles of gratitude for your favours) it may be my lot, to have ſome paſſages of my Sermon, cenſoriouſly met withall, if not for any falſehood or fault in the matter, yet for ſome ſuppoſed incongruity to the office of the Authour, and with pretence alſo of ſome biaſſed partiality, in the great differences of our moſt unhappily divided Kingdom (divided under thoſe Names as ſome miſtake, and miſ ſtate the queſtion) which have beſt right to the humbleſt reverence, and heartieſt loyalty of all the Subjects of the Land: which calumnie if I cannot prevent, I may have hope to repell the aſſault of it, by ſuch conſiderations as theſe: which I crave leave to tender to the touch of your**Lydius lapis the touchſtone, Plin. nat. biſt. l. 33. c 8. Lydian judgement, and in them to speake to you and of you to others, as the dictat of duty and diſcretion ſhall direct me.
Firſt, It cannot in equity or prudence be deemed an impertinency to our miniſteriall profeſſion, or an over-buſie medling (in matters above, or beſides our calling) to appeare apprehenſive of our common perill, and to doe what lyeth within the fathome of our power, and the verg of our vocation, either for prevention of imminent, or for removall or mitigation of our preſent miſeries.
And if we affected the praiſe of prudent ſilence, which the Prophet commendeth (as ſeaſonable for evill times) Amos 5.12. I doe not ſee, how we could now obſerve it, being often required by our ſuperiours, to publiſh their minds and our own unto the people, in matters of ſecular concernement, and many times alſo (in private) deſired to ſatisfie their doubts, when they are called upon to give their aſſent and aſſiſtance in matters of great moment, for the publike welfare: And I thanke God, ſuch have ever beene the principles, which have ſet the deepeſt impreſſion upon my judgement and conſcience, and upon others likewiſe (by mine information) that, (to my knowledge) I have not whiſpered any reſolution or advice in theeare, which I may not warrantably publiſh upon the houſe topps, as our bleſſed Saviour gave direction to his Diſciples, Mat. 10.27. Nor have I breathed out any poſition or opinion, either in private or publike, for which I ſhould be unwilling to bleed or to dye.
Secondly, For my loyall affection to his Majeſty, mine own heart tells me, I prize him as the dutifull ſubjects of David did him (their Royall Soveraigne) when they valued his life at ten thouſand of their ovvn, 2 Sam. 18.3. and had rather my body ſhould be the ſheath of a two edged and poiſoned Sword, (as**Speeds Chrō. l. 7. c. 20. p. 300 Lilloe's was, when he ſtept betwixt the murtherer, and King Edwine his Maſter, to intercept the deadly thruſt intended and aimed at the heart of his Soveraigne) then conſent to lay any hands upon him, but as the Angells did upon Lot, Gen. 19.16. for his deliverance from danger; in which caſe a loving violence hath more affinity with duty, then with diſobedience: for a King (being a publike perſon) hath no power to diſpoſe of himſelfe (for perillous adventure) in¶¶Baſil. Dor. l. 2. p. 165, 166. reſpect, that to his preſervation or fall, the ſafety or wrack of the whole Common-weale is neceſſarily coupled, like as the body is to the head, as his Majeſties learned Father, of famous memory, reſolved in caſe of duells: and though afterwards, ſpeaking of a juſt war, he counſelled the Prince (to whom he wrote)**Ibidem. once or twice, in his own perſon, to hazard himſelfe fairely, (but afterwards, to conſerve himſelfe for the weale of his people; for whoſe ſake, he muſt be more carefull for himſelfe then for his own:) I conceive the reaſon rendred for the ſecurity of his Royall Perſon is of force, not only againſt the perill of a ſingle combat, but of a ſociable warre or ſet battell (especially for hereafter) ſince his Majeſties courage and magnanimity is ſo well knowne, that his cautionary prudence can never come under the miſinterpretation of timerous cowardize; for avoidance whereof, his Royall Father gave advice for the adventure fore-mentioned.
Thirdly, For the high Court of Parliament (whereof your honourable Houſe of Commons is the Alpha in order of proceeding) his Majeſty (that laſt was) hath taught me to know it, as the¶¶Ibidem. Kings head-Court; and his Majeſty (that now is) advanced mine eſtimation of it, by his gracious acknowledgement,††His Majeſties Speech, Ian. 25. 1640. that often Parliaments, are the fitteſt meanes to keepe correſpondence betwixt him and his people, which he doth much deſire:‖‖His Majeſties anſwer to the Petition of the Lords and Commons, Iunij 17. 1642. p. 6. that it is impoſſible for him to ſubſiſt, without the affections of his people; and that thoſe affections cannot poſſibly be preſerved or made uſe of, but by Parliaments, that they cannot give the leaſt credit, or have the leaſt ſuſpition, that his Majeſty would choſe any other way to the happines he deſires to himſelf and his poſterity, but by Parliaments. And it is raiſed yet higher, by his gracious acceptation of his Speech, who repreſented it to him, as a moſt ſoveraigne remedy againſt all the diſtempers of this Nation: were they (**Mr. Speaker in his Speech to his Majeſty, November the 5. 1640. ſaith he) troubled at Sea, troubled at home, or invaded from abroad? here was the ſanctuary of refuge, hither was the reſort, and no other way found for a foundation of peace. And for a returne of all loyall and affectionate obſervances to his Majeſty, on the Parliaments part, you with your right Honourable colleagues, have profeſſed your reſolution,**So in the Declaration of both Houſes, March, 12. 1642. to keepe your ſelves within the bounds of faithfullneſſe, and allegiance to his Royall Perſon and his Crownes;¶¶The Parliaments ſecond Remonſtrance, p 1. to provide for the publike peace and proſperity of his Majeſty and his Realmes; proteſting in the preſence of the all-ſeeing Deity, that it ſtill hath beene, and ſtill is the only end of all your counſells and endeavours, wherein you have reſolved to continue freed and enlarged from all private aimes, perſonall reſpects or paſſions whatſoever. And your**Ibid p. 11. earneſt deſire of his Majeſties returne to London, that upon it you conceive depends the very ſafety and being of both his Kingdomes; and therefore you have proteſted you will be ready to ſay or doe any thing, (that may ſtand with the duty and honour of a Parliament) which may raiſe a mutuall confidence, betwixt his Majeſty and your ſelves as you doe wiſh, and the affaires of the Kingdome doe require. And to the ſame purpoſe againe,¶¶Ibid p 13. we intend (ſay you) to doe whatſoever is ſit, to make up the unpleaſant breach betwixt his Majeſty and parliament.
By ſuch expreſſions as theſe (carrying moſt cleare and legible Characters of your Loyalty and Love to his Maieſty) you have righted your Reputations againſt all iuſt cauſe of ſuſpition of Popiſh tenets, or intentions againſt his Perſon and his Crowne; and have gained the beleefe of all good Subiects, that you ſpake in ſincerity, when you ſaid,**In the third Remonſtrance or Declaration of the Parliament May 26. 1642. p. 4. You ſuffered not ſuch things to enter into your thoughts, as all the world knowes, the Papiſts have put into act: (whereof I ſhall ſhortly give inſtance in my other Sermons upon this Text, which ſome worthy: Members of your Honourable Society have required to the Preſſe.) And ſo (upon confidence in your fidelity) have ingaged their affections, and all their Interests (both for the preſent and the future) under the conduct of your moſt prudent Counſels and commands, accounting it a most fickle unfaithfullneſſe, and finally destructive to the foundation of our Engliſh Government, if they (who have voted your Election to places in Parliament) ſhould upon any Malignant ſurmiſes againſt you, deſert either their due obedience to you, or juſt and neceſſary defence of you, though with the hazard of their eſtates and perſons.
Againſt ſuch aſſurance as you have given of your faithfull allegiance to his Majeſty, your zealous Conſtancy in proſecution of a perfect Reformation of Court, City, and Country from prophaneneſſe and Popery, importeth no colour of contradiction at all (though ſome, whoſe condition moſt requires it, diſtast and deſire to wreſt it to ſome ſuch miſconſtruction) but carrieth with it an exact conformity to what you have profeſſed.
For what better proofe of integrity in what you undertake, then your preſſing to promote the proſperity of the King, as well as of the Kingdome? And what meanes more conducible unto that end then Religion and Juſtice? As S. Auguſtine ſheweth; where he ſaith,**Nequeno•Chriſt•anos quo•••ā emperatores•deo foelices d•cimus, quia vel diutiùs imperarunt, &c. Aug. de Civit. Dei l. 5. c. 24. We account not Chriſtian Emperours happy, becauſe they have raigned long, or becauſe they have had power to ſuppreſſe inſurrections, or oppreſſe their enemies; nor becauſe they have dyed a quiet death, and left their children to raigne after their deceaſe:††Sed foelices eos dicimus, ſi juſtè imperarunt, ſi inter linguas ſublimitèr honoran•um, et obſequia, nimis humiliter ſalutantiam non ex. tollu••u•, ſed ſe homines eſſe memnerint, ſi ſuam poteſ•a•ē, ad Dei•ui•u•, &c. •bid ▪ But we call them happy, if they rule with juſtice, if among the tongues of thoſe that too highly extoll them, or too humbly ſalute them, or too obſequiouſly ſerve them, they remember themſelves to be but men, if they apply their power ſo, as to make it moſt ſerviceable to the honour of the divine Majeſty, if they feare, and love and worſhip God, and more love that kingdome, where they need not feare competitors or conſorts, then that, wherin they may be afraid of them —**S••uxu•i••ā•ò eis eſt caſt•g••••, qu•n••poſſi•〈…〉•upiditatibus〈◊〉quam〈…〉imperare. Ibidem. if they ſo much more refraine from luxury, as (being without reſtraint of others) they may be more free unto it; and bad rather raigne over evill concupiſcence, then Countries and Nations. ¶¶Tales Chriſtianos imperateres dicimus eſſe foelices. Ib.Such Chriſtian Emperours (ſaith he) we call happy, and happy ſurely are the people, who are governed by ſuch an one, as ſo governeth himſelfe.
And for your zeale againſt the prevailing of Popery, and for the advancement of the Proteſtant Religion, it makes moſt for his Majeſties honour and ſafety: not only in reſpect of piety, but of policy, for that wiſe State, man the Duke of Rohan, in his Treatiſe of the Intereſt of Princes and States, makes his obſervation of the State of England, in theſe words‖‖The Duke of Rohan his Treatiſe of the Intereſt of Princes and States. p 58. Beſides the Intereſt which the King of England hath common with all Princes, he hath yet one particular, which is, that He ought throughly to acquire the advancement of the Proteſtant Religion, even with as much zeale, as the King of Spain appears Protector of the Catholick. And what zeale that is, he hath ſhowed before in the**Ibid•p 4. ad nonam. Intereſt of Spain.
Notwithſtanding all this, there be ſome men, who (deeply guilty of deceit themſelves) will never be ſatisfied with any evidence of ſincerity in other men: with ſuch there is no ſecurity in the Prerogative of the King, nor the Priviledge of Parliament, againſt in urious traducement: ſince nothing beareth ſway with them, but their ſelf-conceit or particular advantage, or which is worſe, their virulent ſpleen againſt the better part, which ſtirreth them up to reproach them, as tumultuary buſie-bodies, who doe but bring ſome buckets of water to quench a burning, which they have treacherouſly kindled againſt their own Country, and as confidently (and not more innocently) to cry Sedition, Sedition againſt the moſt loyall and true hearted Subjects of Royall Maieſty: as Athaliah did Treaſon, Treaſon, 2 Kin. 11.14. When Sedition is their raigning ſin, as treaſon was hers, and that the worſt Sedition of all others, for what can be worſe then that (and theirs is ſuch) which ſeparateth thoſe in iudgement, affection, and locall manſion, who (for the two firſt) ſhould alwaies and (for the third) ſhould very often be united together, viz. his Maiesty and Parliament.
But this ſhould not ſo diſcourage a ſingle Subiect (much leſſe ſo many thoice Patriots as make up your venerable number) as to with-draw or with-hold him from any devotion or endeavour, to which he is obliged (as a part of the publike) and he is more obliged in reaſon and conſcience to the united Intereſts of King and Parliament, then to any devided title of conteſtation betwixt them.
And for this your eminent example for untainted integrity, unquenchable fervency, inſuperable patience, indefatigable diligence and untainted reſolution in the purſuance of your excellent purpoſes (for the good of Church and State) will be to others both a patterne of practice and a Buckler of Defence. The Lord God Almighty, be ſtill reſident in your venerable Senate, to guide all your Conſultations to his owne glory, and the common ſafety both of his Maieſty, of your ſelves, and of the many Millions of people vertually compriſed in your**Diaconos paucitas honorabiles fecit. Hier. Epiſt. Oceano Tom. 2. p. 329. Honourable paucity, being (in equivalence) as a few peeces of gold, to many of ſilver, or of other inferiour Mettals, and to guard your perſons by his power and providence, from all deſtructive plots, and hurtfull miſhaps, that you may live to reape and enioy the ripe fruit of that Reformation, whoſe ſeed hath been ſowen in many teares of humiliation, both publike and private, which the enemies of Gods truth, and of the Engliſh State, would drowne in blood; which God forbid: So prayeth
REader, Beſides ſome litterall errours which alter not the ſence, as Ammon for Amnon, Eſa for Iſai, Egiptians for Egyptians, Sabboth for Sabbath, deiſcovered for diſcovered, theſe following which are of ſome moment to the ſence are thus to be corrected;
P. 3. l. 26. reade the words betwixt therefore and when in the next line as a parentheſes. p. 5. l. 21. for the read this l. 13. for 2 Sam. 11.1. reade 2 Sam 11.7. p. 8. l. 4. from the end of the page after the word Of, adde many. p. 9. l. ult. after the word be, adde ſo. p 14 l. 17. for him read them. p. 28. this marke "to be added to the three laſt lines, and to all the lines of p. 29. as nothing the continuation of the Speech. p. 29. l 12. for combuſtion read concertation. And l. ult. for confuſion read concuſſion. p. 30. l. 3. from the bottome blot out the word ſo. p. 39. l. 27. after the word day, adde and to the men of Iudah, &c. p. 46. l. 10. after the word them adde the word and. p. 35. l. penult. for come read cometh. p. 58. l. 23. for at leaſt, reade or. p. 40. l. 14. blot out the word then, and inſtead of it reade from theſe.
How long ſhall I ſee the Standard, and heare the ſound of the Trumpet?
For my People is fooliſh, they have not knowne me, they are ſottiſh Children, they have none underſtanding, they are wiſe to doe evill, but to doe good they have no knowledge.
AMong the manifold fallacies, which that great Sophiſter (who deceiveth the whole World, Revel. 12.9. ) impoſeth upon people, of all times and States, there is none by which a greater number (with more apparent danger) are deluded (and therefore none more neceſſary to be diſcovered) then the miſtitling of morall qualifications of Vertue and vice: which is, as if an Apothecary ſhould write the name of a Medicine, upon a Gally-pot of poiſon, and contrariwiſe, the name of poiſon, upon an Antidote againſt it.
2For ſo it is, where Wiſedome and Folly are mutually miſtaken, and miſcalled, as when they whom God approveth, and accepteth as truely wiſe, are (by thoſe who are not ſuch themſelves) accounted fooles, 1 Cor. 4.10. 2 Cor. 11.16, 17. or (as our Saviour Chriſt (though he were the wiſedome of God, 1 Cor. 1.24. was intituled, Iohn. 10.10.) Mad-men, and ſuch as are worthy of no better Titles then thoſe, are taken by themſelves, and ſometimes alſo by other men, to be the onely Wiſe-men of the World.
Againſt the latter part of this Impoſture, (as more neerely concerning our preſent condition) I ſhall endeavour to derive a remedy, out of theſe two Verſes read unto you, but eſpecially out of the latter of the two, and that remedy, will moſt conſiſt of the diſcovery of the deceit, and that diſcovery may (by Gods aſſiſtance) helpe forward our deliverance (which is the maine deſigne of this dayes worke) out of theſe diſtreſſes, which (by the malignant ſubtilty of the Popiſh party) are caſt upon two Kingdomes, Ireland and England: on that firſt, as a preparative to the ruine of this, and on this afterward, leſt it ſhould be a ſuccour, and reſtorative to that; and on both of them, by that confounding and deſtructive Engine, whereof the Standard and Trumpet, are the noted Enſignes, verſ. 21. Of them, (as in relation to Military miſchiefe) the Prophet puts the Queſtion, How long ſhall I ſee the Standard, and heare the ſound of the Trumpet? to which, the Anſwer is given by God himſelfe, in theſe words, My people is fooliſh, they have not knowne me, they are ſottiſh children, they have none understanding, they are wiſe to doe evill, but to doe good they have no knowledge.
Firſt of the Queſtion, How long ſhall I ſee the Standard, and heare the ſound of the Trumpet? The vulgar Latine, and as many Commentators as oblige themſelves to it, reade3 Vſquequo videbo fugientem, How long ſhall I ſee flying (i.e.) a Man, or the people flying before, or from the face of the Enemy, bcauſe the ſame conſonants of the Hebrew word, thereafter as the pricks are varied, may ſignifie either flying or a thing lifted up, as a Standard is, Iſa. 13.2. and Chapt. 62.10. but the latter acception of the word (as our tranſlation hath it) hath better approbation of the beſt Interpreters, and it holds better accord with the ſound of the Trumpet, they being both of them monitory ſignes of military exerciſe and execution.
Neither the Standard (of it ſelfe) was an unpleaſing ſight, nor the blowing of the Trumpet, of any ill ſound, but both of them, were offenſive to any good man, (as intimating that unto his mind) which is very grievous to be ſeene, (as garments rouled in blood, Eſa. 9.5. ) and dolefull to be heard, (as the cryes and groanes of wounded or dying men,) and dreadfull too, as the Allarme of the Trumpet, Amos 3.6. the confuſed noyſe of the Warriers, noted in the fore-named 9th. and 5th. of Eſa. the noyſe of ſtamping of the hoofes of ſtrong Horſes, Jer. 47.3. and (as it followeth in the next words) the ruſhing of Chariots, and rumbling of wheeles; that which is much more formidable then all this in our dayes, viz. (the horrid tune of our Martiall times) in the roaring, or thundering noyſe, of the great devouring Ordnance, was not found out in thoſe dayes.
And therefore, that is from the intimation forementioned, when the people are moſt terribly threatned, a Standard is ſaid to be ſet up, Jer. 51.12. and a day of Warre-like wrath, and execution, is called a day of the Trumpet and Allarme, Zeph. 1.16. Which importeth ſo lamentable a miſery, as made Ieremy (though a man not only of an holy, but of heroick ſpirit) thus to bewaile it. My bowells, my bowells, I am pained at mine heart, mine heart maketh a noiſe within me, I cannot hold my peace:4 becauſe thou haſt heard, (O my ſoule) the ſound of the Trumpet, the Allarum of the warre, destruction upon deſtruction is cryed, for the Land is ſpoyled, ſodainely are my Tents ſpoyled, and my Curtaines in a moment, verſe 19, 20. And (in the next words) hee windes up his patheticall Compaſſion in this Queſtion, How long ſhall I ſee the Standard? and heare the ſound of the Trumpet?
As God is Lord of Hoſts and Armies, he both ſtirs and ſtops them, when he will: And ſo they are ſhorter or longer, as he thinkes good to draw them out or ſhut them up: He can ſet the Alpha of Alarum, and the Omega of retreat, as neare together, or as farr aſunder, as he is pleaſed to make the meaſure of their diſtance.
Some warres are begun and ended in a few moneths, ſuch an one might that have been (which God put to Davids choyce, which was meaſured to three months ſpace, 2 Sam. 24. v. 13. And ſuch was the Pirats warre, to which Cn. Pompeius (as Auguſtine obſerveth) put an endaaIncredibili celeritate et temporis brevitate confectum, Aug. de Civ. Dei l. 5. cap. 22. with incredible celerity, and ſhortneſse of time, which took up but a few moneths: asbbIntra paucos menſes. Oroſius l 6. c. 4. Oroſius noteth.
Some are reckoned by yeares, and thoſe in much different proportions, as the warr made by the Romans (againſt the fugitive Fencers) laſtedccAug ubi ſup three yeares; The third Carthaginian warreddOroſius ibid. ubi ſupra. four yeares. The ſecondeeAug ubi ſup. eighteene yeares. The firſtffAug. ibid. twenty and three yeares: The Roman warre with Mithridates, was drawne out toggAug. ibid forty yeares, and the Samnits warre tohhAug. ibid. fiftie yeares, ſo long had the warre (betwixt the Hollanders and Spaniards continued at the yeare, 1624. (as aiiBalſack let l. 3. let. 10. French Oratour hath given in the account) but it is much more which his Country-mankkPhil. Com Hiſ. lib. 8 c 3. Commineus obſerveth of the warre betwixt the Florentines and the Piſans which exerciſed thoſe States three hundred yeares together.
Of this Warre (which put the Prophet into ſuch an5 affectionate affliction) the time is variouſly conjectured: It might ſeeme long, though it were but ſhort, becauſe the ſufferings under it were very ſharpe, but indeed the whole time of Ieremiahs Prophecying (which was about forty one yeares) was a time of great tribulation, by warr-like Commotions and miſeries under the raignes of Ioſiah, 2 King. 23. Iehojakim and Zedechiah Kings of Iudah, 2 King. 24. in whoſe dayes Ieruſalem was beſieged by the Babylonians, from the tenth day of the tenth month (in the ninth yeare of his raigne) to the ninth day of the fourth month, in the eleventh yeare of it, 2 King. 25.1. upon that, followed the deſolation of the Temple, and City in the 3365. yeare of the world, and ſix hundred and ſix yeares before the Incarnation of Chriſt; and if he recounted all the calamities of warre in his time, he might very well enquire of their continuance, How long?
The Queſtion brought in by ſuch a paſſionate Preface (as you have heard out of ver. 19. & 20.) will guide our thoughts, to a conſideration of the evill of warre, which made the Prophet to be ſo mournfull for it, and ſo weary of it. And for that evill (though in many places of the Kingdome) too many feele too much of it by reall diſtreſſe: It will not be needleſſe to ſay ſomewhat of it, by way of verball diſcourſe, that we may have ſuch a compendium of it in our minds and memories, as may ſet our hearts & hands againſt it, I ſay our hands, as well as our hearts; for warre is not alwayes to be taken up, by Treaties of peace, but peace ſometimes to be procured by andllIpſi qui bella volunt, — ad glorioſam pacē bellandocupiunt pervenire — pacis igitur intentione geruntur & bella Aug. l. 1•. de Civit. Dei cap. 12. alwayes to be intended in a proſecution of warre. And therefore when David queſtioned with Vriah concerning the beſieging of Rabbah, 2 Sam. 11.1. He demanded how Joab did, and how the people did, and how the warre proſpered: So in our Engliſh Tranſlation; but according to the Hebrew reading, he asked him of the peace of the warre, that is,6 in what forwardneſſe the warre was for a peaceable concluſion.
The definition of warre (to beginne with that, though it be too unruly an evill, to be confined to bounds and limits, as he gives it, who hath written moſt exactly of it) is thismmBellum eſt ſtatus per vim certantium, qua tales ſunt. Grotius de jure belli. lib. 1 cap. 1. Warre is the ſtate of them that ſtrive by force (as they are ſuch) that is under the notion, and conſideration of forcible ſtriving againſt each other, or to ſpeake of it (as it hath proved in the experience of all ages, where the moſt Malignant men, have had the greateſt ſtroake in it) It is a wicked, and wretched compound of all ſorts of injuries, and miſeries of injuries committed by the ſtronger, of miſeries ſuſtained by the weaker part.
The name of it in Latine is of good ſound, for it is called Bellum, and of good ſence, for it ſignifieth good, and ſo it hath it's name by Antiphraſis (i. ) from the quite contrary; for it is ſo farre from good indeed, (when wicked men are prevalent in it) that it is the worſt of evils, on this Hell; and therefore with a little alteration of letters, it might rather be termed Belluinum, bell•ine (i.) Brutiſh, then Bellum good, which Epithite moſt properly belongeth onely unto God, Matth. 19.17. though (to ſay the truth) it be much worſe among men, then it is among the unreaſonable creatures: For the moſt of their quarrels, are but ſingle combats, for they ſeldome ſet themſelves in heards or droves, one againſt another, as men in troopes and numerous Armies. And as it brings with it a multitude of men; ſo doth it alſo a multitude of miſchiefs.
Where envie and ſtrife is (ſaith St. Iames) there is confuſion, and every evill worke, Iam. 3.16. And this may be in ſome places, where there is no warre, for there may be a ſtriving of mentall emulation, or a meere logomachy of wordie contention, 2 Tim. 6.4. without any hoſtile force,7 or violence at all; or if there be violence, it may fall out betwixt ſome few, who (by Law) may be judged, and by degall force (if they be injurious and tumultuous) ſuppreſſed: But the violence of warre (as the wicked, that are moſt addicted to it uſe the matter) is a lawleſſe and boundleſſe confuſion, ſuch as that complained of by the Prophet Iſaiah, The people ſhall be oppreſsed, every one by another, every one by his neighbour; The child ſhall behave himſelf proudly againſt the ancient, the baſe againſt the honourable, Eſa. 3.5. And by the Prophet Ieremie, They that were brought up in ſcarlet, were brought downe to embrace the dung-hills, Lament. 4. ver. 5. and a confuſion wherein ſuch as are not meetly qualified for ſervants, will take upon them to be Maſters (ſervants ruled over us, ſay the degraded Maſters of Iſraell, by way of complaint, Lamen. 5.8. ) and thoſe uſurping upſtarts, when they are ſo leud and diſſolute, as no good-man would willingly endure them to lodge a night in his houſe, will boiſterouſly breake open his doores, rifle all his Roomes, Cloſets, Cheſts, Caskets and Cabinets, and if he were as rich as Iob was in the height of his proſperity, they will make him as poore as Iob, in the depth of his adverſity, and much poorer too: For Iob had the goods in his houſe ſpared from ſpoyle or pillage (though he loſt all his come and cattell in the field) whereas many, who carve out their owne portion of other mens goods, by the Sword, have not left the right owners, ſo much as a ragge to cover their nakedneſſe. So in the Country, and if they could advance to rifle ſome rich City, they that are not worthy to be truſted for a yard of Inkle, would come into Shops, and meaſure Velvet for themſelves, by theaaWe will enter and meaſure with the long Ell, Phil. Com. l. 1. c. 11 p. 30. Upon which words the margin note is this, by the long Ell, he meaneth the Pike, wherewith Souldiers at the ſack of a Towne, uſe to meaſure velvets, ſilks and cl••ths. long Ell (that is by the Pike) take it away and pay nothing for it.
And their luſt will be as unruly as their theſt, making8 no ſcruple to commit a Rape upon a mans Wife or Daughter, or Maid-ſervant, and in that wickedneſſe have ſome been ſo impudent, as violently to bind the Husband to a Bed-poſt, while they abuſed his Wife before his face.
That was one part of the barbarous wrongs of the Iriſh Rebells, not long agoe committed as I have been confidently enformed by a Gentleman of good credit. And it is upon perpetuall record inooCu•Franc•app•i•uiſſent, exiſ••••••〈…〉•am viris, quam mulieribus, tempore miſſarum in Ec••eſia, ad ea•〈◊〉Eccleſiam cum〈◊〉feſtinatione concurrerunt, & inter••cie••es multos, & depr•••antes Eccleſiam ▪ aſpexerunt (inter caeteras) quandum feminam p•••iram〈◊〉, & e•e〈◊〉•orme, qu••um•••in•converetat ut audiret miſſas. Ad quam Nebu•••es ſatis intemperanter, in eadem•ccleſia•••denies, mox ſuae libidini (ut er•nt ar•a•i, proſtraverunt etiam di•e•unus poſt aliam〈…〉, donec mulier•a•••ara ſpir•tum exhalaret, Tho. Walſingham, H•••. Edw. 3. p. 166. Walſinghams Hiſtory of England, that ſuch an abominable filthy fact, as you may reade of (touching the Levites Concubine) Iudg. 19. was committed, in King Edward the thirds time upon a Holy-day at the time of Divine ſervice by French Souldiers, in a Church at Winchelſey in Suſſex, taking their luſtfull turns upon a beautifull woman, untill they had turned her out of the world.
And commonly as thoſe three Commandements, Thou ſhalt not kill, Thou ſhalt not commit adultery, Thou ſhalt not ſteale are ranked together in the Law, ſo are they violated together in the lawleſſe violence of Warre, and ſo you find them threatned together, in the 13. of Iſaiah. Their children ſhall be daſhed in pieces before their eyes, their houſes ſpoiled, and their Wives raviſhed, Iſa. 13.16. and Maidens too, for that is complained of in the Lament. of Ieremie. Chap. 5. Ver. 11.
For thoſe that have but little wit and no grace, (which is the ordinary qualification of meere mercinary Souldiers) let looſe the reynes of their corruptions to all licentiouſneſſe, making ſo little account of the Lawes, as gave occaſion of the common ProverbeppInter arm•ſilens Leges., The noyſe of9 Warres drownes the voice of Lawes, which are ſure to be trodden under foote, while the Sword of violence hath the upper-hand: with this accords the complaint of oppreſſed Hieruſalem in the Lament. of Ieremie, The Law is no more, Lam. 2.9. no more in force, becauſe (by force) ſuffered to be no more in uſe: and when Lawes are huſh't, matters are hurried by a boiſhterous prevalence, not governed by right or reaſon, Every one doing that which is right in his owne eyes, Judg. 17.6. and that will be whatſoever is wrong in the eyes of God, and all good men.
But of all Warres that which is calledqqSummum (Brute) neſas, civilia Bella, fatemur. Cato apud Clandian. lib. 2. Civill, hath in the experience of all times proved moſt pernicious: when a Kingdome is not united againſt a forraigne foe, but divided againſt it ſelfe, and by that diviſion, in great danger of a deſperate downefall, Mark. 3.24, 25. It is called inteſtine Warre, which is as a burning in the bowells or intrailes; and of all Civill Warres, the worſt and moſt woefull that can be, is that, which is managed under ſuch Titles, as import the moſt perfect Unity, and the greateſt eſtrangement from war-like hoſtility. Such is that which is now waged under the Colours, and with the ſound of our Engliſh Standards and Trumpets.
Which if it ſhould goe on, as the wicked wiſh, and all good-men abhorre to thinke of, would make this Kingdome, of a famous Sanctuary of peace, a Seminary of diſcord, of a Granary or Store-houſe of plenty (or garden of delights, asttVere hortus noſter deliciarum eſt, puteus inexhanſtus eſt, Math. Paris, Hiſtor major. in Hen. 3. p. 936. Pope Innocent the 4th. called it) a wilderneſſe of Want; for ſuch is the Waſt of Warre, as makes the Land which before an Army was as the Garden of Eden, behind it to be no better then a deſolate Wilderneſſe, Joel 2. v. 3. which, (if it long continue,) muſt needs bring forth a devouring famine throughout a very ſpatious and plentifull Kingdome. And famine hath made even pitifull women to be cruell to their owne children, as to act the10 parts of Butchers, Cookes and gueſts at the ſame Meſſe, the fleſh of their little ones, their little ones of a ſpan long, Lam. 4.10. & 2.20.
But there is another Famine (ſometimes an effect of Warre,) much worſe then this, proceeding from the interruption of Religion, and the deſolation of the Sanctuary, which (though by the ungodly it be little regarded,) to ſuch as are truely Religious, will be matter of the heavieſt apprehenſion that can be. How will it afflict their hearts, to call to mind, what comforts they have enjoyed, while they had the holy Goſpell of peace, and civill peace with the Goſpell, what ſweet refreſhing they have formerly had, in the Communion of Saints, on the Sabbaths, and other ſeaſons of ſacred Aſſemblies, yea even in their meetings of humiliation, when by Civill Warre they ſee great Congregations are diſſolved, the Shepheards and their flocks ſeperated, the Sheepe ſcattered, if not both he, and they butchered, without any glimpſe of hope, (of a long time) to be abſolved from that great and terrible excommunication of Paſtors and People.
This is that Calamity which the Prophet Amos compareth to a famine of bread, (but makes it much more grievous) when men (ſaith he) ſhall wander from Sea to Sea, from North even to the Eaſſt, and ſhall runne too and fro, to ſeeke the word of the Lord, but (in that pure, and plenteous, and peaceable manner wherein they have had it) ſhall not find it, Amos 8.11, 12.
Dub. If Warre be a compound of ſo many evill Ingredients, how can any good man have anything to doe with it, either as a Counſellor of it, or an Actor in it?
Anſw. For Anſwer to this Doubt, two Queſtions are to be propounded, and reſolved.
The one, Of the lawfullneſſe of Warre in generall;
The other, What are the Conditions of lawfull Warre in particular.
11Queſt. 1For the firſt, there have beene ſome of old who have condemned all Warre, and thoſe not only ſuch, as have beene condemned (by the Church) for Hereticks, as theſſAuguſt cont. Fauſtum Manich. lib. 22. c 74. Manicheans: but ſuch alſo as have been honoured in the Church, as Cyprian a famous orthodox Divine, and a Martyr, who in his Epiſtle to Donatus, enveigheth vehemently againſt it, as not only an unlawfull thing, but as abſurdly ſinnefull, and inhumane;ttHomicidium cum admittunt ſinguli, crimen eſt, virtus voca•••, cum publicè geritur; impunitatem ſceleribus acquiret, non Innocentiae ratio, ſed ſevitiae magnitude. Cyprian. Epiſt. lib. 2. cp. 2. p. 7. edit. Pariſ. 1633. when any (ſaith he) commits a ſingle Murther, it is a Crime, a Vertue, when the like is done by many; and then not reſpect of innocence, but magnitude of the miſchiefe procures impunity to it: and they makeuuƲt quis poſſit occidere, uſus eſt, ars eſt. Ibidem. an uſe of it, and Art of it, (ſaith he) and cruelty is not only committed, but taught;wwScel••non tentum geritur, ſed & docetur, quid poteſt inhumanius, quid acerbius dici ▪ diſciplina eſt ut perimere quis poſſi•, & gloria eſt, quod perimit. Ibidem. what can be called more inhumane or more grievous, then that men ſhould make it a diſcipline to deſtroy men, and a glory when they have deſtroyed them.
And Lactantius being (in diſpoſition anſwerable to his Name,) a mild and milken man, abhorring blood-ſhed, thought it was not lawfull, for axxNequemilltare juſt•licebit, enjus militia eſt ipſa Iuſtitia, Lactan inſtit. lib 6. cap. 10. Iuſt man to be a Warriour, whoſe Iuſtice was to be his Warfare: and his tenderneſſe of nature, made him ſo partiall to pitty, ſo unjuſt to Juſtice, that he held, a just man ſhouldyyNequevere•conſer•quenq•••, crimine capitali, quia•ibil diſtat, utrum verbo, aut ſerro pot•••occidas; quoni•••occiſie ipſa p••hibe•••Ibidem. not be a witneſſe againſt any one in a Capitall crime: for (ſaid he) killing being forbidden, it is all one, whether one kill another, with a Sword or with a word.
Of later times, ſome of the more moderate Papiſts, have written againſt it, as Cornelius,zzCornelt Agrip; de vanttat. ſciens. cap. 79. Agrippa,12aaJo: Ferus in 4to. Lib. commen. in Math: ſuper. v. 52. cap. 26. Ferus,bbEraſin. Epiſt Anton. a Bergis. lib. 2. ep. 27. Annotat. in Luc cap. 3. & c. 22. Bnchirid. Militis Chriſt ian: paſ ſim. Chiliad. Adag. Ʋulce Bellum inexpertis, pag. 256. typis wechel An. 1629. Eraſmus, but eſpecially Eraſmus, who divers times, in his Bookes, hath made an aſſault with his Pen, upon the profeſſion and practiſe of War; and hath purſued the quarrell againſt it, ſometimes in very large diſcourſes, and by ſome of theccAnabaptiſt: Melancthon in loc. commun. cap. de Magiſtrat. moſt rigid Antipapiſts, it hath been condemned, as unlawfull, though for the moſt part, the later ſort of Enemies to the enmity of Warre, have diſallowed it not ſimply, or univerſally to all the godly, in all times, but unto Chriſtians only under the time of the Goſpell.
But moſt of the beſt, and moſt Judicious Divines, in all ages have beene of the contrary judgement, and not without good reaſon: for
Firſt The holieſt and moſt accepted with God in the old Teſtament, have beene Warriours, as Abraham, Moſes, Ioſhua, Gideon, David, and others.
Secondly, If the profeſſion, and practiſe of Warre were utterly unlawfull, it muſt be, becauſe it is inconſiſtent with holineſſe, but that it is not, as it is plaine, Deut. 23. where it is ſaid: The Lord thy God walketh in the midſt of thy Campe, to deliver thee, and give up thine enemies before thee, therefore ſhall thy Campe be holy, that he ſee no uncleane thing in thee, and turne away from thee, ver. 14. and I know no cauſe, but the Campe may be as holy as the Church, nay a Campe may be a Church, ſo was the Campe of Conſtantine, and Theodoſius, and of many other godly Warriours in their times, but very good reaſon, why a Souldier ſhould be very holy, and it is, becauſe he is by his Adventures of his life, to accompt himſelfe as a daily dying man, and the conſideration of that, may make him ſo penitent for offences paſt, and ſo provident for his13 future happineſſe, that (betwixt both) his life while it laſteth, may be more religious, and his death when it comes more advantagious.
Thirdly, For thoſe that allow warre to the Iewes and deny it to the Chriſtians under the Goſpell, they may be refuted.
Firſt, By the example of the Centurion, Math. 8. who by his owne authority, and command over Souldiers, illuſtrated the power of Chriſt over the creatures, in ſuch ſort, as that our Saviour, (without any touch of reproach) to his profeſſion, gave this praiſe of his faith, I have not found ſo great faith, no not in Iſrael, ver. 10. And of Cornelius (the Centurion of the Italian band) the teſtimony (given by the Holy Ghoſt) is, That he was a devout man, one that feared God with all his houſe, who gave much almes to the people, and prayed to God alwayes, Act. 10.1, 2. and his Military calling is made no exception to his great commendation, becauſe it gave no impediment to his holy converſation.
Secondly, When in the third of Luke, the Souldiers (with others) came to Iohn Baptiſt, as Diſciples to a Maſter to be inſtructed, what to doe, he returned them this anſwer: Doe violence to noman, neither accuſe any man falſely, and be content with your wages, ver. 14. The firſt prohibition may ſeeme to bind them to the peace, and ſo to require a renunciation of their military profeſſion, but it is to be underſtood of private or irregular violence, and not of ſuch force as is exerciſed according to the rule and diſcipline of warre, but the laſt part of his advice, (which biddeth them to be content with their wages) alloweth them to take wages, and if, he allow them to take the wages of Souldiers, he alloweth them to doe the worke of Souldiers.
Thirdly, The Magiſtrate hath the power of the Sword,14 Rom. 13.4. not onely againſt one ſingle offender, but againſt many, if many deſerve it, and to doe Juſtice upon many, may require many Swords (ſo many as may make up a whole Army) and if there be military force raiſed to hinder juſtice, there may military force be uſed to purſue it to effect.
Fourthly, as it is lawfull, by the dictate of nature, for a private man to defend himſelfe againſt an hoſtile aſſault of a private man, ſo it may be lawfull for a number of men aſſaulted or endangered, by an Army of enemies (by force of arms in a Military manner) to free themſelves from their oppreſſion and tyranny.
Fiftly, If any people or kingdome ſhould diſclaime all uſe of Armes, in ſuch a caſe they could not long ſubſiſt, in any condition of ſafety, from invaſion or aſſault: for ſuch a tame diſpoſition, would give advantage to invite〈◊〉enemy to ſet upon them, and give them opportunity either to inſlave them, or to ſlay them: As we ſee by the example of the Jewes, ſuperſtitiouſly forſaking their own juſt defence on the Sabbath day, wherby they were expoſed to the ſpoyl of thoſe that hated them, 1 Mach. 12. from ver. 33. to 41. and by ſuch deſerting of a juſt defence, may men betray themſelves, their lives, Lawes, Liberties and Eſtates, into the hands of ambitious or bloody enemies, which by the light of nature they are obliged with all their power to preſerve.
Sixtly, God hath many times ſhewed his approbation of warre, on the better part, by miraculous aſſiſtance to it, and reſiſtance and confuſion of the contrary party, and that ſince the publiſhing and ſpreading of the Doctrine of Chriſt: whereof there are many examples in EccleſiaſticallddTert Apolog c. 5 Euſcb in vita Conſtant. 1969 Eccleſ. Heſt. l. 9. c. 10 Anguſt. de Civ. Dei. l. 5. cap. 26. Queſt. 2. Authours. And theſe reaſons are of force, as well in the time of the Goſpell, as under the law, or before it.
Now for the conditions of warre, which may qualifie it, againſt juſt exception.
15Firſt, No warre can be lawfull without the allowance of lawfull authority, and the authority that muſt allow it, is only that, which is legiſlative, or a law-making authority.
Secondly, For the cauſe of it, it muſt be juſt, and not only juſt, but it muſt be weighty too, for every juſt cauſe is not ſufficient warrant for a warre.
A third condition of lawfull warre is, a good end or•ime in it, it muſt not be undertaken, either for ambition or revenge, or prey or pillage, but as Chriſtians muſt pray, ſo Chriſtian Souldiers muſt fight, That they may lead accMeritò in terra homini non gloria, ſed pax eſt quaerenda, pax cum Deo, pax cum proximo, pax cum ſeipſo. Bernard. in Feſt. Omnium Sanct. Serm. 5. cal. 297. peaceable and quiet life, in all godlineſſe and honesty, 2 Tim. 2. and v. 2.
Fourthly, As the end muſt be good, ſo muſt the means and manner of mannaging the Warre (the way to that end) be good alſo: The innocent (as much as may be) muſt be ſpared, and none muſt be made guilty, (that is not) that he may be ruined, which Iohn Baptiſt might meane, when he ſaid to the Souldiers, Accuſe no man falſely; Call him not Traitor or Rebell, that you may have a pretence to ſpoyle him, when he is a true Subject to his Soveraigne, a true Patriot to his Country, and the Camp muſt be well diſciplin'd, as well in a religious, as a Military manner, leſtffNoſtris peccatis barbars fortes ſunt, noſtris vitijs Romanus ſuperatur exerci•us. Hieron. Epit. Nepot. Tom. 1. p. 27. the ſinnes of thoſe, who have the better cauſe, ſhould fight on the enemies ſide, againſt themſelves, and in the Name of the Lord of Hoſts muſt the Banner be ſet up, Pſal. 20.5. and Petitions put up for thoſe that fight by them that fight not, Exod. 17.11, 12. that the ſucceſſe of the battell may be ſwayed on the better ſide.
Fifthly, For the ſeaſon of warre, it muſt not be taken up too ſoone, nor too haſtily untill other meanes of peace and Juſtice have been tryed to prevent it, and thoſe meanes proved vaine and fruſtrate. TheggDlci vix poteſt quam multa ſunt, quae antea fieri oportet, quam ad bane extremam rationem devenire. Cic•r. Orat. pro Qu•〈◊〉30. Orato••well ſaid, There are many things to be done before matters are to be put to an undoing extremity: Wherefore is was an Act. of16 more pride then prudence, an argument rather of raſhneſſe then valour, (like that ofhhValer. Max. lib. 9. c. 3. Semiramis, who hearing that the Babylonians rebelled, while ſhe was dreſſing up her head, went preſently, partly dreſt and partly undreſt to the warres without any more preparation, either for pacification or ſuppreſſion of them) in our KingiiWalſingham Hypod. Neuſtriae. Richard the firſt, who being told (as he ſate at Supper) that the French King had beſieged his Towne of Vernoil in Normandy, proteſted that he would not turne his backe, untill he had confronted the French, and thereupon he cauſed the wall of his Pallace, that was before him, to be broken downe towards the South, and poſted to the Sea-coaſt immediately into Normandy.
Such inconſiderate quickneſſe proves (many times) as unhappy, as an over-haſty birth, the deſigne in ſuch caſes doth commonly miſcarry, and (ſometimes) works as much miſery to the undertaker, as the might and malice of the enemy could doe: So did the precipitation of Cambyſes, who for want of due providence and proviſion for his Army, within a few dayes brought a fearefull famine upon it, ſo that his Souldiers were ſoone put to it, to caſt lots,kkCum ſortirenter milites ejus, quis malè periret, quis peius viveret. Senec. de tra lib. 3 c. 20 who ſhould die an evill death, or to avoid that doe worſe, by preying on anothers life, to preſerve his owne.
Sixthly, and laſtly, when the Warre is ended, there ſhould be an end of all warlike enmity, asllPoſt acies, odijs idem qui terminus armis, Claudian. Claudian ſpeaketh in the praiſe of Theodoſius, whoſe armes and anger, he uſed to put-off at the ſame period of war.
With theſe conditions is warre not only lawfull, but ſo neceſſary, that to forbeare it is unlawfull, and ſo he that can and will not aſſiſt in it (to his power) commeth under the curſe of Meroz, Iudg. 5. Curſeye Meroz, curſe ye bitterly the Inhabitants thereof; becauſe they came not to help the Lord, to help the Lord againſt the mighty, v. 23. And of the Prophet17 Ieremy, ſpeaking of the deſtruction of Moab, Curſed be he that keepeth backe his Sword from bloud, Jer. 48.10. If he be a man ſit for warre, to doe execution upon the wicked; and the more wicked the enemy is, the more warrantable is the warre, the more neceſſary the reſolution to withſtand him.
For though warre it ſelfe be a grievous calamity, yet if the enemy be not couragiouſly reſiſted, in his owne way of violence, a worſe thing then warre will follow upon it, that is perpetuall tyranny and ſlavery upon the conſciences and perſons of the vanquiſhed, ſo that the evill of warre, both concomitant with it, and conſequent upon it, well conſidered, may ſerve as incentives of courage, to ingenious and generous ſpirits, to reſiſt it, to repell it, ſince a noble death (eſpecially for him whoſe reward is in Heaven) is much rather to be choſen then an ignominious and miſerable life.
Applic. It is one part of the happy priviledge of the godly, and that an excellent one, that all things ſhall ſome way or other, worke for their good, Rom. 8.28. And there is nothing, no not warre, though it be as bad as hath been ſaid, but may be ſo handled, as may ſerve for their benefit.
That it may be ſo (in reſpect of the precedent Diſcourſe) I ſhall now endeavour to apply it ſo.
For the firſt, While we thinke of all this evill, which partly is come upon us, and the reſt and worſt may follow after, if the warre (which God forbid) ſhould proceed to the utmoſt period, how can we but lament the loſſe of our peace, and repent for our ingratitude, for ſo great a bleſſing, as (for the greateſt part of an 100. yeares) our kingdome hath both enjoyed and abuſed; and for our want of compaſſion, to our diſtreſſed brethren abroad; the relation of whoſe miſerable condition we have read of, heard and talked of, but ſeldome taken to heart, either by a ſympathy of ſorrow with them, or hearty ſupplication for them.
And ſecondly, how can we but ſet our hearts againſt thoſe miſchievous make-bates, who have robbed us of ſo pretious a Jewell as Peace, and broken us in peeces, by their diſtracting devices, which have ſet us in a way of deſtructive Commotion againſt one another. And who be they? Beſides our ſinnes (which I ſhall have occaſion to complaine of, in the anſwer to the Queſtion) there be many, who have done very much ill ſervice in ſecret, to ſo pernicious a purpoſe; but the moſt peſtilent enemies of our publike peace, are they in whom all Malignant motives are concurrent: I meane the Papiſts, for they have been of old, and ever will be the moſt bold and buſie Incendiaries in all Proteſtant States, by them have been caſt about the Coales of contention among us, which now they have blowne up into this dangerous combuſtion.
It is the principall Maxime of thoſe (who would be greateſt in Eccleſiaſticall and Temporall preeminence all over the Chriſtian world, and the truly Catholike craft and ambition of the falſely called Catholike Religion to devide thoſe into as many fractions as they can, over19 whom they deſire to domineere by united Tyranny; and according to that rule, they have acted the parts of ſubtile Seperatiſts (in an active ſenſe) ſowing the Tares of ſtrife, betwixt ſeverall States and Kingdomes,mmThey entred the State in diſguiſe, and counterfeited letters, not only in the names of particular, perſons but of whole Societies, as of the Republike of Genoa, and the city of Ʋerona. Hiſt of the quarrels of Pope Paul the fifth with the State of Ʋenice. l. 2. p. 134. as the Jeſuites did to advance the Popes quarrell againſt the Venetians: and in the ſame State labouring to fill the minds of Governours with jealouſies and ſuſpitions, and to alienate their affections from each other, who ſhould be as one man, in joynt conſiderations and cares for the publike happineſſe. And for the people, they ply them with artificiall fomentations of different fancies and opinions, to raiſe an hearty diſaffection betwixt them, which may put them upon a proſecution of contrary deſignes, and (when opportunity ſerves) may raiſe them up in open warre againſt one another.
To this purpoſe were the Inſtructions given by Cardinall Allen at Rhemes, anno 1579. to ſuch Popiſh Seducers as then were to be ſent from the Seminary in France into England, to with-draw the people of the Kingdome from their due obedience, and to make way for their great project of perdition in 88. by deviding them, under the titles of Proteſtant and Puritane, and provoking them (under thoſe different denominations) to reall and mutuall both hate and contempt: which I take not upon truſt from any private report, nor from that great and lying Authour. [They ſay] but upon the authority of an Arch-biſhop (in this caſe of very great moment) avowing it to the face of a Popiſh Adverſary, and divulging it to publike intelligence in print, in theſe words. nnArch-biſhop. Abbot his Anſwer to Duct. Hills 3d reaſon p 103.If you chance to deale with a Puritan (ſaith that Cardinall) you muſt ſay, truely (Brother) for you there is more hope, then for thoſe that be Proteſtants; becauſe they (for feare of the Prince and the Law) are ready to ſay any thing; and therefore (me thinketh they be Atheiſts) but for you there is more hope, being either hot20 or cold; If you deale with a Proteſtant, tell him there is more hope of him, then of raſh haire-brain'd Puritanes, becauſe they (with Religion) have put off all humanity, and civility with all other good manners, who would not think that for ſuch miſchievous devices, this head of Allens was ſoone after thought worthy to be covered with a Cardinals Hat? So farre the Arch-biſhop.
Here I ſhall crave leave of the more knowing and more obſerving part of this Auditory, that I may deſcend to the Information of the weaker ſort of people (for their better warning, who either have not read, or doe not remember or not conſider, or cannot apply the Plots of the Papiſts to the preſent condition of our time and State) of the crafty and cruell ſollicitations of that party, to enkindle the fire of warin Ireland, and from thence (notwithſtanding all the water betwixt us and that Kingdom) to diſperſe it abroad ver all the Counties of England, as now they have done.
And to this purpoſe they have impudently given out in Ireland; SometimesooThe Iriſh Remonſtrance. p. 5, 48, 4•, 77. that His Majeſty was perſonally (though diſguiſed) preſent with the Rebells there; SometimesppIbid. p. 6. that he was dead, and that the young King went to Maſse; but moſt commonly, that which they did was by theqqIbid p. 45, 48, 56 Kings authority, and that they had the Broad-Seale for it, and that it was the Kings pleaſurerrIbid p 68. that all the Engliſh ſhould be baniſhed and looſe their goods, becauſe the Queenes Prieſt was hanged before her face. And that there was a Covenant (betwixt the Iriſh and the Scots upon theſe tearmes) that the Iriſh ſhould never take part with the Engliſh againſt the Scots, nor the Scots with the Engliſh againſt the Iriſh; And**Ibid. p. 38. that all the Scottiſh Nation was joyned (with them) for the extirpation of the Engliſh: So that the††Ibid. Scots were to leave never a drop of Engliſh blood in England, and that the Iriſh had command to leave never a drop of Engliſh blood in Ireland; and that (for that purpoſe) they had the‖‖Ibid. Earle of Argiles hand, together with the21 hands of the greateſt part of the prime Nobility of Scotland.
And that many might more readily come into an Aſſociation in their damnable League, and might carry it on with more courage, and higher hope of happy ſucceſſe, they coyned ſuch comfortable Lyes as theſe. That there was an Army to come to their aide from Spaine,**Ibid p. 10. another (of no fewer then 40000.) from France, another fromaaIbid Flanders, thatbbIbid p. 54. Dublin was taken, and that the diſtreſſed in Ireland might have no hope of ſuccour in England, or Scotland, they told them, that there was the likeccIbid. p. 35. ſtirres in both theſe Kingdoms: meaning that the Papiſts purſued, and prevailed over the Proteſtants there, as they did in Ireland: a thing then (no doubt) both in their deſire, and deſigne, and like to be alſo in their indeavour, when they might begin with hope, to goe on with ſucceſſe.
And that they might have the more colour for their bloody combination, theſe ſeditious Seedſ-men gave out, that the Puritane Parliament in England was the cauſe of all this; in that they have made anddIbid. p. 4•. Act, that all Papiſts in Ireland must goe to Church, or otherwiſe be hanged at their owne doores: and therefore they began with the Proteſtants firſt, least they ſhould begin with them, who had reſolved toeeIbid. p. 35, 45. murther all the Papiſts throughout the Kingdome, and yet (like odious hypocrites as they be) they ſometimesffIbid. pretended, that if the Lord Lievtenant of Ireland (that laſt was) had not been put to death, by the Parliament, they had not made this Inſurrection: whereas (indeed,) they held and hated him, as the moſt heavy-handed Deputy, that was ſet over them, (though Proteſtants had as great cauſe to complaine of the weight of his hand, as Papiſts had, if not greater) and plotted this miſchiefe (as upon Confeſſion is recorded)ggIbid. p. 35. ••. ſeventeene yeares before their Rebellion brake out.
Their hatred of the beſt Proteſtants, under the name22 of Puritans is notorious throughout the three Kingdom, of England, Scotland and Ireland: but they hate them moſt, where they thinke they are moſt able to doe them hurt, that's in Parliament: and therefore they have been alway forward to falſifie their Acts and Intentions, to blaſt that venerable Aſſembly with the blackeſt calumny they can conceive, and to doe as deſperate acts againſt them as the Devill himſelfe can put into their heads.
hhKing Iames premonit p. 328.King Iames chargeth them with three Lyes together of the Act of Parliament, concerning the Oath of Allegiance, and all the Kingdome, yea all the Chriſtian world knoweth their devilliſh malignity towards that moſt Honourable Court in the Powder-plot,iiKing Iames his ſecond Speech in Parliament. p. 501. purpoſely deviſed againſt the place of their meeting, that where the crull Lawes (as they call them) were made againſt their Religion, both place and perſons, ſhould be blowne up at once, which plot, had it taken effect, they purpoſed to have laid it on thekkSpeeds Chron. lib. 10. p. 1252. col 2. Puritans.
And what they could not then bring about, by that ſecret ſatanicall treachery, they have of late attempted and undertaken by open Warre, and the Warre we now ſee tranſlated out of Iriſh into Engliſh, and their hate and ſpight written (in Capitall Letters) with the blood of Engliſh Proteſtants.
I am not ſo vainly preſumptuous, as to preſent ſuch particulars as theſe, to inſtruct the ſage and prudent Senators of this moſt High and Honourable Court, (who ſee, and fore-ſee, a thouſand times more, and further into the Popiſh miſtery of Iniquity, (with all the Engins that are working under it,) then many thouſands of ſuch private perſons as my ſelfe can poſſible conceive; but (by ſuch a breviate as I have brought in) to make ſome more cautelous reſentment of Popiſh plots in the common people and of their common perill, thereby, if there be not a very23 watchfull jealouſie in the great Counſell of the Kingdome, over them, and a zealous and unanimous induſtry of all true-hearted Proteſtants, to diſappoint them; but I ſhall meete with them againe before we part.
Thirdly, The Miſeries and Miſchiefes of Warre, being ſuch as have been ſhewed, it cannot but well become every good and wiſe man to ſhew himſelfe diſaffected to it, and much troubled for it, as well as by it. So did the Prophet (when he bewailed the condition of his time by the oppreſſion and deſolation of Warre, as out of this Chapter I have told you) and to doe all good offices they can to promote peace, as the Parliament by their many humble and preſſing Petitions, and other prudent addreſſes to his Majeſty, have indeavoured to doe: yet ſo (as well became their piety and prudence) as to deſire no peace but ſuch an one, as whoſoever treats of it admits of God to be of the Quorum in it, and (in ballacing the conditions on both ſides) will ſuffer his glory and the conſcionable diſcharge of their truſt (to the King and Kingdome) to make downe weight in the finall determination thereof: againſt which an agreement would prove but a conſpiracie, for betraying of truſt. But for a peace upon ſuch tearmes as thoſe we now mentioned, that Engliſhman who would not like Ionah (when to appeaſe a tempeſt and ſave a Ship from ſplitting, he was content to be caſt into and ſwallowed up of the Sea, Ion. 1.12. ) willingly lay downe his life, is not worthy to live.
And the more zealous ſhould every one be of making up the breach of peace, by how much more worthy they are who are divided, and betwixt whom the neereſt Union that can be, is required, if there were but a ſingle ſeperation, of a paire of excellent Friends, we ſhould have an affectionate ſorrow in our hearts for their ſakes: as**Heu mibi qui vos ſimul i•u•nire nonpoſſu••, ut inovear, ut doleo. ut Itmeo, proc•derem ad pe les veſtros, ſterem quant•valerem, rogarem quaotu a amarem, nu••utrumqueveſtrâ pro ſetpſo, nunc utrumquepro alterutro & pro alijs ac maxi are infi•mu — qut vos tanquam in Theatro vitae bujus cum mag•o ſur pericu•o. pectant. Auguſt. Epi•l. 〈◊〉Tom. 20 inter opera H•eron p 350. & 391. Augustine paſſionately expreſſed, upon the quarrels24 and invectives betwixt Hierom and Ruffinus, Woe is mee (ſaith he) that I cannot find you both together, how am I moved? how am I grieved? how doe I feare, how willing would I be to fall downe at your feete, I would weepe according to my power, and begge according to my love, now of the one for the other, and then of both for both, and for others alſo, who with great perill and ſcandall ſee you, (as in a Theater) conteſting and contending as Enemies. ““Hoc magnum & triſte naraculum eſt, ab am••••ijs talibus a I has mimt•••as per to n•ſſe. 〈◊〉. It is a great and a ſad Miracle, (ſaith he) from ſuch Amity as hath been to be changed to ſuch emnity as is now betwixt you; And yet this Emnity was not exerciſed, with the Pike, but with the Pen, the dropps that were ſpilt (in their Warre) were not dropps of blood, but of Inke.
How would the good man have been grieved to have ſeen ſuch an eſtrangement, betwixt ſo great and (of himſelf) ſo good a King as our dread Soveraigne, and ſo wiſe and worthy a Counſell as the High Parliament? how would his heart have melted into tender commiſeration, of ſo many ſlaine, ſo many ſpoiled, and ruined (for this world) ſo great a deſolation, as is made in many parts, of this late flouriſhing Kingdome, by a moſt unnaturall Warre, and that (under adverſe Titles) in their Names, who are or ſhould be, as neerely allied and linked together, as the ingagements of Religion, Law, Conſcience, Prudence and Fidelity to God and man can poſſibly make them.
Ob. But what hope of Peace when both ſides have ſo farre proceeded in Warre, When a man ſeeth Armies prepared, it is a madneſſe (as the““Prat a mentis, cu••ac•em videres〈◊〉cogirare〈◊〉. O••t de Dejo taro〈◊〉6 Orator ſa••〈◊〉o expect a peace?
Anſw. IThough I ſhall ſhew a Reaſon why I am not of his mind, I confeſſe I ſhould conceive more hope of a pacification of our ſtormy diſtempers, if no Divines, but ſuch as are of S. Auguſtines ſincerity, and charity, did officiate (as Chaplaines) and that while perſwaſions to peace are propoſed on the one ſide, incentives to warre were not ſounded on the other.
25Of the Parliaments propenſion to peace (by offering and accepting of ſuch conditions as may conſiſt, with the great truſt repoſed in them, (both for the reformation of matters amiſſe in Church and State, and preſervation of their own priviledges, and the peoples rights and Liberties.) I have intimated enough already, for this time and place, there can be no doubt for their part in this Audience, no need therefore here, either to give intelligence, or make apologie on their behalfe, though elſewhere there may be uſe of both.
Thirdly, For his Majeſties part (to whom humble addreſſes of reconciliation have been many times preſented, and in whoſe power it was and yet is to crowne them all with a comfortable concluſion.) We have had ſo many emphaticall profeſſions not only of his peaceable mind towards the Parliament, but of his pittifull diſpoſition towards all his people, that we cannot but wonder by what impoſtures, or preſumptions in uſurping his power and abuſing his name, his ſubjects, (eſpecially thoſe who in a common calamity ſhould have been ſevered from the common ſort by a marke of ſecurity, as Ezek. 9.46. ) have ſuffered, and yet doe ſuffer ſo wofull a change of their Peace into Warre, and of proſperity into miſery, as of late (under pretence of his Commands, or Commiſſions) they have done. His Majeſties expreſſes (ſuch as become a truellThe Kings of Paleſtine were commonly called Abimelechs, a Name compounded of benignity and Authority, ſignifying a Father and a King, for Rulers (and among them Kings are〈◊〉) are Fathers to ſuch as are ſubordinate to them, as a King••.18 Iob 29.16. and under that Title they are to be honoured by the fift Commandement, whereby is implyed that they muſt rule with indulgence as Fathers, and their Subjects obey with benevolence as children. Abimilech (that is both a Father and a King, the Royall Sonne and Heire of him, who gloried in the Title [Rex Pacificus,] and ſaidmmKing Iames true Laws of free-Monarchy, pag. 195. of his works in Folio. a King by the Law of Nature, becomes anaturall Father to his Lieges at his Coronation) are as followeth, thatnnSo in his Majeſties anſwer to the Parliaments Petition, and reaſons againſt his going into Ire-land. p 9. his life (when it is most26 pleaſant is nothing ſo pretious to him, as it is and ſhall be; to governe his people with honour and Iuſtice:ooIn his Majeſties Anſwer to the Declaration of both Houſes concerning H•ll, ſent May, 4. 1642. p. 17. that it is not in the power of any perſon, to incline him to take Armes againſt his Parliament, and miſerably to imbroyle this Kingdome in a Civill Warre, and that his Affections abhorre, and his heart bleeds at the apprehenſion of Civill Warre, and he doth ingage himſelfe (in the word of a King)ppIn the ſecond Remonſtrance of the ſtate of the Kingdom, p. 4. That the ſecurity of all and every one of the Parliament from violence is, and ever ſhall be, as much as his care to preſerve himſelfe, and his children: andqqDeclarat: Parliament. March 12 p 9. that he will be as carefull of their priviledges; as of his owne Prerogatives. rrIn his Speech to the Miniſters and Freeholders aſſembled at Heworth Heath in Yorkeſhiere. Iune 3. 1642.That in all his time (before the Parliament) having never cauſed the effuſion of one drop of blood, in his riper judgement in government, he will never open ſuch iſſues of blood, as might drowne himſelfe and his poſterity in them**His Majeſties Anſwer to the deſires and Propoſitions of both Houſes, Feb: 3. 1642. p 10., that he hath given up all the faculties of his ſoul to an earneſt deſire of Peace and reconciliation with his people. And we had experience of truth, as well as of power, in the word of a King, Eccleſ. 8.4. in his Majeſties accommodation of Accord with his Subjects of Scotland, which he profeſſed when he ſhewed himſelfe moſt diſpleaſed with them, in theſe words,ſſHis Majeſties large Declaration upon the tumults of Scotland, p 5. if ſome of their bad blood were ſhed, he ſhould make accompt that the blood was let out of his owne veines, nor ſhall we (ſaith he) draw one drop of it, in any other caſe, then a faithfull Phyſitian will, and muſt doe, for the preſervation of the whole body. And after a great deale of ſharpe expoſtulation with them, in a Booke conſiſting of 430. pages in Folio, he thus concludeth. ttIbid p. 430As we have found the aide and aſsiſtance of our loving Subjects towards this Iourney, ſo we heartily deſire their prayers, all the time of our abſence, for a good ſucceſſe unto it, and that (if it be poſsible) we may returne with peace, and without the effuſion of any drop of our Subjects blood.
Beſides theſe gratious words he gave reall proofe of his Royall and Chriſtian compaſſion, in committing the27 Treaty of Pacification, unto ſuch pious and Honourable Lords, as whoſe conſciences liked no compliance with the Popiſh Religion, whoſe innocence was not affraid of peaceable Juſtice, whoſe wiſedome fore-ſaw the deſtruction of two Kingdomes if they ſhould aſſault one another with Armed furie, which their goodneſſe abhorred as his Majeſty did.
And as David (when he was diverted by Abigail, from his deſigne of deſtruction of Nabal, and his family for his churliſh ingratitude towards him:) bleſſed God, and her, and her advice, for keeping him from comming to ſhed blood, 1 Sam. 24.32, 33. ſo his Majeſtie (though neither ſo rough or raſh in a reſolution of revenge, as David was at that time)uuIn his Majeſties Speech in Parliament, Novemb: 5. 1640. gave thanks to thoſe Lords for their paines, and industry before they had brought their Mediation to an happy period: which I doubt not but he did more fully, when afterward it ſpeeded to a perfect accompliſhment.
And though, (as Solomon ſaith) the heart of a King is unſearchable, Prov. 25.2. Unſearchable by any, except by the King of Kings, we may probably conceive, upon the conſideration of and in conformitie to ſuch premiſes, that when both the Engliſh and Scottiſh Armies were in Array (for a poſture of encounter) his Majeſty might have ſuch meditations as theſe.
Theſe Souldiers on both ſides, now ready to ruſh upon mutuall miſchiefe, are my naturall Subjects, my Subjects are the ſtrength and honour of my State, if I give the ſignall of aſſault, and ſet one Armie againſt another, it is like to be a bloody day, and the iſſue of blood (being opened in a warlike way,) will not eaſily be ſtopped.
If it ſhould thus begin between two neighbouring Kingdomes, by their Vicinity, they may ever find occaſions to continue quarrells, and to ſeeke revenge with cruell28 rage and ruine one of another; and who ſhall ſuſtaine the greateſt loſſe at the laſt by ſuch reciprocall ſlaughters but my ſelfe who am King of both Kingdomes? If my Subjects kill up one another, my power will be much impaired, my dignity diminiſhed, for in the multitude of people is the Kings honour, Prov. 14.28. and their diminution mydiſgrace, for what is a King without his people?
And if King Edward the Confeſſor, when his Captaines promiſed, for his ſake, they would not leave one Dane alive,wwCambdent Rem: p 214. thought it better, to leade a private and unbloody life, then to be a King by ſuch bloody butcheries. It cannot but be much better for me, to preſerve two Kingdomes in peace and concord, and to continue a King (over two numerous Nations) without blood-guiltineſſe, then to commit them to a hoſtile conflict, with hazard of great ſlaughter on both fides, and of mine owne comfortable enjoyment of both Kingdomes. And though they have given me occaſion of a ſevere conteſtation with them, yet ifxxIbid. p. 242. we Princes (as one of my renowned Predeceſſors wiſely ſaid (it was K. Henry the ſeventh) ſhould take every occaſion that is offered, the world ſhould never be quiet, but wearied with continuall Warres.
And for the cauſe of this quarrell, of my Scottiſh Subjects, it is a queſtion of Rights and Priviledges and lawfull liberties of their conſciences, perſons and eſtates, fitter to be decided by the prudence of Parliamentary Commiſſioners, then by the violence of Military executioners, whoſe Sword hath not an eye, to ſee any difference, between right and wrong, nor can ſhew in the laſt reſolution it makes, which ſide had the better cauſe, or better mind,either in an open Warre, or in a private Duell, oryyBiſhop Hall, Decad. 4. Ep. 2. pag. 338. ſingle Combat: though in times and places, (where Popery hath prevailed, it hath oftentimes, been taken up for a tryall of truth and right. Once indeed did that Prince of29 moſt admired prudence Solomon call for a Sword to decide a controverſie betwixt two mothers, pleading about their right to a living and a dead child, 1 King. 3.24. but he did not uſe it as a Sword, nor did he meane it, but onely (by pretending perill to the living child) to diſcover the true mother, both of the living and the dead, by the evidence of her compaſſion who would rather have none of it at all, then not all of it alive.
And if one child were ſo tenderly beloved by a true mother, I that am a true Father (not a tyrannicall Uſurper) of my people, cannot but be more chary of many thouſands of them, then to put them into a bloudy combuſtion among themſelves. And my royall Father, who (for his wiſdome) hath been magnified as a ſecond Solomon is highlyzzSir W. Rawleigh Hiſt. world. l. 5 c. 3. § 17. commended, For having done a moſt Kingly and Chriſtian-like deed in Scotland, which the most renowned of all his Predeceſsours could never doe, in beating downe and extinguiſhing that hereditary proſecution of malice (called the deadly feud) A conqueſt which ſhall give him the honour and power of kingly prudence for evermore.
And that done, and both Scotland and England united in his Royall Right,aaK Iames his Speech in Parliament, anno 1603. p. 488, 489. and in his third Speech in White-ball, p. 511. he propoſed and zealouſly purſued their union under the generall title of great Brittaine. And I will not ſo degenerate from his gracious diſpoſition, as to ſet them at emnitie, whom he ſo deſired to ſettle in unitie.
And though the Souldiers be ready and forward to fight, better it were that the moſt valiant Captains ſhould yeeld to the perſwaſions of a weake woman, asbbPlut. in the life of Coriolanus, p. 239. Coriolanus to his Mother Volumnia, or that two compleat Armies (readie to daſh one with another,) ſhould ſuffer their manhood to be overcome by female mediation; (as did the Armies of KingccServce French inventor, p. 193. Edward the third, and King Philip of France,) then that they ſhould make ſuch a confuſion and daſhing30together, as might be like to breake both in peeces, and to bring them to a feebleneſſe which might make them, and perhaps my ſelfe and my poſterity with them, a prey to that party whoſe ambition and bloodineſſe have no bounds, but ſuch as an over-prevalent power doth force upon them.
Such was His Majeſties good meaning to his Subjects of Scotland (publiſhed in print, not much above**Auno 1639. two yeares ago) which may be a juſt ground of all, that hath bin hitherto ſaid in his Name, and we have no cauſe to conceive that his goodneſſe and kindneſſe ſhould be leſſe to his people of England, then to them: ſince though his Majeſty was not borne among us, he is pleaſed to make his choyce to live among us, as accounting this Kingdome, for the chiefe part of his Royall birth-right, and therefore fixing his abode here.
And I doubt not but the lives of his true Chriſtian Subjects in common (both as Chriſtians, according to the pious compaſſion of Charles the Emperour,““Bu•••lz. Jud. chronolog ad••. 1541. p. ••. Who had rather ſave one Christian, then kill a thouſand Moores or Turks or other perfidious enemies) and as Subjects to whom he hath the relation of a father (as hath been ſhewed) may be ſtill pretious in his ſight (his owne ſight I meane, not in others who looke upon a Proteſtant Parliament, and people with blood-ſhotten-eyes) whereby he may more comfortably remember, that**Mavult commemor are ſe (cum poſſer perdere) p•per••ſſe, quam cum parcere potuerit, perardiſſe, C•cer Orat pro Quint. •. 3. p. 2. He hath ſpared their blood, when he might have ſpilled it, then contrariwiſe that he hath killed, where he might have ſaved alive.
4. Preparations to warre are many times (and alwayes ſhould be) made with purpoſes of peace (as we have obſerved before) which each party is ſo much the more engaged to accept of (upon ſo honorable tearms) as they make more profeſſion of Juſtice and Religion.
5. If we ſaw no hope of peace by any mediation of man31 or woman, we may yet deſire it, pray for it, and hope to ſpeed in our prayers, by the favour of God to his people, and his power over ſuch as are moſt powerfull by the Sword: for he hath over-ruled, not only the hands, but the minds of ſuch, as have been moſt forward for warre, as in the difference betwixt Frederick the Prince Elector of Saxonie, and another Germane Prince; when Frederick prepared warre againſt him, and he (without any preparations to that purpoſe) had reſolved to commit his cauſe wholly to God;Bucholz Iud. chron. ad An. 2450. p. 420. Let another man (ſaid he) be ſo mad (but I will not) as to make warre with him who committeth his cauſe unto God.
Now if our deſires, endeavours and hopes of peace (which we ſhould keepe, if it were poſſible with all the world, Rom. 12.18. ) ſhould all prove fruſtrate, we muſt by our Chriſtian Prudence doe our beſt to make a vertue of neceſſity, and as cunning Phyſitians doe our endeavour to turne a poyſon into a Medicine, then
For a fourth Application of the Point (the ſharpe point of the Sword of warre) let it be our warning againſt diviſion among all thoſe, whom the adverſe power would unite in a ſociety of ſufferings, if they ſhould ſucceſſefully proceed; and how many are they?
All true Proteſtants muſt looke for nothing leſſe from Papiſts, if (they get the better) then the loſſe of their liberty of conſcience, and of their perſons, their lively-hoods and lives; the regular and conſcionable Chriſtian muſt expect ſcornes and contumelies of all kinds, and he is like alſo to have his eares, and heart ſmitten with execrable oathes and blaſphemies of impious Atheiſts; the civill, ſober and temperate man, ſhall be urged, and it may be forced to ſwallow downe needleſſe draughts (as an Horſe doth a drench) by domineering drunkards; the rich man ſhall be ſure to be made a prey to the needy, or greedy32 Souldiers, whoſe luxury will laviſh out in a day or night, what a provident worldling is laying up all a whole years together: And if he have a wife or daughter, whom their carnall appetite will not refuſe for a familiar companion, he may ſuffer in the ſenſuall and ſhamefull abuſe of their perſons; and he that hath but his perſonall liberty to looſe, ſhall if warre conquer him be made a ſlave to the conquerour.
If therefore men have any private emulation or exception againſt each other, they muſt now ſet them aſide, as the creatures (in the Arke) laid by their Antipathies within, becauſe of the common danger of an inundation without; our danger is much more then theirs, of drowning in the water: For ours is a drowning in blood, and our reaſon and Religion both, oblige and enable us to be more chary of our mutuall concord, and more ready to cement up every little chinke in the Fabrick of our State: we ſhould now (above all times) unite our hearts in affectionate well wiſhings to the common welfare, our heads in a communion of counſels and cares to recover it, and our hands for ſupport of our ſelves, and ſuppreſſion of thoſe, who (if they had us in their power) would fall upon us more fiercely then the evening Wolves, (Hab. 1.8. ) upon aprey of fatted lambes.
And is this a time for the Proteſtants of England to fall to variance among themſelves? to breake in peeces, and as it were to crumble away into petty breaches of particular Societies, into new Sects and Factions? Is it a time for any of them to deſert the common cauſe of their Brethren, by Nation and Religion, and againſt them both to partake with Papiſts, and to put to their helping hand on their ſide, not conſidering or not caring (what ſhallow heads or hollow hearts have they the whiles) what intent firſt ſet their wheeles in motion, or what event is hoped33 for and purſued by the furious driver of that Hell-fiery Chariot of Popery, which is no leſſe nor better, then to wrap up their native Country in moſt lamentable ruine, and to bring downe the ſtraight and golden Scepter of Jeſus Chriſt (by which he governeth his Church) under the ſway of the crooked and wooden Croſier of Antichriſt, who pretends title to the chiefe office of a Paſtor of Chriſts flock, but acts the part of a wolfe toward the Sheep of his fold.
They could not ſurely be ſo wanting, much leſſe ſo adverſe to ſo weighty a cauſe in ſo cleare a caſe, ſo neceſſarily requiring a moſt cordiall union of us all, if they conſidered how our adverſaries, though of**It is ordered and eſt abliſhed, and that (upon pain of the high, eſt puniſhment to be inflicted by authority of this Aſſembly) that every Roman Catholick, Engliſh, Welch & Scottiſh (who was of that profeſſion before the troubles) who will joyne in the preſent union, ſhall be preſerved and cheriſhed in his life, goods & eſtate, as fully & freely as any native. So in the orders made at the Popiſh generall Aſſembly at Kilkenny, Octo. 24. 1642 Ord. 14. & Order 33 ſeverall Counties and Countries, are aſſociated in an unreconcileable quarrell againſt us, and all our fellow Profeſſours of the ſame faith, And what they have determined for the deſtruction of us all. It is worthy the notice of thoſe that have not read it in the Iriſh Remonstrance, and of their remembrance that have read it, what order they have agreed upon for our confuſion, which is this.
Firſt, They have reſolved to extirpate all the Engliſh out of Ireland, as hath been ſhewed,¶¶Iriſh Remonſtrance, p. 31. That Kingdome ſetled and peopled only with ſound Catholikes (it is their title not mine; for in very truth they are neither ſound nor Catholike) Thirty thouſand men muſt be ſent into England to joyne with the French and Spaniſh forces, and the ſervice (they ſhould ſay the Sacrifice, for they meane a ſlaughter of the Engliſh) in England performed, then they will joyntly fall upon Scotland, for the reducing of that Kingdome to the obedience of the Pope; which being finiſhed, they have engaged themſelves to the King of Spaine for aſſiſting him againſt the Hollanders, that was their plot, diſcovered by examination taken upon Oath.
There is then more cauſe, that England, Scotland and the34 Netherlands ſhould be united in a league of mutuall defence, then that we of this Kingdome ſhould firſt breake aſunder by diviſion, and then breake in upon each other with enraged violence; For if all the crafty Counſels of Spaine, of the Conclave of the Pope and Cardinals, of the Congregations of Ieſuites and other Aſſemblies of peſtilent Polititians (our ſworne Enemies) ſhould lay their heads together, for an undoing device againſt us, they could not imagne any one more dangerous and deſperate, then that which we are now acting upon our ſelves; The Lord open the eyes and turne the hearts of thoſe in whoſe power it is, to found a Retreat to this Martiall fury: That Engliſh valour may be diverted from the ruine of England to the recovery of Ireland, or if the Sword of warre muſt be the Sword of divine Juſtice, to avenge the quarrell of thy Covenant againſt a rebellious people, Let it, O Lord, (we beſeech thee) doe moſt execution upon thine obdurate enemies, and ſway thou the victory upon their ſide, whoſe cauſe and perſons have better title to thine Almighty protection.
Thus farre of the Queſtion, How long ſhall I ſee, &c. as importing the Prophets ſtrong apprehenſion of, and vehement averſion from the evill of warre.
Now of the Anſwer, For my people is fooliſh, they have not knowne me, they are ſottiſh children, they have none underſtanding, they are wiſe to doe evill, but to doe good, they have no knowledge.
They neither know God nor acknowledge or glorifie him as God, but ſet their wits on worke for wickedneſſe, therin having a kind of cunning, (which the unwiſe world calleth wiſdome) while they remaine ignorant, inconſiderate, dull and ſtupid towards the doing of good.
Under the accuſation are comprehended two points of Importance. The one expreſſed; The other implied; that which is expreſſed is the cauſe of the calamities fore-mentioned, For my people, or becauſe my people is fooliſh, &c. And that will direct us to a two-fold Obſervation.
Firſt, The one of the Malignant operations of ſin, in procuring heavy puniſhments upon a people.
2. The other the diſgracefull denomination of ſinners, or the contemptible titles given unto them, as fooliſh, ſottiſh, without knowledge or understanding.
The particular implied is the continuance of ſin, for the Queſtion being expreſſely made of the continuance, How long? and implicitely of the cauſe; the anſwer is ſatisfactory to both, ſhewing not only, why the people are plagued, but that ſo long they ſhall be plagued, untill they be reformed: untill the cauſe of their ſinfull folly be removed, they ſhall not, or not in mercy be eaſed of their miſery; as long as they be ſo bad in their diſpoſition towards God, they muſt looke for no better a condition from God.
Firſt, For the cauſe in the 18. verſe, the Indictment againſt them is framed under other titles, Thy way and thy doings have procured theſe things unto thee, this thy wickedneſſe, becauſe it is bitter, becauſe it reacheth unto thine heart. So likewiſe in the Lamentation of Ieremy. Ieruſalem (ſaith the Prophet) hath grievouſly ſinned, therefore ſhee is removed. Chap. 1. ver. 8. And that it is not the peculiar caſe of Ieruſalem, he ſheweth in more generall tearmes: Wherefore doth living man complaine, and man for the puniſhment36 of his ſinnes? Lam. 3.39. or (as the Geneva hath it) Wherefore is the living man ſorrowfull? He ſuffereth for his ſinnes. And Ieruſalem her ſelfe, as if ſhe made anſwer to ſome ſuch Queſtion as this, pleadeth not any excuſe of her ignorance, but cleareth Gods Juſtice, and freely and fully taketh the Accuſation of her ſinnes upon her ſelfe. The Lord is righteous, for I have rebelled againſt his Commandements, Chapt. 1. ver. 18. We have tranſgreſſed and thou hast not pardoned, Chap. 3.42. Which is not to be underſtood of the people only, but (with them) of the Prophets and the Prieſts, for the ſins of her Prophets, and the iniquity of her Prieſts, did Jeruſalems miſery come upon her, Chap. 4.12. for the Prophets prophecied falſly, and the Prieſts bare rule by their meanes, Jer. 5.31. And they ruled with bloudy and unrighteous rigour, For they ſhed the blood of the Iuſt, in the midſt of Jeruſalem, Chapt. 4. ver. 13. And in the 30. Chapter, God emphatically avoweth his owne Juſtice againſt their wickedneſſe, in theſe words, I have wounded thee with the wound of an enemy, with the chaſtiſement of a cruell one, for the multitude of thine iniquity, becauſe thy ſinnes were increaſed. Why crieſt thou for thine afflictions? Thy ſorrow is incurable, for the multitude of thine iniquity: becauſe thy ſins were inereaſed, I have done theſe things unto thee, ver. 14, 15.
So that we muſt not take this Text, though it impute ignorance unto theſe Jewes, to import any extenuation of their tranſgreſſions which may ſerve to excuſe them, either a toto, or a tanto, as ſometimes ignorance is pleaded, by way of argument, or inducement to compaſſion, and pardon, as it is by God himſelfe, in the Prophecie of Ionah, Should I not ſpare Nineveh, that great City, wherein are more then ſixſcore thouſand perſons, that cannot diſcerne betweene their right and their left hand, and alſo much Cattell? and by our Saviour, Father, forgive them, they know not what they doe,37 Luk. 23.34. and as S. Paul giveth inſtance in his own caſe, I was before a blaſphemer, and a perſecutour, and injurious: but I obtained mercy, becauſe I did it ignorantly in unbeleefe, 1 Tim. 1.13. for ſuch ignorance was partly inevitable, partly involuntary, but this was neither, and therefore it is urged rather by way of aggravation, to augment their guilt: as in the firſt of Eſay, Heare O ye Heavens, and give eare O earth, for the Lord hath ſpoken, I have nouriſhed and brought up children, but they have rebelled againſt me; the Oxe knoweth his owner, and the Aſſe his Maſters cribb, but Iſrael doth not know, my people doth not conſider; ah ſinnefull Nation, a people laden with iniquity, &c. chap. 1. ver. 2, 3, 4.
Now ſince the Prophet, the people, and God himſelfe, ſo expreſly put together the cauſe and the effect, (ſinne and puniſhment) and that the puniſhment expreſſed in the queſtion, ſinne is implied in the Anſwer, for not to know and acknowledge God, (as God) is a ſinne as ſure as well as a folly, we muſt firſt obſerve, the Malignant operation of ſinne in procuring puniſhment upon a people, and it is doctrinely or hiſtorically ſo univerſally diffuſed throughout the whole Bible, from Gen. 2.17. to Revelations 22.19. that (beſides the teſtimonies alleadged) there will be no need of farther proofe, (from divine Authority) to confirme it, though ſome parts of it, doe more fully cleare and preſſe this point, then others doe; as the 26. of Levit. the 28. of Deut. the Lament. of Ieremy.
And for them who never read a leafe of theſe divine Dictates, as they have by the light of nature diſcerned a great difference betwixt Vertue and Vice, (as their Bookes of Ethicks, or morall Philoſophy ſufficiently ſhew) ſo have their conſciences cheared them up in well doing, and checked them for evill, Rom. 2.15. and by the ſame light they have apprehended““Ammian Marcelli (an Heathen Souldier) obſerveth the juſt judgement of the Almighty-powers in puniſhing Maximinus and other bloody butchers. Marcel. hiſt. l. 25. c. 5. See alſo the diſcourſe in Plutarchs Moralls, de Sera numinis vindicta. a divine Judge or Juſticiarie, obſerving the minds, and wayes of wicked men, and imprinting38 his diſpleaſure upon them, in outward plagues: and have thence inferred their duty, to addreſſe themſelves unto him in ſupplications, and other meanes of pacification of his anger: as the Mariners (in whoſe Ship Ionah would have ſayled to Tharſhiſh,) ſhewed, by their inquiry by Lotts for the guilty perſon who was the cauſe of the Tempeſt, Ionah cap. 1. ver. 5, 7. and by the continuall practice of the Heathens in ſacrifices to the gods they ſerved, (acknowledging ſinne to be the cauſe of their common calamities,) and offering them up for pacification of an offended Deity.
I need not then ſpend time, either in clearing of this obſervation by examples, or aſſuring it by Authorities and reaſons: nor will it be neceſſary, to bring downe the generall guilt, and hurt of ſinne, by ſhewing how troubleſome a thing it is in breaking peace betwixt God and man, Lament. 2. ver. 4, 5, 6, 7, 8. and 17.21. chap. 3. ver. 3, 5. and 15. chap. 4.11. Eſay. 57.20. a man and his owne conſcience, and betwixt Man and Man in Forraine and Civill Warre, Hab. 1.8. Eſa. 19.2. this (I doubt not) is done to mine hand already, neither is there cauſe I ſhould be copious in application of it to your conſciences, ſince ſome of my reverend Bretheren (I conceive) who have had precedence before me in this place) have anticipated the delivery of this doctrine, and driven it home to your hearts.
All I conceive requiſite for this point at this time will be, to make a briefe Application of it, to our preſent ſtate, and ſo to proceed to the other point, of the folly of ſinne and ſinners, which I ſuppoſe hath been leſſe inſiſted on by any, (though it be not leſſe worthy of proſecution at large, nor will be leſſe profitable to thoſe that give due attendance unto it.)
Firſt then for the preſent point, the guilt of ſinne being expreſſely ſhewed by this anſwer of God, to be the cauſe of all the evill (which was ſo grievous to the Prophet.) It39 is our parts what tribulation ſoever light upon us, to give God the glory of his Juſtice, without murmuring at any thing he doth, or we ſuffer under his correcting hand: and to make a free confeſſion of our ſinnes, (without mincing) as Dan. 9. the holy Prophet having a joint apprehenſion of the peoples provocation of God by their ſinnes, and of Gods indignation againſt them, expreſſed in his puniſhment of them, for that cauſe, maketh his confeſſion to God in this manner, We have ſinned and have committed iniquity, and have done wickedly, and have rebelled: the abundant hatred of ſinne, in his heart, made him ſo full in the mouth, with multiplication of words, of the ſame ſence, for the aggravation and deteſtation of ſinne: yet he goeth on, we have rebelled, even by departing from thy precepts, and from thy judgements, ver. 5. and then he cometh to the cauſe, whereby they came to ſuch a guilt of ſinne, it was from their refuſall of their guidance, whom God had ſent to leade them in the right way, (and how could they but wander when they forſooke the light) neither have we harkened (ſaith he) unto thy ſervants the prophets, which ſpake in thy Name, to our Kings, our Princes and our Fathers, and to all the people of the land, ver. 6. he ſpareth no perſon, great or meane, paſt or preſent, ver. 6. Becauſe of all this, hee taketh both the ſinne and the ſhame upon himſelfe and his Countreymen, and giveth God the due glory of his owne Juſtice in their puniſhment. O Lord Righteouſneſſe belongeth unto thee, but unto us ſhame and confuſion of face as at this day, becauſe of their treſpaſſe that they have treſpaſſed againſt thee, ver. 7.
And from this generality of ſinners and ſinnes to deſcend to a ſearch of particulars in both, both for every man that ſinneth, and every ſinne that he committeth: and then if we looke back upon our precedent carriage towards God, and his preſent dealing towards us, we may have40 cauſe to conceive, not only that the burden of our ſinnes (in common) have preſſed him even as a Cart is preſſed with Sheaves, Amos 2. ver. 13. and that he hath great cauſe in the generall, to eaſe himſelfe by diſeaſing them, who overloaded him with ſuch a wicked weight, as he ſaith he will doe, Ah I will eaſe me of mine adverſaries, and avenge me of mine enemies, Eſa. 1.24. But withall that there be ſome ſins in particular more provocative then others, which ſpurre on vengeance to a ſwifter pace; and thoſe were come to ſome height, in our State, before theſe calamities, (which many have felt, and all have feared) came downe upon us, and chiefely theſe three. Firſt, Idolatry. Secondly, Prophanation of the Sabboth. Thirdly, Contempt of Gods moſt faithfull ſervants; and then wee ſhall proceed to a confutation of the miſconceits of the wicked touching the cauſe of calamity, and ſo conclude with an apology for the godly.
Firſt, For Idolatry, I will not tell you (of my ſelfe) how much it hath increaſed in a few years before the ſummons of the Honourable Senate now aſſembled, you may receive information for that,See Ord p. 143, 144. by better warrant, then any private or particular intelligencer can give, in the**Firſt Remonſtrance, p 18, 19. firſt Remonſtrance of the Parliament, in theſe words;
The Popiſh party enjoyed ſuch exemptions from the Penall Laws, as amounted to a Toleration, beſides many other encouragements, and Court Favours: They had a Secretary of State, Sir Francis Windebank, a powerfull Agent for the ſpeeding of all their deſires, a Popes Nuntio reſiding here to act and governe them according to ſuch influences as he received from Rome, and to intercede for them with the most powerfull concurrence of the Forraigne Princes of that Religion: By his autherity the Papiſts of all ſorts, Nobility, Gentry, and Clergy were convocated, after the manner of a Parliament; New Iuriſdictions were erected of Romiſh Arch-biſhops, Taxes levyed, another State41 moulded within this State independant in Government, contyary in intereſt and affection, ſecretly corrupting the ignorant, or negligent profeſſours of our Religion, and cloſely uniting and combining themſelves againſt ſuch as were ſound, in this poſture waiting for an opportunity by force to deſtroy thoſe whom they could not hope to ſeduce.
If compliance with Popery, ſhould advance ſo many degrees, in every 12. or 13. yeares ſpace, as it hath done ſince the yeare 1628. they that have been ſolicited (for above threeſcore yeares) in vaine, to abate ſome (at the beſt indifferent) Ceremonies, for more conformity with the reformed Proteſtant Churches, might within a Jubile (of the††A Iubile of 25. yeares, ſhortened from 50. by Sixt: 4. Anno 1475. Bucholz p. 425. ſhorteſt ſize) become as compleate Papiſts as any reſide at Rome or Rhemes.
And what an incentive of wrath Idolatry is, we may conjecture, by the neere relation betwixt God and his people, as by the conjunction of Wedlock, Hoſe. 2. ver. 16, 19. whence Idolatry is accompted by God ſpirituall whoredome; Ezek. 16. ver. 22, 26, 28, 32, 35, 38. Hoſe. 2.1, 2. which enkindleth the rage of jealouſie againſt the diſloyall party, for jealouſie, ſaith Solomon, is the rage of a man, therefore he will not ſpare in the day of vengeance, he will not regard any ranſome, neither will he reſt content, though thou giveſt many guifts, Prov. 6. ver. 34, 35.
And that the wrath of a jealous God, is not more remiſſe in ſuch a caſe then that of a jealous man, we may be ſure of, by the patheticall expreſſion of the Prophet Nahum, God is jealous, and the Lord avengeth, the Lord avengeth, and is furious, the Lord will take vengeance of his adverſaries, and he reſerveth wrath for his enemies, Nah. 1.2. and he counteth thoſe rather his adverſaries and enemies, who breake covenant with him, (as the Iewes did in their Idolatrous deſertions of him) then the moſt notorious tranſgreſſours that never entred covenant with him, as the Sodomites,42 and therefore doth Ieruſalem, or the Prophet (in her Name complaine,) the puniſhment of the iniquity of my people, is greater then the puniſhment of the ſinne of Sodome, Lament. 4. ver. 6. and ſo indeed it was, if we limit our conſideration of it to a temporall calamity: for that of Sodome (in that reſpect) was but of one ſort, and it was ſodaine, quickly at an end, whereas the Jewes, (by warres, famine and captivity) indured many kinds of miſery, vehement in degree, permanent in time, whereof they would have taken a ſodaine death, for a certaine remedy by what Element or inſtrument ſoever.
The ſecond particular ſinne is the breach of the holy reſt of God, in the violation of the Sabbath; which was never ſo prophaned, with heart, and hand, and foote, and tongue, and pen, and preſſe, as of late yeares it had beene, ſixteene hundred yeares (from Chriſt downeward,) have not diſgorged ſo much gaule againſt the Sabbath, nor ſpent ſo much Inke, or brought forth ſo many tracts of detraction of the divine dignity, and holy duties of that day, as theſe laſt 40. yeares have done, and is it not juſt with God, that thoſe who would juſtle his religious reſt out of it's right, ſhould be reſtleſſe in their condition? as the Jewes complained, our necks are under perſecution, we labour and have no reſt, Lam. 5.5. by continuall agitations of hoſtility. The reformed Churches (never throughly reformed in this point, (though of late better then they have beene) have been grievouſly ſcourged, and the more it is like for this ſin; and we ſince we have been deformed like them, and would conforme to them in their liberty on the Sabbath, but will not indure any of their ſtrict diſcipline of manners, we have beene made partakers of their preſſures.
The third provoking impiety is, the contempt of the Miniſtery (wherein the diſhonour of the divine Majeſty is involved,) Luk. 10.16. and with him his ordinances, his43 word and Sacraments, and whatſoever he hath conſecrated as ſerviceable to the glory of his name, and ſalvation of his people; and when were Miniſters more contemned then of late yeares they have been, when by greater numbers, or by greater perſons, or in deeper degrees of diſgrace and diſdaine, and yet are even at this day?
I deny not but divers of our Tribe, have been entertained with a civill reſpect, in regard of their good parts, as for their wit or learning, eloquence of ſpeech, elegancy of carriage, perhaps (ſomewhat too Court-like) and for their riches, or refference to great perſons; their ſiding with ſome potent party, in times of faction. And I confeſſe the Biſhops have found great friends, to ſupport their preeminency, as well the Temporall as Eccleſiaſticall which (of old, and even of late at the““Praedicationis munus quod Epiſcoporum praecipium eſt, Concil. Trident. Seſſ. 24. c 4. Councell of Trent, was thought to conſiſt rather in the Pulpit then in the Chaire.
But abſtracting from theſe and ſuch like ſecular plauſibilities, if a Miniſter have ſet himſelfe in good earneſt to preach and preſſe ſound doctrine to the conſcience, and punctually to exemplifie it in his owne life and converſation, if as an Embaſſadour from Chriſt (as he is by his calling, 2 Cor. 5.20. ) and (as in duty he ought) he deliver all the councell of God, Act. 20.27. leſt keeping back any part of it, he ſhould be guilty of the blood of ſouls, v. 26. if he have taken the boldneſſe to admoniſh and rebuke the rich as well as the poore, as he may and muſt doe, 1 Tim. 6.17. Iames 5. ver. 1. if, in the adminiſtration of the Sacrament, he have endeavoured to put difference betweene the holy and prophane, the uncleane and the cleane, Ezek. 44.23. to keepe ſuch as are like doggs and ſwine (Mat 7.6. ) from the holy Table of the Lord, leaſt they ſhould eate and drinke their owne damnation, 1 Cor. 11. and have not denyed to deliver the conſecrated ſymboles of the body and blood of Chriſt, to ſuch as made ſcruple of the geſture, enjoyned44 by the Canon, though otherwiſe moſt worthily prepared, for the receiving thereof (**That this is no time-ſerving Denet, my diſcourſe is witneſſe (penned and peruſed by divers learned Divines 14 years ag••) to prove that•h Canon cannot diſcharge a Miniſter from his duty, charged upon him at his Ordination for preaching the Word, and adminiſtration of the Sacraments to any, unleſſe greater exception can be taken againſt thē, thē their doubting of the lawfulneſſe of any particular geſture. in which caſe it is not only lawfull to receive them, but unlawfull to reject them) if he have oppoſed prophane paſtimes, or ſuperſtitious cuſtomes, ſuch an one (and he that is not ſuch an one, howſoever accompted of by men, is not approved of God) hath been more hated, contemned, reviled and perſecuted, by the moſt, and ſome of the greateſt, in many places (as we ſee at this day) then ſuch as ſhew little care, or conſcience of ſaving, either their own ſoules or others (whereof they have uſurped the charge) and are ſo farre below the endowments of ſufficient ſhepheards, that they are not competently qualified to be a ſheepe of the fold.
And how much this bad uſage, of the beſt of Gods ſervants, may provoke their great Maſters wrath againſt a people, you may gueſſe, by Davids high diſpleaſure againſt the Princes of Ammon, and the revenge he tooke of them, for their baſe abuſe of his Embaſſadours, 2 Sam. 10. from the fourth verſe to the end of the Chapter; but you may be ſure, the Lord will ſeverely puniſh this high contempt of his moſt holy and worthy ſervants, by that you may reade, 2 Chr. c. 36. the Lord God of their Fathers ſent to them, by his meſsengers, riſing up betimes and ſending, becauſe he had compaſsion on his people, and on his dwelling place: but they mocked the meſſengers of GOD, and deſpiſed his word, and miſuſed his Prophets, untill the wrath of the Lord aroſe againſt his people, till there was no remedy, 2 Chron. chap. 36. ver. 15, 16. no remedy, but he muſt take revenge of the unſufferable wrongs done againſt his owne Majeſty and his Miniſters fidelity, ſuch indignities againſt them, cannot but provoke great indignation in the Almighty; and that may be like to fall upon the offenders, in a ſtorme of War, as the next verſe ſheweth, therefore he brought upon them the Sword of the Chaldees, who ſlew their young men with the45 Sword, in the houſe of their Sanctuary; and had no compaſsion upon young men or maidens, or on the old man who ſtooped for age, ver. 17.
And it is no leſſe, but rather a greater Judgement, when in the ſame Nation, a Civill Warre is enkindled, as when the Egyptians were ſet againſt the Egyptians, and they fought every one againſt his brother, and every one againſt his neighbour, City againſt City, Eſa. 19.2. but eſpecially when Gods owne people, profeſſers of the ſame Religion, are up in Armes (one againſt another) as Manaſſeh against Ephraim, Ephraim againſt Manaſſeh, and both against Judah, Eſa. 9.21. And (as now we feele to our ſorrow) in the ſtormy commotions of our owne Kingdome, wherein Proteſtant is ſtirred up againſt Proteſtant, City againſt City, yea in Cities, Townes, villages and Families, many Eſau's and Iacobs ſtrugling, (as in the wombe of Rebeccah) Husband and Wife, Fathers and Children, Bretheren and Bretheren, breaking through the ſtrongeſt bonds of covenant and nature, (obliging them to love and peace) into diviſion and diſſention, and yet better ſo divided (I confeſſe) then that all ſhould hold together to drive on a deſigne to the undoing of three Kingdomes.
And if we looke beyond the reward of wickedneſſe, (in this world) to the judgement to come, we ſhall diſcover a danger, to ſuch contemners of the Lords Miniſters, far worſe, then any that attendeth on the Trumpet or Standard? It is that which our Saviour threatneth in the tenth of Math. Whoſoever ſhall not receive you, nor your words, when you depart out of that houſe or City, ſhake off the duſt of your feet, verily (I ſay unto you) it ſhall be more tolerable for Sodome and Gomorrah, in the day of judgement, then for that City, Mat. 10. ver. 14. & 15.
And if it be a thing ſo diſpleaſing to God, ſo dangerous to men not to receive his ſervants into their houſes, what is46 it then, to drive them out of their Countryes? or ſhut them up in priſon? to ſtrip them of their cloathes, to put them in naſty dungeons, to deprive them of diet neceſſary to the ſupport of nature? And if the duſt of their feet ſhall be a witneſſe againſt them that receive them not (for that is the meaning of that fore-cited command given by our Saviour, and practiſed by the Apoſtles, Act. 13.51. ) what a Conviction will be againſt them, by the words of their mouths, by many ſound and excellent Sermons, preached unto them by their exemplary lives in holy converſation ſet before them.
Thoſe who contemne the true Miniſters of the Goſpell in theſe times, will haply ſay, that if they were men of ſuch extraordinary gifts, in prophecying and caſting out Devils, and in miraculous and mighty operations (as thoſe in whoſe behalfe our Saviour gave out ſo ſevere a Commination) we might expect more reſpect, and have it too, otherwiſe not. To which the Anſwer may be,
Firſt, That the acceptation of Gods Miniſters, ſhould not be made for thoſe extraordinary Acts, wherewith themſelves may be damned, Mat. 7.22. and others deceived, 2 Theſs. 2.9, 10. and none ſaved without other helps, 1 Cor. 13.2. but for the glad tidings of the Goſpell, for diſpenſation of the word and Sacraments, the only ordinary meanes of mans ſalvation, for their delivering Gods will unto the people in preaching, and the peoples deſires to God in praying; whereby they may be ſaved without miracles, but not by miracles without them, and for ſuch gifts and acts, as ſerve more for the peoples profit, then the Preachers credit; and yet this miniſtration of righteouſneſſe, the righteouſneſſe of faith by the Goſpell is exceeding glorious, 2 Cor. 9. ver. 8, 9, 10. So that the feet of thoſe that bring it, ſhould be beautifull to thoſe to whom it was brought, Rom. 10.15.
47Secondly, Though they pretend to put ſuch difference betwixt thoſe extraordinary meſſengers of old, and theſe of later dayes, as if (had they lived with them) they would not have dealt with them, as they doe with theſe of their owne time: their tongues either hypocritically be-lie their malit ous hearts, or their fallacious hearts cunningly delude themſelves, as theirs did, Who builded the Tombes of the Prophets, and garniſhed the Sepulchers of the righteous, and ſaid, If we had been in the dayes of our Fathers, we would not have been partakers with them in the blood of the Prophets, Math. 23.30, 31. When in the meane time, they did farre worſe: for they thirſted after the bloud of Chriſt, the Sonne of God, and purſued him with implacable ſpight to the death, to whom all the Patriarks, Prophets and Apoſtles, Martyrs and Saints (how many, how worthy ſoever, yea and all the Angels of Heaven taken to them) were not ſo much as one Graſſe-hopper, to all the Inhabitants of the world, were all of them as glorious, as Salomon in his Royalty.
And I doubt not but if Chriſt himſelfe, were now alive upon the Earth, and yet (by his paſſion) to make an expiation of the ſinnes of the world, and ſhould ſo make himſelfe knowne to be the holy one of God, as he did at his firſt comming, and ſhould be ſo ſevere in his life, as never to laugh, ſe impartiall in reproofe as to ſpare neither King nor Subject, Luk. 13.32. Prieſt nor people, friend nor foe, Math, 16.23. and ſo ſharpe in rebukes and comminations, as you may reade him in the 23. of Math. from the 13. verſe to the end of the Chapter: there would be found (among the men of this faithleſſe and treacherous generation thoſe, who are neither true to King nor Kingdome. ) not one, but many a Iudas to betray him; many Scribes and Phariſees to purſue him with ſlanderous accuſations, an irreligious rabbleto make a clamorous out-cry48 againſt him, Crucifie him, crucifie him, an Heathen Pilat to paſſe a deadly ſentence upon him, a Longius or to correct the Legend, a Lonchius (that is a Speare-man ſouldier) to pierce him, and many one of that pillaging profeſſion (as it is uſed at this day) to ſpoyle him of his garment and not as the Souldiers (who were his guard to Mount Calvary) to diſpoſe of it, with a formality of Juſtice, as either equally to devide it, or entirely to allot it to one, by caſting of lots for it, as they did, Iohn 19.23, 24. but (with a plundering expedition) to ſnatch it away, and ſo keep it as an incommunicable prey.
And that I am not uncharitable in this conjecture, you will eaſily acknowledge, if you doe but obſerve, how the moſt faithfull, conſtant and powerfull Preachers, and the moſt ſincere and conſcionable Chriſtians in all places, (where the prophane and Popiſh Tyrants doe prevaile) are perſecuted, and if overtaken, oppreſſed with all kinds and degrees of contempt and cruelty; and that for Chriſts ſake, even for endeavouring to do his will, and to be conformable to him in life and converſation.
And yet theſe men (ſuch as the Prophet Ezekiell ſheweth to have affinity or rather conſanguinity with beaſts, Brutiſh men and skillfull to deſtroy, Cha. 21. ver. 31.) take upon them the Name of Chriſtians, and which is more, moſt of them pretend themſelves Champions for the true Proteſtant Religion, when they doe what they can to root it out, by ruining thoſe, who moſt ſincerely profeſſe it, and (which is yet more then that, and an undoubted evidence of his egregious impoſture, who ſo blinds the minds of men, as to make himſelfe (though a Devill, to be taken for a God, 2 Cor. 4.4.) There are many who believe what theſe profeſſe (though their practiſe be moſt contrary) and adhere unto them to the hazard of all their owne temporall being, and eternall well-being, for with them they purſue49 the ſlaughter of Gods deareſt ſervants, with ſuch a mad Malignity, as if it were a ſervice acceptable to himſelfe.
Thus we ſee that fullfilled on our Saviours Diſciples in our dayes, which he fore-told (of his Apoſtles) many hundred years ago, whoſoever killeth you will thinke that he doth God ſervice, Joh. 16.2.
And they are moved to this madneſſe (many times) by a miſconceit of the ſoundeſt Chriſtians (which we muſt confute & return upon themſelvs) as if they were the cauſes of the common calamities of a Kingdom or Nation: a ſtale ſlander of Satan, caſt upon the beſt in the precedent Ages (as**Arnob lib. 1. contra gent. Tertullian Apologet 640. Origen l. 3. contra Celſum. Euſeb l 4. Hiſt. Eccleſ c. 12. Ciprian. l. adver. Demetrian Auguſt Retract. l. 2. c. 43. & de Civ. Dei l. 1. c. 30 & l. 4. c. 30 31 many of the Ancients teſtifie) and eaſily taken up at any time againſt the moſt godly, to whom all publike plagues (whether from††Si Tiberis aſcendit ad mania ſi Nitus non aſcendit in avna, ſi caelum ſtetit, ſi terra movit, &c ſtatim Chriſtianos ad Leoxes. Tertul. Apologet p 36. 40 Edit. 2. Nic Rigaltij Luret. 1641. Heaven or earth or water, whether of warre, famine or peſtilence) were imputed, as procured by their impieties: becauſe they did not worſhip Heathen Deities, and thereupon (as convicted of the guilt, and deſert of all thoſe miſeries) they were preſently hurried to be devoured of Lions. Of the like doting idolatry and calumny the beſotted Iewes in Ieremiahs time were accuſed and by him convicted; for they aſcribed their proſperity to their ſervice of the Queene of Heaven in offering up Cakes and burning Incenſe unto her, and their adverſity to their omiſſion of that Idolatry, Ier. 44.17, 18. When the quite contrary was true, and ſo much was averred by that holy Prophet to their faces, ver. 20, 21, 22, 23. of the ſame Chapter.
So when Heathens have caſt the calumnies of their calamities upon Chriſtians; the learned and religious Fathers of thoſe times, have both refuted and retorted them upon themſelves, for example‖‖Aug de Civ. Det. l 5. c. 24, 25 26. Auguſt. (in anſwer to their ſlanders of the Chriſtians Religion) ſheweth the happy condition of Chriſtian Emperours, and††Romani qui v•tae integritato mala metuebant ab hoſtibus (perdita integritate vitae) crudeliora patiebantur à civibus. Ibid. l 1. c. 30. That they who durſt not50 be good for feare of warre from abroad, for their being bad, ſuffered farre more cruelties of their owne Country-men at home, then of forraigne enemies they had done.
If then we muſt frame an indictment againſt the Troublers of our Iſrael, either according to the tenour of Scripture, or experience of all times, we muſt doe it (and we may doe it moſt juſtly) in the names and for the crimes of ſuch as are adverſe to the vertue and power of godlineſſe for their ſpeculative and practicall Atheiſme, their robbing of God of his right in honouring of Idols and diſhonouring his name, and prophaning his Sabbath, and for being no leſſe injurious to man, then ſacrilegious to God, for they uſurpe a power (both perſonall and reall) over whatſoever their hearts deſire, and hands can compaſſe with the angle, net or dragg, Hab. 1.15. or any other inſtrument, which brings in more by rapine then by right; and for their intemperance in meats and drinkes, their incontinence in delights (whereof ſome are ſuch as in modeſty we may not ſo much as mention) and all this committed with ſuch high degrees of exceſſe, as makes the kingdome of Heaven ſuffer violence in a forcible pulling down of divine vengeance upon the earth.
Therefore when any epidemicall danger is come upon a people, theſe Malefactors (whoſe wickedneſſe hath drawn it downe upon them) ſhould like Achan be ſtoned, Ioſh. 7. veo. 25. or as Ionah be caſt into the Sea, Ion. 1.15. or as Zimri and Cozbi thruſt through with a Javelin, Numb. 25.8, & 9. verſes, that humane Juſtice, might make men capeable of divine mercy, as in thoſe caſes it did.
And on the contrary the Godly (that we may conclude this point, with their juſt Apology) by their intereſt in Chriſt (which gives them right to the enjoyment of all good things) 1 Cor. 3.22, 23. are the meanes of much happineſſe to any State or Kingdome, and for their ſakes, doe51 the wicked enjoy the benefit of light and heate, of fruits of the earth and riches of the Sea, plenty and peace, and all the comforts of this life; and by the ſincerity and importunity of their ſupplications, are the plagues (God ſends among men) either remitted or removed, and ſometimes the greateſt croſſes converted into bleſſings.
But when they dye, it is many times like Sampſons pulling downe the pillars of the houſe with him, Iudg. 16.29, 30. (their prayers and acceptation of their perſons with God, being as the props on which a Temporall proſperity is ſupported,) and they leave a Kingdome deſtitute of defence, for they are as Eliſha ſaid of Elijah, the Chariots of Iſrael and the Horſe-men thereof, 2 King. 2.12. and therefore woe unto the wicked, when God takes the godly away from them: while Lot was in Sodome the City was ſafe, though prodigiouſly ſinfull, Gen. 19. for God was ſo gratious to him, as to ſay he could doe nothing againſt the Sodomites, untill Lot had taken ſanctuary in the City of Zoar, ver. 22. but when he was departed from them, a ſhowre of Brimſtone was powred downe upon them, ver. 24.
And at the finall conſummation of all things, ſo it ſhall be with all the godly and wicked of the world, when the number of the elect is fully made up, and all the wheat for Gods Store-houſe growne full ripe, the Tares that were mingled with it, ſhall be bundled up for burning, after the fanning of his floore by Chriſt, whereby the ſolid graine and light chaffe are ſevered, that ſhall be firſt gathered into his garner, and then this burned with unquenchable fire, Mat. 3.12. and when the Sheepe and the Goates are ſeparated, the one on the right hand of the Iudge, the other on the left, and the Sheepe invited and admitted to his ſociety, with Come ye bleſſed of my Father, &c. Mat. 25.34. the Goates ſhall be preſently caſt off, with, Depart ye ourſed, ver. 44.
52Therefore if they were ſo wiſe, as to know their friends and Benefactours, they would endeere themſelves in their ſociety, as Ruth did in Naomie's, when ſhe ſaid, Intreat me not to leave thee, nor to returne from following after thee, for whither thou goeſt I will goe, and where thou lodgeſt I will lodge, thy people ſhall be my people, and thy God my God, where thou dieſt will I die, and there will I be buried, the Lord doe ſo unto me and more alſo, if ought but death part thee and me, Ruth 1.16, 17.
But my Text ſaith, they are fooliſh and ſottiſh children, they have none underſtanding: So their folly is now (in it's proper place) to be conſidered; and from the Malignant operation of ſinne (procuring plagues upon a people) we may now come to the diſgracefull denomination of ſinners.
Where we ſhall principally obſerve the connexion of ſinne and folly: for their ſinne is rendred as a cauſe of their ſuffering the calamities of Warre, but under the name and notion of ignorance, folly and ſottiſhneſſe, and being bound in dutie and conſcience both, to know God and glorifie him, as God: their not knowing of him, and averſeneſſe from him, was their ſinne (for otherwiſe it would not make them worthy of Gods wrath, as Ierem. 11.25. ) ſo that ſinne and folly be aſſociates, for where ſinne is there is folly, as Abigail ſaid of Nabal to David, Let not my Lord regard this man of Beliall (even Nabal) for as his name is, ſo is hee, Nabal is his name, and folly is with him, 1 Sam. 25.25. She entitles him two wayes: Firſt by a Periphraſis, Man of Beliall. Secondly, by his proper name Nabal. The word Beliall ſignifieth one that is nothing worth, ſtarke naught, yea the worſt of wicked ones, even the Devill is called Belial, 1 Cor. 6.15. And for his other (which is) his proper name Nabal, it ſignifieth firſt a ſapleſſe and unprofitable thing, as a drie53 leafe fallen from a Tree, which hath no moiſture in it, and then it is taken for an unprofitable perſon, and for a Foole, and a wicked man: and both in**Some fetch the affinity of folly and ſinne, from Cains dwelling place the Land of Nod. Gen. 4.16. calling a wicked man Nodite, a Cainite, that is, one of Cains condition, or one that as Iude ſpeaketh, goeth in the way of Caine, therefore a Foole, Noddy or Nodite, a fit man to be an inhabitant of that Countrey, where he dwelt, but we need not looke ſo farre back for affinity betwixt folly and ſin, for the word rendered fooliſh, in my Text, and ſo uſed and tranſtated, Zach 11.1•. is the ſame with•u•wonted word, for a wicked man, or wicked one, to wit, the word [evill] for that word is both Hebrew and Engliſh, and it ſignifieth not only fooliſh and ignorant, but raſh and froward: from the word Nabal may come the Latine Nobulo, which as the word Nabal may note a Knave and a fool; the Greeke word〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉folly, and〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉ſinne, differ but a letter, and it is like our Engliſh word [Foole] was derived of the Greeke word [〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] a wicked one. Hebrew, Greeke, Latine and Engliſh, there is a cognation of Names, which notes the concurrence of folly and ſinne in the ſame ſubject.
So Abigail made the application forementioned: and as if they were not onely inmates in the ſame perſon, but Twinnes of the ſame birth, they are both of one age, of one ſtature; if ſinne be bigge like a Giant, folly is not little like a dwarfe, according to the degrees of the one, is the growth of the other, as we may obſerve by the confeſſion of David, I have ſinned greatly (ſaith he) in that I have done, and preſently after, I have done very fooliſhly, 2 Sam. 24.10. great ſin and great folly goe together, and ſo a very wicked man is a very foole.
In proſecution of this point, I looke for a paradoxall prejudice, to oppoſe me, for there are many that ſtrongly believe, there is more affinity betwixt folly and piety, then betwixt folly and ſinne. I ſhall therefore hold my ſelfe obliged in diſcretion, more cleerely and fully to ſet forth the folly of ſinne, and the more firmely to aſſure and prove it; and that by a double light, the one of Scripture, the other of Nature, ſo that if a man have either of the eyes of his ſoule open, the eye of Faith as a Chriſtian, or the eye of Reaſon as a man, he ſhall eaſily diſcerne it.
Firſt for Scripture: they that reade it, and marke it, cannot54 but obſerve, in the holy dialect thereof, that where folly is ſpoken of, or any of the denominatives of it (which are to be found above an hundred times) there for the moſt part a wicked man or wickedneſſe is meant. To preſent you with ſome paſſages, for inſtance, as with a little poeſie of flowers culled out of a large and fruitfull garden.
In the Booke of Deut: Moſes complaining firſt of the people, then to them, exchangeth both the perſon, and the phraſe thus; they have corrupted themſelves, their ſpot is not the ſpot of my children, they are a perverſe and crooked generation, Deut. 32.5. and the next words are, Doe yee thus requite the Lord O fooliſh people and unwiſe? ver. 6. a corrupt, ſpotted, perverſe and crooked people, (which are fit Titles for a wicked people,) is a fooliſh and unwiſe people.
So David varying his Title, but keeping to the ſame ſubject, Pſal. 73. ſaith, I was envious at the fooliſh, when I ſaw the proſperity of the wicked, ver. 3. he might as well have ſaid, I was envious at the wicked, when I ſaw the proſperity of the fooliſh: for he meanes the ſame men, and the ſame vice, by both appellations; and in his owne caſe he paſſeth ſentence on himſelfe, in the like diſgracefull language, Pſal. 38. Mine iniquities are gone over my head, (ſaith he) as an heavy burthen, they are too heavy for me, my wounds stinke, and are corrupt, becauſe of my fooliſhneſſe, ver. 5. the ſame cauſe is conteined by turnes, in two termes, as the ſame ſand of the Houre-glaſſe in two bottles, thus is finfull ſimplicity or fooliſhneſſe ſimply condemned, and it is aggravated, by way of compariſon, where a wicked man is ſet to Schoole to, and ſhewed to be more ignorant then an Oxe or an Aſſe, Eſa. 1.3. then a Storke, Ier. 8.7. then the Piſmire, Pro. 6.6.
In the Proverbs of Solomon, the nomenclature, or phraſe of the affinity betwixt ſinne and folly, is too ſamiliar, to require quotations out of them: and now (as in the mid-way) betwixt Religion and Reaſon, and in our paſſage, from the55 one to the other, we may take a teſtimony or two, out of the Booke of Eccleſiaſticus: which is a kind of Participle of Scripture Divinity, and Morall Philoſophy, and ſo we uſe it, not as for a proofe or aſſurance of Faith, for no humane Dictates, (as that is) have place on the Tribunall of infallible Truth, but onely at the Barre of rationall Evidence: which yet in this cometh neerer demonſtrative conviction, then topicall probability; the wiſe Authour of that Booke (ſpeaking of the ſinner) ſaith, hee ſhall be left to his fooliſhneſſe, Eccleſiaſticus 23.8. and in the 16th. Chapter, he that is God (ſaith he) was not pacified towards the old Giants, who fell away in the ſtrength of their fooliſhneſſe, ver. 7. he might have ſaid, in his ſenſe, in the ſtrength of their wickedneſſe: (for their ſinnes were like themſelves, Giant-like, or mighty ſinnes (as the Prophet Amos gives the Epithite, Chap. 5.12. ) and their fooliſhneſſe was equall to their ſinnes, mighty or ſtrong fooliſhneſſe: and ſpeaking of a very wiſe Father, and of a very fooliſh Sonne, (Solomon and Rehoboam) his words are, Solomon reſted with his Fathers, and he left behind him Rehoboam, the fooliſhneſse of the people, and one that had none underſtanding, and turned away the people through his counſell, Eccluſ. 47.23.
Here was counſell, but none underſtanding, (wiſe counſell the while) he turned away the people from ſerving the Lord, the counſell that was turned to ſuch an evill purpoſe, muſt needs be as wicked as unwiſe, ſo the peoples wickedneſſe was his wickedneſſe, becauſe he ſeduced them to it, and he not their foole, but their fooliſhneſſe in abſtracto, becauſe his wickedneſſe was very wicked.
And that there is ſound ſence, and good reaſon (for the equivalence of theſe termes) ſinner and foole, ſinne and folly, the moſt prudent Doctor (of that ſect, which of all that are not Chriſtian, come neereſt, to the rules of Chriſtianity) ſheweth where he ſaith, that a**Stultus omnia vitia babet Senec, de benefic. lib. 4. cap. 26. Foole hath all manner of56 faults in him, which we may invert, and as truely ſay, a wicked man hath in him every folly.
Now as in this Chapter, the people are charged firſt with wickedneſſe, and then with folly, ſo in the Poſition we undertake to prove, wickedneſſe ſhall have the precedence, as the ſubject, and fooliſhneſſe ſhall follow it, cloſe at the heeles, as the predicate, thus, wickedneſse is folly, or becauſe it may make a better impreſſion (in concreto) a wicked man is a foole, by his indiſpoſition either to be or to doe good: which though I mention but once, muſt be vertually preſuppoſed, in every proofe I ſhall produce, and I am glad I have ſo many wiſe men to be judges of the evidence, I ſhall bring in for his conviction, and that ſhall conſiſt of ſeverall Arguments.
Firſt Some taken from the cauſes of folly.
Secondly, Some from the ſignes, markes and effects of it.
Firſt for the cauſes: folly is a defect, and therefore the cauſes of it are rather deficient then efficient, and they are,
Without him is the want of a good Inſtructer and good Bookes, which wicked men willingly and witleſſely refuſe to heare and to reade, or if they doe, it is with ſo little heed as brings little fruit unto themſelves.
For the firſt, The beſt Inſtructer for any thing that is truely good, is God: by whom they that are not taught, can never be truely wiſe, or learned; but they that refuſe or contemne his Inſtruction, are many times puniſhed in their underſtanding, and that juſtly, with very fooliſh and mad miſtakings, and ſometimes given over to ſtrong and ſtrange illuſions. And the wiſer any Inſtructer is, the more doth the wicked man reject him, as we may reade in the57 third of the Proverbs of Solomon, Wiſedome cryeth without, ſhe uttereth her voice in the ſtreets, ver. 20. How long (ye ſimple ones) will ye love ſimplicity, and the ſcorners delight in their ſcorning, and fooles hate knowledge? ver. 22. Wiſedome her ſelfe offereth to be their Inſtructer, but they would none of her counſell, ver. 30. and whereas there is a ſpirit in men (as Elihu ſaid to Iob,) and the Inſpiration of the Almighty giveth them understanding, Job 32.8. the wicked are adverſe to his ſpirit, and if it offer to enlighten them, and inflame them, they are ready (by their reluctancies) to quench the light and heate preſented unto them, for that is it which the Apoſtle forbiddeth (and the wicked forbeare not) 1 Theſ. 5.19. and ſo in effect they ſay unto God, depart from us, for we deſire not the knowledge of thy wayes, Job 21.14. and ſo the Father of lights, (as he is called, Iames 1.17. ) withholdeth the light of inſtruction from ſuch, becauſe they love darkeneſſe rather then light, Joh. 3.19. and ſheddeth forth his beames of illumination upon ſuch, as have eyes to ſee it, and hearts to rejoyce in it.
And therefore, there is in this reſpect the like difference betwixt the Godly and the wicked, as was betwixt the Iſraelites and Egiptians, in reſpect of the Cloud that God put betwixt them, which to them was a bright Cloud, but to theſe a Cloud of darkneſſe, Exod. 14.20. So the Lord will enlighten his people, to ſee and to know, what is good for their ſafety: but thoſe that liſt not to take him for their teacher, as the wicked doe not, are left to the blindneſſe and darkneſſe of their own underſtandings, and by that being no better then bruitiſh, (for every man is bruitiſh by his own knowledge, Ier. 10.14. ) we may ſay of them, (as the Lord doth in my Text,) they are a fooliſh people, ſottiſh children, they have none understanding.
Secondly, for the Booke, which is the treaſurie of ſound and ſaving inſtruction, (to wit the word of God,) wherein58 (as““Aug. confeſſ. l. 12. c. 14. S. Auguſtine ſaid) there is a marvellous profoundnes, and he trebles his words of it by way of admiration, it is that which maketh wiſe the ſimple, purifieth the heart, and enlightneth the eyes, Pſal. 19.7, 8. and makes a man wiſer then his enemies, Pſal. 119. ver. 98. yea wiſer then his teachers, ver. 99. (if he ply that Booke more diligently then they,) But the wicked hath no liking of it, takes no delight in it, and if ſometimes he reade or heare any part of it, he never learnes it by heart, but ſo little remembers or reſpects it, as to doe quite contrary to it: and they that reject the word of the Lord (and therein they reject him alſo) what wiſedome is in them? Jer. 8.9. if they be ſuch Rebels againſt the light, Job 24.13. God can and in Juſtice he may, make their Sunne is goe downe at noone, Amos 8.9. and make all their wayes darkneſſe, Prov. 2.13. he can ſmite the Horſe with aſtoniſhment, and his rider with madneſſe, Zach. 12.1. he can make Iudges (that ſhould excell in wiſedome) fooles, Job 12.17. Diviners mad, turne wiſemen backward, and make their counſell folly, Eſa. 44.25. as he did Achitophels, 1 Sam. 15.3. he can (and he hath threatned to doe it, and he hath done it,) ſmite the wicked with blindneſſe, madneſſe and astoniſhment of heart, Deut. 28.28.
At leaſt when they reject God for their teacher, and his Booke for their leſſon, and like not to entertaine, or retaine the knowledge of God in their minds, he will give them over (and ſuch wilfull fooles well deſerve it) to a reprobate mind, Rom. 1.28. Becauſe they receive not the love of the truth, this they may be ſaved, God ſends them strong deluſions, to beleeve a lye, that they may be damned, 2 Theſ. 2.10, 11. and he may juſtly, (and often doth) give them up to his impoſtures, who of fooles, will make them mad-men, as he did the Scribes and Phariſees, Luk. 6.11. and who (when he hath them wholly in his power) will uſe them like to mad-men, keeping them in darke lodgings, under chaines and ſcourges.
59Now for the cauſes of the folly within themſelves: they areas deficient, concerning ſuch as would conduce to their prudent direction, as in their want of a good teacher, or of ſuch good leſſons of his Booke as would make them wiſe, if they did not very unwiſely reject or neglect them both, their defect in themſelves, (which increaſeth their folly) is manifold; as
concerning thoſe things, which are of greateſt moment, to make them truely wiſe, and happy: for their wiſe wickedneſse, (for the Prophet ſaith, they are wiſe to doe evill) we ſhall ſpeake of that under the other generall part of the verſe, which is the exception.
For the firſt, if we conſider the godly and the wicked in their phyſicall temperament (which hath an influence I confeſſe upon the operations of the mind:) the obſervation of**Gentes ſeptētrionales ſunt plurimùm ingenio inferiores, ſed rebore ſuperiores Auſtralibus: cujus ratio eſt, quod ſub frigido ext membra indurentur ad quidvis telerandū, ſed ab incluſum interius calerem babent ſanguinem craſſtorem, contra quā uſa venit, auſtralibus quippe quibus in calere illo externo ſanguis & ſpiritus ſubtilior, unde & ingenio & ſapientis prevalent. Ioh. Gerard Voſſ de orig. & progreſſu Idolat. Iib. 2. cap 34. Tom. 1. p. 484. Voſsius, belongeth equally to both, which is; that the Inhabitants of the Northerne Climats are more ſtrong in body, but inferiour in wit to the Inhabitants of the South; becauſe the heate in thoſe, is more kept in, and ſo the blood groweth thicker, and the ſpirits groſſer in them, then it is in thoſe of the Southerne parts, whoſe ſpirits being more ſubtle, make their wits more ſharpe. But as in this reſpect, (the godly and wicked) (who live under the ſame elevation of the Pole) may be even: ſo the godly have an advantage (for underſtanding) above the wicked, by the help of piety and temperance, for the wicked being deſtitute of divine light, (as hath beene ſaid before) that which is but meerely humane in them, is too dimme, and weake (towards the moſt excellent objects) to denominate them wiſe, or underſtanding men.
60For as the Apoſtle ſaith, the naturall man receiveth not, or (as the Geneva readeth the**〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Greeke word) perceiveth not, (and that will beare both interpretations) the things of the Spirit of God: for they are fooliſhneſſe unto him, neither can he know them, becauſe they are ſpiritually diſcerned, 1 Cor. 2.14. and with the want of divine illumination, concurreth, (many times) a miſt of ſatanicall illuſion, blinding the minds of the wicked, 2 Cor. 4.4. as was intimated before. And if he did not ſo farre benight them, (by putting his darke veile upon their intellectuall eyes) their underſtandings would yet be and certainly are ecclipſed, many times, by the exceſſe and diſorder of their unruly paſſions, and corrupt affections, as the light of a Candle is obſcured by puffs of ſmoake, from the pipes that tooke fire from it. I will give inſtance in the particulars, as
All which, (if they exceed moderation) as they are hinderances to the health of the body, and haſtners of death, (as““In my Moni••r of Mortali••p. 14, 15, 16,〈◊〉. elſewhere I have ſhewed) ſo are they great impediments in the mind, to true apprehenſion; and ſo great cauſes of errour and folly, and this moſt of all, in wicked men in whom they are commonly moſt predominant.
As for the exceſſe of Love, how it be-miſts and miſleads the underſtanding, we may ſee by its working ſeverall wayes, the love of beauty, is a Pearle in the eye of the mind, hindering it from diſcerning the difference betwixt Love and luſt, and ſometimes purſuing its own contentment, untill it bring forth the meere contrary affection: as we find in the ſtory of Ammon and Thamar, 2 Sam. 13.15. it makes a man (though not otherwiſe unwiſe) to be eaſily deceived, and (after deceipt deiſcovered) to be taken again and again in the ſame ſnare; as we ſee in Sampſon, the eye of whoſe underſtanding was blinded, by his fond love61 and delight in Dalilah, before the Philiſtines put out the eyes of his body: elſe he would never have truſted her, (as he did) after ſhe had thrice betraied him, Iudg. 16. from v. 6. to the 17. The love of gaine is a pin and webbe in the eye of a covetous man; thence a gift is ſaid to blind the eyes of the wiſe, Exod. 23.8. Through immoderate love of glory in the Phariſees of our Saviours time, though he did ſuch workes as no man could doe, and therefore his workes did ſufficiently teſtifie of him, that God had ſent him, as his Sonne, Iohn 5.36. And ſpake ſuch words as never man ſpake, Iohn 7.46. yet they did not know him, and were ſo farre from acknowledging of him, and believing in him, that they held the people both ignorant and accurſed, becauſe they did both, Iohn 7.48, 49. and the reaſon was, becauſe they loved the praiſe of men, more then the praiſe of God; Joh. 12.43.
The like deceit doth darken the Conclave of the Roman Rabbies (the Pope and Cardinals, the Phariſees of the latter times) to this very day, by ſhutting out all informations of truth, which comport not with their proud ambitious and pragmaticall humour; hence it is that men perceive not the vileneſſe of their owne exceſſes, ſo as they doe other mens, as a covetous man will cry ſhame of a drunkard, and he againe will exclaime againſt the covetous: Little love or charity to their brethren and neighbours, making them quick-ſighted enough, for diſcovery of a mote in the eye of another, while ſelf-love ſo blindes them towards themſelves, that they cannot diſcerne a beame in their owne eyes, Mat. 7.3, 4, 5.
Deſire is an affection of neare alliance unto love, for what men dearely love, they eagerly deſire to enjoy, and it is of as neare affinity to folly and ſinne, if it be exceſſive: Such was the deſire of Amnon towards Thamar, whoſe luſting after her, made him in his body leane from day to day,62 2 Sam. 13.4. and in his mind ſo beſotted, as not to diſcerne that his love was luſt, his luſt inceſt: that inceſt was not onely a great ſinne in it ſelfe, but would prove a great ſhame to them both; to him, ſo as to make him accounted as one of the fooles of Iſrael, ver. 13. to her, by taking from her, the honour of her virginity, and ſtayning her name with the ignominious note of an harlot: As the ſonnes of Iacob ſaid of their defloured ſiſter Dinah, Gen. 34.31. And laſtly in making him believe, he ſhould find much content in the enjoyment of what he deſired, whereas his luſt was ſoone turned into hate, and the hate more, when he had abuſed her, then the love wherewith he had deſired her before, v. 15.
It was not ſo baſe a deſire (I confeſſe) which David his father had of the water of the well of Bethlem; yet it was as blind an one, through the vehemency of it (as the expreſſion, 2 Sam. 23.15. ſheweth) which ſuffered him not to apprehend (untill it was brought unto him) that it was the price of blood, becauſe it could not be had without breaking through the Hoſt of their enemies (the Philiſtins) ver. 16. nor that done without the jeopardy of their lives, that fetched it, and therefore accounting it too deare a draught for himſelfe, hee powred it out unto the Lord, 2 Sam. 23.16, 17.
The deſire of Rachell was more warrantable (for the object) then either of theſe; yet the degree of it, raiſed above all due moderation (when being a wife, but not a mother, which ſhe longed as much to be, as any breeding woman longeth for that which her appetite moſt affecteth) put her upon this paſſionate requeſt unto her husband, Give me children or elſe I die, Gen. 30.1. her deſire was ſo vehemently ſet upon Mother-hood, that either ſhe thought ſhe ſhould die, if her life were not ſaved by that painfull and perilous adventure of child bearing: or that63 ſhe ſhould have no delight in life, and ſo be (as the Apoſtle ſpeaketh of a wanton Widow) though from a contrary cauſe, as dead while ſhe lived, 1 Tim. 5.6. if ſhe continued childleſſe; and that made her ſo fooliſh, as to conceive, that the power of Conception was in her husbands diſpoſall: and that folly was no leſſe then Idolatry, with a ſpice of blaſphemy, for ſo much Iacobs reply (as paſſionate as her demand) importeth: Am I in Gods ſtead, who hath with-held from thee the fruit of the wombe? Geneſ. 30.2.
There is the like oppoſition in quality (but greater in degree) to the light of reaſon, and rule of grace in the oppoſite affections anger and hate.
Firſt for anger, Salomon ſaith, It reſteth in the boſome of fooles, Eccleſ. 7.9. It may ſometimes ſteale into or ruſh into the boſome of a wiſe-man; but a wiſe-man will not ſuffer it there to reſt: an unwelcome gueſt it may be unto him for a while, but it ſhall not habitually reſide there, as one of the houſhold; and only where it dwels it domineers, and that is only where a foole is maſter of the Family; and when the habit is ſtirred up into act, and that raiſed from the boſome to the head, it diſtempereth the braine; and ſo he that is haſty of ſpirit exalteth folly, Prov. 14.29. and that folly (many times) is exalted tomadneſſe, for (as““Senec. de ira. l. 1. c. 1. Seneca ſaith of it) it is the fouleſt, fierceſt and maddeſt affection of all others, and the angry perſon ſhewes it by his words, his lookes, his actions; his words are wild, and (many times) thruſt forward; ſo many at once, in ſuch haſt, as puts him preſently to ſilence; as a crowd haſting to get out of an houſe at once, ſtop up the paſſage, ſo that they ſticke at the doore; his lookes are ſometimes furiouſly red, ſometimes ghaſtly pale; His lippes trembling, his teeth grinning, his haire ſtaring, as**Labra quatiuntur, dentes comprimuntur, horrent & ſubriguntur capilli, Sence de ira. l. 1. 1. c. 1. Seneca maketh the deſcription of him, mad-man-like: for‖‖Quidam e ſapientibus viris, iram dixerunt brevem inſaniam. Ibid. Wiſe-men (ſaith64 he) have ſaid of Anger, that it is a ſhort madneſſe; and (for the time it continueth in act) the**Affectum maxime ex omnibus terrum & rabidum. Senec. de ira l. 1. c. 1. fouleſt and maddeſt of all the affections: So it was in Achitophell, who enraged that his counſell was rejected, ſadled his Aſse, gat him home, ſet his houſe in order, and hanged himſelfe, 2 Sam. 17.23. He ſhould firſt have ſet himſelfe in order, altering his counſels and reforming his affections, and then he might have hanged his houſe with Coverings of Tapeſtry, Prov. 7.26. and with the broidered worke of Egypt, Ezek. 27.7. and if he had bridled his anger when he ſadled his Aſſe, he would not of an oraculous Counſellour (2 Sam. 16.23. ) have turned ſuch a notorious foole or mad-man, as to put his houſe in order, and himſelf into ſuch a deſperate and irrecoverable confuſion.
It was as fooliſh an act of King Cyrus (though not ſo ſad or tragicall, as this was, but rather ridiculous) who having raiſed his wrath againſt the River††•dem ibid. l. 3. cap. 21. Gindes for drowning of a white Horſe of his, exalted his folly ſo high, as to turne his intended Warre againſt Babylon upon that River (the greateſt next unto Euphrates) whereof hee threatned to take revenge by deviding it into ſo many ſtreames, as to make it paſſable on foot, and ſo he ſet his whole Army to worke, and parted the maine water into 360. Channels: wherin he buried the treaſure and ſtrength of his Army, and ſo loſt a faire opportunity of invading his enemy.
Now as anger is called a ſhort madneſſe, ſo may hatred or malice be called a long madneſſe; the ſinfull abſurdity of which, we may obſerve in wicked King Ahab, who when he might have knowne the truth of Micaiah (the man of God) had no mind to heare him, becauſe, He hated him for prophecying no good concerning him, but evill, 1 King. 22.8. for the wicked are like unto the beaſt (ſome ſay it is the Cammell, ſome the Elephant) that65 cannot abide to drinke of a cleare water, leaſt it ſhould ſhew him his unſeemly ſhape, and therefore before he drinke of it, he firſt ſtirres it and troubles it with his feet: So the wicked of him that will clearly ſhew them the evill that is in them, or imminent over them, will take none intelligence, unleſſe they can trouble his cleare ſtreame, with flattering accommodations to humour and pleaſe; as the falſe Prophets did, and Micaiah was ſolicited to doe in that Chapter at the 13. verſe.
And may we not obſerve the like blindneſſe in the minds of many, even of the learned Papiſts, out of the hatred of Proteſtants? Which they ſhew by their impoſing falſe opinions upon them, and oppoſing the truth of God, delivered by them, and that out of meere malice againſt them, as did the Phariſees againſt both the doctrine and perſon of our Saviour?
The firſt you may ſee (as in many Popiſh Writers) ſo eſpecially in the booke of that fiery Friar Fevardentius called**Theomachia Calviniſtica. Printed at Paris n folio 1604. Theomachia Calviniſtica, wherein his fancy (being infatuated by his malice) makes him to faine 1400. errours, and to impute them all to the Profeſſours of the Proteſtant Religion, under the name of Calvinists.
And as they impoſe falſhood, ſo (upon the ſame miſtaking motive) they oppoſe truth, as Eraſmus obſerved in an Epiſtle to the Cardinall of Mentz. Thoſe things (ſaith he) were condemned (in††Compertum eſt ab his damnata ut haeretica in libris Lutheri, quae in Bernardi Auguſtiniquelibris, ut orthodoxa, immò ut pia leguntur. Eraſm. Epiſt. Alberto Cardinati moguntino, l 12. ep. 10. col. 585. edit Lond. 1642. Luthers workes) as ſavouring of Hereſie, which were read in and received from more ancient Writers, as very ſound and Orthodox Divinitie. This miſguiding Malignity made Genebrard (who tooke up his pen many times with as much paſſion and wrath, as any Souldier takes up his Sword) to impute to Calvin as an errour, that hee taught God to be〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, God of himſelfe; whereas¶¶Bellarmin. l. 2. de Chriſto ca. 19. Bellarmine (a man66 of more moderation then he) underſtood the truth of that Tenet, and ſo defended an enemy againſt a friend, Calvin againſt Genebrard.
And though††Maldonat. Comment in Joh. 6. Maldonat were a Jeſuite as Bellarmine was, yet his hatred of Calvin made him as adverſe to the truth (for his ſake) as Genebrard was: for he deſerted an Expoſition of Scripture, and tooke up another, though leſſe warranted (by the teſtimony of the Ancients) becauſe it was more croſſe to the Tenet of Calvin; and even to this day, we may obſerve many whoſe malignity (like that of Ahab's towards Micaiah) ſhutstheir eyes againſt the light of Information; and therefore they will not reade what an Adverſary writes againſt their conceits; for having taken in their opinions by a partiall affection, they keepe out the contrary by prejudiciall diſaffection, though it be never ſo true, and in rejecting truth (by what hand ſo ever it be offered unto them) they are both unwiſe and wicked.
The like operation (to the prejudice of reaſon) may be obſerved in hope and feare, ſorrow and joy; for the firſt, how are men befooled by their hopes in entertaining for truth many improbable and (ſometimes) impoſſible reports: becauſe they wiſh things were ſo, they hope they are ſo, as they are reported;‖‖Quod valde volumus facile credimus. for men eaſily beleeve and confidently hope for that they heartily deſire, though there be little ground for it, as the fooliſh Merchant, who having a Ship abroad, tooke every Veſſell that coaſted toward the Port to be that of his lading. The exceſſe of ſuch hope (in ſpirituall matters) hath been an occaſion of Ship-wrecke to many a ſoule; for it hath made them ſo to preſume of mercy, as to put themſelves more audaciouſly upon the deſert of Juſtice, and in ſtead of working out their ſalvation (with feare and trembling) Phil. 2.12. to worke out their damnation with a confident jollity;67 This hope (contrary to that well-grounded hope, Roman. 5.5. ) maketh men aſhamed, (as being a meanes to make them fooles) and a ſigne they are ſo: and it will end (if thus they hold on) in ſhame and everlaſting contempt, Dan. 12.2.
And how fooliſhly doth extremity of Feare make the wicked fly (when no man purſueth him) Prov. 28.1. And what a groſſe and mad miſtake doth a wicked fugitive make, when (through feare) hetakes the ſound of a ſhaken leafe for a drawne Sword, Levit. 26.36. and flieth from it to ſave his life; he that ſhall judge of his head by the faintneſſe of his heart (in ſuch a caſe) cannot but thinke him a very foole or a mad-man, to conceive ſuch danger (where there is none at all) as well as a Coward, running away to ſome refuge of ſafety.
And what folly, and how frequent a folly is it in many, out of feare of the creature to ruſh upon the diſpleaſure and indignatiō of the Almighty Creator (who is a conſuming fire, He. 12. and the laſt) when they dare not (for fear of offence and danger from man, (whoſe life is but a vapour, Jam. 4.14. ) be really and zealouſly religious, leaſt the prophane ſhould ſet upon them with reproachfull contumelies, whereby they expoſe themſelves (which none but very fooles would doe) upon the greateſt perill that can be imagined, the fearefulleſt doome of the holy Ghoſt, Revel. 21. concerning the fearefull (ſuch as are afraid to be good and to own God for their Lord) Who with the unbeleeving and other offenders, ſhall have their parts in the lake, which burneth with fire and brimſtone, v. 8. of that Chapter.
It is ſaid of Sorrow that it is an**Res eſt ingenioſa dolor. ingenious thing, yet the exceſſe of it, makes a man fooliſh, as it did Ahab, who (when he was denied the vineyard of Naboth the Ieſraelite) betooke him to his bed, would looke upon no man,68 for he turned away his face, and ſhut his mouth againſt his meat, he would eat no bread, becauſe he could not drinke the wine of that vineyard (as his owne) 1 King. 21.1. There was folly and ſinne in his concupiſcence of another mans goods, having better of his owne, verſ. 2. Folly and ſinne in his ſorrow, becauſe it was without cauſe, without meaſure, and it brought forth madneſſe and miſchiefe for a remedy or cure of his diſcontent, as you may reade in the ſame Chapter from the ſeventh verſe forward.
And in the Story of Nabal it is ſhewed, that (when Abigal had told him in what danger he had been by Davids indignation upon his denyall of his humble, moderate and neceſſary requeſt) His heart died within him and he became as a ſtone, 1 Sam. 25. v. 37. which was not (it is like) through feare, for the danger was paſt, but through ſorrow, that he had ſo unwiſely and ungratefully returned David evill for good, to the great perill of himſelfe and family; and when his heart was like a ſtone, how ſtupid was his head?
But howſoever it be doubted what paſſion was ſo predominant in Naball as to put his underſtanding, and it may be his ſenſes alſo, out of office: certaine it is that exceſſive ſorrow makes many fooliſhly neglectfull of themſelves, and irreligiouſly defective in their duty to God: for ſome when they have buried a friend, forbeare the Church, becauſe they cannot endure the ſight of an Hearſe, or any memorandum of his mortality, whom it is like while he lived they had entertained as an Idoll, and by ſuch ſorrow (their ſinne and puniſhment both) is their carnall Idolatry ſcourged, and their ſinne puniſhed with ſinne.
I may not here omit a pertinent obſervation out of the Booke of Wiſedome (which though to us it be Apocriphall, with Papiſts it is Canonicall, and againſt them it is a good69 proofe, as now I ſhall produce it,) It is this, a Father afflicted with untimely mourning, when he had made an Image of his Child, ſoone taken away, now honoured him as a god which was then a dead man, and delivered to thoſe that were under him ceremonies and ſacrifices, Wiſd. 14.15. and a few verſes after, ſo the multitude allured with the grace of the worke, tooke him now for a god, who (a little before) was honoured as aman, ver. 20. and this was an occaſion to deceive the world, ver. 21. by drawing on Idolatry.
Immoderate ſorrow for the dead, required comfort to the living, that comfort was miniſtred, by a reſemblance of the dead, that reſemblance was made an Idol, that Idol was worſhipped with ceremonies and ſacrifices, and with that worſhip was the world deceived; here is a chaine of many ſinnes and follies, and the firſt linke of that chaine was exceſſive ſorrow.
Which ſometimes makes a wiſe-man to thinke and ſpeake, and doe like a foole, David was the man who was much commended for his wiſedome, 1 Sam. 18.5, 14, 15, 30. 2 Sam. 14.17. and he ſhewed himſelfe wiſe, in acting the part of a mad-man, 1 Sam. 21.13. but when Abſolom was dead, his ſorrow for him was ſo exuberant, that it drowned his diſcretion, and made him ſuch an immoderate and unadviſed mourner, as if Ioab had not recovered him out of that fit of fond lamentation, he had brought upon himſelfe a greater evill, then any befell him from his youth untill then, as you may reade, 2 Sam. 18.33. and chap. 19. from the firſt verſ, to the end of the ſeventh; and it was the generall folly of the Iſraelites, (under the Egyptian bondage) that for ſorrow and griefe of heart, they would not hearken unto Moſes, Exod. 6.9. who came unto them from God for their deliverance.
Ioy (if kept within due compaſſe) cheereth up the ſpirits, quickneth the braine, and ſharpneth the wit, but (if70 it goe beyond it) doth hurt it much, but not help it at all, for as folly is joy to him that is destitute of underſtanding, Prov. 15.21. ſo is joy a folly in him, both a meanes to effect it, and a marke to diſcerne it; and in ſome degrees it proceedeth to madneſſe, elſe the Wiſe-man would not have acknowledged, that he ſaid of laughter it is mad, Ecel. 2.2. and how madly doe many delights miſlead a man, when they bring him to be a lover of pleaſures more then of God, 2 Tim. 3.4. though in his preſence be the fulneſſe of joy, and at his right hand pleaſures for evermore, Pſ. 16.11.
And even of thoſe joys which have a good reliſh in Religion, ſome of them (in their predominancy) are impediments to a right apprehenſion of things; for when our Saviour (after his Reſurrection) appeared to his Diſciples, and offered them the aſſurance of many of their ſenſes, for they ſaw him, heard him, and he ſaid unto them, behold my hands and my feete, that it is I my ſelfe, handle me and ſee, for a ſpirit hath not fleſh and bones as ye ſee me have Luk. 24, ver. 39, 40. yet they beleeved not for joy, but wondred, ver. 41.
And in the twelfth of the Acts of the Apoſtles, we reade that when Peter (upon his miraculous deliverance out of priſon) came to the houſe of Mary (the mother of Iohn whoſe ſurname was Marke,) ver. 12. and knocked at the doore, a Damſell coming to it, and having heard his voice, went haſtily back, and told them within who it was that was without, they ſaid ſhe was mad, ver. 15. but ſure ſhe was (at the leaſt) ſomewhat fooliſh, and her exceſſive joy was the cauſe of her folly, for ſhe opened not the doore for joy, ver. 14. whereas if her mind had been prudently compoſed, ſhe ſhould rather have made them within to ſtay a little for the joy they expected not, then have kept Peter without from the entrance he knocked and looked for.
And ſurely we find in the experience of our own times,71 that thoſe who addict themſelves ſo much to delights, as to have their carnall ſports and paſtimes, (on the Sabbath day) are the moſt ignorant hearers of Sermons, to whom (before many others) that of the Apoſtle may be applyed: when for the time they ought to have been teachers, they have need againe to be taught which be the firſt principles of the Oracles of God, Heb. 5.12.
And for men of more eminent parts, we may obſerve in ſome of them, how their miſplaced joyes and delights have corrupted their judgements, as Auguſtine was ſo taken up with contentment in the Oratory**Aug. Confeſſ. lib. 5. cap. 13. of Ambroſe and of Fauſtus the Manichean-heretick, that he contemned the Scripture, as neither eloquent, nor learned enough for the elevation of his witt, yet¶¶Idem Confeſſ. lib. 7. cap. 21. afterwards, when he was both a better and a wiſer man, he ſaw his own ſhallowneſſe, and admired the““Idem lib. 12. cap. 14. profundity of Gods holy Oracles, and held the ſtyle of them very venerable, and betooke him to the reading and ſtudying of the word of God, with a very vehement and ardent devotion.
And a‖‖Mr R. Bolton. late Divine of our own Church, well knowne to my ſelfe by familiar acquaintance, and very well accepted of in the world for his worthy Works; was before his calling (though otherwiſe both witty and learned) ſo vaine a**Mr. E. B. in his relation of of his life, p. 12. voluptuary, (much delighted with Stage-playes, Cards and Dice, and thereby ſo unable to judge of true, ſound and ſolid Divinity) that he tooke M. Perkins but for a¶¶Ibid p. 13. barren empty fellow, and a paſsing meane Scholler, whoſe excellent Learning, the beſt Divines (both at home and abroad) have highly approved of, and he himſelfe, when he had taken double degrees (both of Grace and knowledge) afterward acknowledged his errour, and profeſſed**Ibid. p. 14. hee thought him as learned and godly a Divine as our Church for many yeares hath enjoyed of ſo¶¶He was but little above 40. yeares old whō he died. young a Man.
I will adde to theſe obſervations of the exceſſe of paſſions72 and affections, and their impeachment of the apprehenſion of man, the ſaying of Baſil in his tract of reading prophane Authours, which is that a man cannot come to the knowledge of himſelfe (and he is an ignorant or proud foole that knowes not himſelfe) if his mind be not purged from exceſſe of paſsions; and the ſentence of the Areopagite Judges, who judged inordinate paſſions, to be ſuch enemies of true judgement, that they would ſuffer no pleaders before them, to make any Exordiums of inſinuation into their affections, leaſt that ſhould erroniouſly miſlead them to an unrighteous decree.
Thus you ſee when paſſions are rampant, true Judgement is couchant, when they are raiſed to their Zenith above, judgement is put downe to the nadir be low. If to this diſtemper of minde there be joyned the intemperance of the palate, and exceſſe of diet, there will be place for the vulgar proverbe, Loaden bellies make but leaden witts, for thereby the braine is floated with too much moiſture, and over-clouded with abundance of muddy vapours and exhalations aſcending from the ſtomack to the head, and the blood ingroſſed and thickned, whereby the ſpirits that are engendred of it, are not ſo ſpirituall and active as thoſe that proceed from purer blood, the proper effect of temperate dyet.
Both theſe exceſſes, viz. of the paſſions of the mind and pampering of the body are the ſinnes of wicked men, and ſo make up a part of the conviction of their fooliſhneſſe: for as the Wiſe-man ſaith, their owne wickedneſse hath blinded them, Wiſdom. 2.21.
Thus much of the impediments to true intelligence and right underſtanding: whereof I have ſaid the more, becauſe I conceive, the manifold aggrievances, under which many mourne, and many bleed, and many are dead, and all that remaine alive, doe ſuffer, and are running on towards73 an univerſall ruine; may be referred (as to one chiefe cauſe) to the uſurping power of paſſion over reaſon; for when the wiſeſt counſell of the Kingdome (ſo much the wiſer as it is leſſe ſubject to paſſions; and in the**This wiſe body politick can have no paſſions. Lord Digby in his Speech in Parliament, April. 21. 1641. in the Booke of Speeches, p. 220. Lord Digbys judgement it ſeemes to be a priviledge of Parliament, to be freed from them) is called, and come together with mature deliberation, and judicious advice, to give redreſſe for what is amiſſe; what is it but paſſion, which will renounce ſuch a judicatorie? and expect a juſter award from the Sword, then from the ſentence of ſuch an Aſſembly?
And may we not obſerve, in this obſtinate reluctancy to the prudence of the Parliament, a muſter of paſſions? ſure there is too much love towards ſome, too much ſelfe-love in many, els they would not have the publike peace given up in ſacrifice to their particular intereſts, there is too much deſire in divers, for ſomewhat (which their covetouſneſſe or ambition aimeth at) though they cannot obteine or reteine it in a peaceable ſtate; there is (I doubt not) a height of wrath and hate in many, which will not be aſſwaged (without wrong;) there is a guilt and feare in offenders, which cannot endure a diligent inquiry into their crimes, much leſſe the due puniſhment which (for them) they doe deſerve.
And there are that have hope the ſhaking of the Kingdome by War-like commotions, will make ſomewhat looſe, which may fall to their lot, to mend their eſtate, though their manners be much worſe then ever they were: and how jocund are ſuch as never had much of their ovvn, or have prodigally ſpent it, when they come to rifle the rich, and to commit ſo great robberies at once, as divided into many parcels of pilfery, would ſerve to furniſh all the Goales with thieves, and to garniſh all the Gallowſes in the Kingdome, with pendents of exemplary Juſtice.
Theſe paſſionate exceſſes (like wild Horſes) having broke74 the reynes of regular government, run riot with all manner of rudenes and outrage, and ſo by refractory oppoſitions to reaſon and religion, ſo violent, ſo generall, the greateſt part of Great Brittaine is at this day become a great Bedlam of mad-men, by acting ſuch bloody Tragedies upon each other, as the Popiſh party (throughout the Antichriſtian world) will entertaine as ſportfull Comedies; ſo Calvin conceived of the contentions of Proteſtants in his time, though they did not proceed to blood-ſhed or blowes,**Deus bone quales & quā jucundos Iudes praebemus papiſtis, quaſi illis locaverimus operam noſtrā. Calvin. Epiſt. Melanct. p. 52. good God (ſaith he) what delight and ſport doe we make the Papiſts? (viz. by our diſſentions) we could not gratifie them more if they had hired us to doe them ſome acceptable ſervice.
To caſt up the particulars into a Totall (under the Title to which they belong, leaſt any forgetting my grounds, ſhould ſuppoſe I have digreſſed) the ſumme of what hath been ſaid, and particularly proved is this: Whatſoever is an hinderance to Intelligence, or true underſtanding (eſpecially in good things) is a cauſe of errour and folly.
But ſuch is the exceſſe of paſsions and affections as of Love, &c.
Therefore the exceſſe of paſſions and affections is a cauſe of errour and folly, and to make the argument perſonall as well as reall we may thence deduce thus much,
Whoſoever is ſwayed by the exceſſe or predominance of paſsions and affections, is most ſubject to errour and folly.
But ſo is a wicked perſon;
Therefore is he moſt erronious and fooliſh.
I ſhould in order now proceed with, and proſecute the other cauſes of the conjunction of wickedneſſe and folly, but ſince they are many (and I have held you long already) I will reſerve the reſt for ſuch an opportunity of time and place, as ſhall be allotted unto me by the all-wiſe providence and diſpoſall of Almighty God, to whom be glory, honour and praiſe for evermore.
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