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THEaO thou ſword of the Lord, how long will it be ere thou be quiet? put up thy ſelfe into thy ſcabbard, reſt and be ſtill,Jer. 47.6. Meritò in terra homini non gloria, ſed pax eſt quęenda, pax cum Deo, pax cum proximo, pax cum ſeipſo, Bernard in feſt. omnium Sanctorum,Serm. 5. col. 297. FVRY OF VVARRE, ANDbAnd Samuel ſaid to Saul, thou haſt done fooliſhly; thou hast not kept the Commandement of the Lord thy God, which he commanded thee,1 Sam. 13.13. Omnes ſtulti mali ſunt,Senec. de Benefic. lib. 5. cap. 15.Humilis res eſt ſtultitia, abjects, ſordida, ſervilis, multis affectibus, & ſaeviſſi­mis ſubjecta: Hos tam graves dominos, interdum alternis vicibus, imperan­tes dimittit a te ſapientia, quę ſola libertas eſt. Idem. Epiſt. lib. 5 ep. 37. FOLLY OF SINNE, (As an In­centive to it) declared and applyed.

FOR Caution and Remedy againſt the Miſchiefe and Miſery of both.

IN A SERMON Preached at St. Margarets Weſtminſter, before the Honourable Houſe of COMMONS, at their late ſolemne and publike FAST, Aprill 26. 1643.

By Iohn Ley Miniſter of Great Budworth in Cheſhiere.

LONDON, Printed by G.M. for Chriſtopher Meredith at the Signe of the Crane in Pauls Church-yard, 1643.


WHile I humbly offer that to the view, which I lately pre­ſented to the audience of your ever Honoured, and then ſacred Aſſembly (both the preaching and publiſhing of it in print, being acts of due obedience to your com­mands; and I wiſh they were capable of titles of grati­tude for your favours) it may be my lot, to have ſome paſſages of my Sermon, cenſoriouſly met withall, if not for any falſehood or fault in the matter, yet for ſome ſuppoſed incongruity to the office of the Authour, and with pretence alſo of ſome biaſſed partiality, in the great differences of our moſt unhappily divided Kingdom (divided un­der thoſe Names as ſome miſtake, and miſ ſtate the queſtion) which have beſt right to the humbleſt reverence, and heartieſt loyalty of all the Sub­jects of the Land: which calumnie if I cannot prevent, I may have hope to repell the aſſault of it, by ſuch conſiderations as theſe: which I crave leave to tender to the touch of your**Lydius lapis the touch­ſtone, Plin. nat. biſt. l. 33. c 8. Lydian judgement, and in them to speake to you and of you to others, as the dictat of duty and diſcretion ſhall direct me.

Firſt, It cannot in equity or prudence be deemed an impertinency to our miniſteriall profeſſion, or an over-buſie medling (in matters above, or be­ſides our calling) to appeare apprehenſive of our common perill, and to doe what lyeth within the fathome of our power, and the verg of our vocation, either for prevention of imminent, or for removall or mitigation of our preſent miſeries.

And if we affected the praiſe of prudent ſilence, which the Prophet com­mendeth (as ſeaſonable for evill times) Amos 5.12. I doe not ſee, how we could now obſerve it, being often required by our ſuperiours, to publiſh their minds and our own unto the people, in matters of ſecular concerne­ment, and many times alſo (in private) deſired to ſatisfie their doubts, when they are called upon to give their aſſent and aſſiſtance in matters of great moment, for the publike welfare: And I thanke God, ſuch have ever beene the principles, which have ſet the deepeſt impreſſion upon my judgement and conſcience, and upon others likewiſe (by mine information) that, (to my knowledge) I have not whiſpered any reſolution or advice in theeare, which I may not warrantably publiſh upon the houſe topps, as our bleſſed Saviour gave direction to his Diſciples, Mat. 10.27. Nor have I breathed out any poſition or opinion, either in private or publike, for which I ſhould be unwilling to bleed or to dye.

Secondly, For my loyall affection to his Majeſty, mine own heart tells me, I prize him as the dutifull ſubjects of David did him (their Royall Soveraigne) when they valued his life at ten thouſand of their ovvn, 2 Sam. 18.3. and had rather my body ſhould be the ſheath of a two edged and poiſoned Sword, (as**Speeds Chrō. l. 7. c. 20. p. 300 Lilloe's was, when he ſtept betwixt the mur­therer, and King Edwine his Maſter, to intercept the deadly thruſt in­tended and aimed at the heart of his Soveraigne) then conſent to lay any hands upon him, but as the Angells did upon Lot, Gen. 19.16. for his de­liverance from danger; in which caſe a loving violence hath more affi­nity with duty, then with diſobedience: for a King (being a publike per­ſon) hath no power to diſpoſe of himſelfe (for perillous adventure) inBaſil. Dor. l. 2. p. 165, 166. reſpect, that to his preſervation or fall, the ſafety or wrack of the whole Common-weale is neceſſarily coupled, like as the bo­dy is to the head, as his Majeſties learned Father, of famous memory, re­ſolved in caſe of duells: and though afterwards, ſpeaking of a juſt war, he counſelled the Prince (to whom he wrote)**Ibidem. once or twice, in his own perſon, to hazard himſelfe fairely, (but afterwards, to conſerve himſelfe for the weale of his people; for whoſe ſake, he muſt be more carefull for himſelfe then for his own:) I conceive the reaſon rendred for the ſecurity of his Royall Perſon is of force, not only againſt the perill of a ſingle combat, but of a ſociable warre or ſet battell (espe­cially for hereafter) ſince his Majeſties courage and magnanimity is ſo well knowne, that his cautionary prudence can never come under the miſinterpretation of timerous cowardize; for avoidance whereof, his Roy­all Father gave advice for the adventure fore-mentioned.

Thirdly, For the high Court of Parliament (whereof your honourable Houſe of Commons is the Alpha in order of proceeding) his Majeſty (that laſt was) hath taught me to know it, as theIbidem. Kings head-Court; and his Majeſty (that now is) advanced mine eſtimation of it, by his gracious acknowledgement,His Maje­ſties Speech, Ian. 25. 1640. that often Parliaments, are the fitteſt meanes to keepe correſpondence betwixt him and his people, which he doth much deſire:His Majeſties anſwer to the Petition of the Lords and Commons, Iu­nij 17. 1642. p. 6. that it is impoſſible for him to ſubſiſt, without the affections of his people; and that thoſe affe­ctions cannot poſſibly be preſerved or made uſe of, but by Parlia­ments, that they cannot give the leaſt credit, or have the leaſt ſuſ­pition, that his Majeſty would choſe any other way to the happi­nes he deſires to himſelf and his poſterity, but by Parliaments. And it is raiſed yet higher, by his gracious acceptation of his Speech, who repre­ſented it to him, as a moſt ſoveraigne remedy againſt all the diſtem­pers of this Nation: were they (**Mr. Speaker in his Speech to his Majeſty, November the 5. 1640. ſaith he) troubled at Sea, troubled at home, or invaded from abroad? here was the ſanctuary of refuge, hither was the reſort, and no other way found for a foundation of peace. And for a returne of all loyall and affectionate obſervances to his Majeſty, on the Parliaments part, you with your right Honou­rable colleagues, have profeſſed your reſolution,**So in the Declaration of both Hou­ſes, March, 12. 1642. to keepe your ſelves within the bounds of faithfullneſſe, and allegiance to his Royall Perſon and his Crownes;The Parlia­ments ſecond Remonſtrance, p 1. to provide for the publike peace and proſperity of his Majeſty and his Realmes; proteſting in the pre­ſence of the all-ſeeing Deity, that it ſtill hath beene, and ſtill is the only end of all your counſells and endeavours, wherein you have reſolved to continue freed and enlarged from all private aimes, perſonall reſpects or paſſions whatſoever. And your**Ibid p. 11. earneſt deſire of his Majeſties returne to London, that upon it you con­ceive depends the very ſafety and being of both his Kingdomes; and therefore you have proteſted you will be ready to ſay or doe any thing, (that may ſtand with the duty and honour of a Parlia­ment) which may raiſe a mutuall confidence, betwixt his Majeſty and your ſelves as you doe wiſh, and the affaires of the Kingdome doe require. And to the ſame purpoſe againe,Ibid p 13. we intend (ſay you) to doe whatſoever is ſit, to make up the unpleaſant breach be­twixt his Majeſty and parliament.

By ſuch expreſſions as theſe (carrying moſt cleare and legible Cha­racters of your Loyalty and Love to his Maieſty) you have righted your Reputations againſt all iuſt cauſe of ſuſpition of Popiſh tenets, or intentions againſt his Perſon and his Crowne; and have gained the be­leefe of all good Subiects, that you ſpake in ſincerity, when you ſaid,**In the third Remonſtrance or Declaration of the Parlia­ment May 26. 1642. p. 4. You ſuffered not ſuch things to enter into your thoughts, as all the world knowes, the Papiſts have put into act: (whereof I ſhall ſhortly give inſtance in my other Sermons upon this Text, which ſome worthy: Members of your Honourable Society have required to the Preſſe.) And ſo (upon confidence in your fidelity) have ingaged their affections, and all their Interests (both for the preſent and the fu­ture) under the conduct of your moſt prudent Counſels and commands, accounting it a most fickle unfaithfullneſſe, and finally destructive to the foundation of our Engliſh Government, if they (who have voted your Election to places in Parliament) ſhould upon any Malignant ſurmiſes againſt you, deſert either their due obedience to you, or juſt and neceſſary defence of you, though with the hazard of their eſtates and perſons.

Againſt ſuch aſſurance as you have given of your faithfull allegiance to his Majeſty, your zealous Conſtancy in proſecution of a perfect Re­formation of Court, City, and Country from prophaneneſſe and Pope­ry, importeth no colour of contradiction at all (though ſome, whoſe condition moſt requires it, diſtast and deſire to wreſt it to ſome ſuch miſconſtruction) but carrieth with it an exact conformity to what you have profeſſed.

For what better proofe of integrity in what you undertake, then your preſſing to promote the proſperity of the King, as well as of the King­dome? And what meanes more conducible unto that end then Religion and Juſtice? As S. Auguſtine ſheweth; where he ſaith,**NequenoChri­ſtanos quo•••ā emperatores­deo foelices dci­mus, quia vel diutiùs impera­runt, &c. Aug. de Civit. Dei l. 5. c. 24. We account not Chriſtian Emperours happy, becauſe they have raigned long, or becauſe they have had power to ſuppreſſe inſurrections, or op­preſſe their enemies; nor becauſe they have dyed a quiet death, and left their children to raigne after their deceaſe:Sed foelices e­os dicimus, ſi juſtè impera­runt, ſi inter lin­guas ſublimitèr honoranum, et obſequia, nimis humiliter ſalu­tantiam non ex. tollu••u, ſed ſe homines eſſe memnerint, ſi ſuam poteſaē, ad Deiuiu, &c. bid But we call them happy, if they rule with juſtice, if among the tongues of thoſe that too highly extoll them, or too humbly ſalute them, or too obſequiouſly ſerve them, they remember themſelves to be but men, if they apply their power ſo, as to make it moſt ſervice­able to the honour of the divine Majeſty, if they feare, and love and worſhip God, and more love that kingdome, where they need not feare competitors or conſorts, then that, wherin they may be a­fraid of them **S••uxui••āò eis eſt caſt­g••••, qun••poſſi〈…〉upiditatibus〈◊〉quam〈…〉imperare. Ibidem. if they ſo much more refraine from luxury, as (be­ing without reſtraint of others) they may be more free unto it; and bad rather raigne over evill concupiſcence, then Countries and Na­tions. Tales Chri­ſtianos impera­teres dicimus eſſe foelices. Ib.Such Chriſtian Emperours (ſaith he) we call happy, and happy ſurely are the people, who are governed by ſuch an one, as ſo gover­neth himſelfe.

And for your zeale againſt the prevailing of Popery, and for the ad­vancement of the Proteſtant Religion, it makes moſt for his Majeſties honour and ſafety: not only in reſpect of piety, but of policy, for that wiſe State, man the Duke of Rohan, in his Treatiſe of the Intereſt of Prin­ces and States, makes his obſervation of the State of England, in theſe wordsThe Duke of Rohan his Treatiſe of the Intereſt of Princes and States. p 58. Beſides the Intereſt which the King of England hath com­mon with all Princes, he hath yet one particular, which is, that He ought throughly to acquire the advancement of the Proteſtant Re­ligion, even with as much zeale, as the King of Spain appears Pro­tector of the Catholick. And what zeale that is, he hath ſhowed before in the**Ibidp 4. ad nonam. Intereſt of Spain.

Notwithſtanding all this, there be ſome men, who (deeply guilty of deceit themſelves) will never be ſatisfied with any evidence of ſincerity in other men: with ſuch there is no ſecurity in the Prerogative of the King, nor the Priviledge of Parliament, againſt in urious traducement: ſince no­thing beareth ſway with them, but their ſelf-conceit or particular advan­tage, or which is worſe, their virulent ſpleen againſt the better part, which ſtirreth them up to reproach them, as tumultuary buſie-bodies, who doe but bring ſome buckets of water to quench a burning, which they have treacherouſly kindled againſt their own Country, and as confidently (and not more innocently) to cry Sedition, Sedition againſt the moſt loy­all and true hearted Subjects of Royall Maieſty: as Athaliah did Trea­ſon, Treaſon, 2 Kin. 11.14. When Sedition is their raigning ſin, as trea­ſon was hers, and that the worſt Sedition of all others, for what can be worſe then that (and theirs is ſuch) which ſeparateth thoſe in iudgement, affection, and locall manſion, who (for the two firſt) ſhould alwaies and (for the third) ſhould very often be united together, viz. his Maiesty and Par­liament.

But this ſhould not ſo diſcourage a ſingle Subiect (much leſſe ſo many thoice Patriots as make up your venerable number) as to with-draw or with-hold him from any devotion or endeavour, to which he is obliged (as a part of the publike) and he is more obliged in reaſon and conſcience to the united Intereſts of King and Parliament, then to any devided title of conteſtation betwixt them.

And for this your eminent example for untainted integrity, unquench­able fervency, inſuperable patience, indefatigable diligence and un­tainted reſolution in the purſuance of your excellent purpoſes (for the good of Church and State) will be to others both a patterne of practice and a Buckler of Defence. The Lord God Almighty, be ſtill reſident in your venerable Senate, to guide all your Conſultations to his owne glory, and the common ſafety both of his Maieſty, of your ſelves, and of the many Millions of people vertually compriſed in your**Diaconos paucitas hono­rabiles fecit. Hier. Epiſt. O­ceano Tom. 2. p. 329. Honoura­ble paucity, being (in equivalence) as a few peeces of gold, to many of ſilver, or of other inferiour Mettals, and to guard your perſons by his power and providence, from all deſtructive plots, and hurtfull miſ­haps, that you may live to reape and enioy the ripe fruit of that Refor­mation, whoſe ſeed hath been ſowen in many teares of humiliation, both publike and private, which the enemies of Gods truth, and of the Eng­liſh State, would drowne in blood; which God forbid: So pray­eth

Your moſt humbly devoted Servant in the Lord Iohn Ley.


REader, Beſides ſome litterall errours which alter not the ſence, as Ammon for Amnon, Eſa for Iſai, Egiptians for Egyptians, Sabboth for Sabbath, deiſcovered for diſcovered, theſe following which are of ſome moment to the ſence are thus to be corrected;

P. 3. l. 26. reade the words betwixt therefore and when in the next line as a pa­rentheſes. p. 5. l. 21. for the read this l. 13. for 2 Sam. 11.1. reade 2 Sam 11.7. p. 8. l. 4. from the end of the page after the word Of, adde many. p. 9. l. ult. after the word be, adde ſo. p 14 l. 17. for him read them. p. 28. this marke "to be added to the three laſt lines, and to all the lines of p. 29. as nothing the conti­nuation of the Speech. p. 29. l 12. for combuſtion read concertation. And l. ult. for confuſion read concuſſion. p. 30. l. 3. from the bottome blot out the word ſo. p. 39. l. 27. after the word day, adde and to the men of Iudah, &c. p. 46. l. 10. after the word them adde the word and. p. 35. l. penult. for come read cometh. p. 58. l. 23. for at leaſt, reade or. p. 40. l. 14. blot out the word then, and inſtead of it reade from theſe.


A SERMON PREACHED At a FAST before the Honourable Houſe of COMMONS.

JEREMIAH, Chap. 4. Ver. 21, 22.

How long ſhall I ſee the Standard, and heare the ſound of the Trumpet?

For my People is fooliſh, they have not knowne me, they are ſottiſh Children, they have none underſtanding, they are wiſe to doe evill, but to doe good they have no knowledge.

AMong the manifold fallacies, which that great Sophiſter (who deceiveth the whole World, Revel. 12.9. ) im­poſeth upon people, of all times and States, there is none by which a grea­ter number (with more apparent dan­ger) are deluded (and therefore none more neceſſary to be diſcovered) then the miſtitling of morall qualifications of Vertue and vice: which is, as if an Apothecary ſhould write the name of a Medicine, upon a Gally-pot of poiſon, and contrariwiſe, the name of poi­ſon, upon an Antidote againſt it.

2For ſo it is, where Wiſedome and Folly are mutually miſtaken, and miſcalled, as when they whom God ap­proveth, and accepteth as truely wiſe, are (by thoſe who are not ſuch themſelves) accounted fooles, 1 Cor. 4.10. 2 Cor. 11.16, 17. or (as our Saviour Chriſt (though he were the wiſedome of God, 1 Cor. 1.24. was intituled, Iohn. 10.10.) Mad-men, and ſuch as are worthy of no bet­ter Titles then thoſe, are taken by themſelves, and ſome­times alſo by other men, to be the onely Wiſe-men of the World.

Againſt the latter part of this Impoſture, (as more neerely concerning our preſent condition) I ſhall endea­vour to derive a remedy, out of theſe two Verſes read un­to you, but eſpecially out of the latter of the two, and that remedy, will moſt conſiſt of the diſcovery of the de­ceit, and that diſcovery may (by Gods aſſiſtance) helpe forward our deliverance (which is the maine deſigne of this dayes worke) out of theſe diſtreſſes, which (by the malignant ſubtilty of the Popiſh party) are caſt upon two Kingdomes, Ireland and England: on that firſt, as a pre­parative to the ruine of this, and on this afterward, leſt it ſhould be a ſuccour, and reſtorative to that; and on both of them, by that confounding and deſtructive Engine, whereof the Standard and Trumpet, are the noted Enſignes, verſ. 21. Of them, (as in relation to Military miſchiefe) the Prophet puts the Queſtion, How long ſhall I ſee the Standard, and heare the ſound of the Trumpet? to which, the Anſwer is given by God himſelfe, in theſe words, My people is fooliſh, they have not knowne me, they are ſottiſh chil­dren, they have none understanding, they are wiſe to doe evill, but to doe good they have no knowledge.

Firſt of the Queſtion, How long ſhall I ſee the Standard, and heare the ſound of the Trumpet? The vulgar Latine, and as many Commentators as oblige themſelves to it, reade3 Vſquequo videbo fugientem, How long ſhall I ſee flying (i.e.) a Man, or the people flying before, or from the face of the Enemy, bcauſe the ſame conſonants of the Hebrew word, thereafter as the pricks are varied, may ſignifie ei­ther flying or a thing lifted up, as a Standard is, Iſa. 13.2. and Chapt. 62.10. but the latter acception of the word (as our tranſlation hath it) hath better approbation of the beſt Interpreters, and it holds better accord with the ſound of the Trumpet, they being both of them monitory ſignes of military exerciſe and execution.

Neither the Standard (of it ſelfe) was an unpleaſing ſight, nor the blowing of the Trumpet, of any ill ſound, but both of them, were offenſive to any good man, (as intimating that unto his mind) which is very grievous to be ſeene, (as garments rouled in blood, Eſa. 9.5. ) and dolefull to be heard, (as the cryes and groanes of wounded or dying men,) and dreadfull too, as the Allarme of the Trumpet, Amos 3.6. the confuſed noyſe of the Warriers, noted in the fore-named 9th. and 5th. of Eſa. the noyſe of ſtamping of the hoofes of ſtrong Horſes, Jer. 47.3. and (as it fol­loweth in the next words) the ruſhing of Chariots, and rumb­ling of wheeles; that which is much more formidable then all this in our dayes, viz. (the horrid tune of our Martiall times) in the roaring, or thundering noyſe, of the great de­vouring Ordnance, was not found out in thoſe dayes.

And therefore, that is from the intimation foremen­tioned, when the people are moſt terribly threat­ned, a Standard is ſaid to be ſet up, Jer. 51.12. and a day of Warre-like wrath, and execution, is called a day of the Trumpet and Allarme, Zeph. 1.16. Which importeth ſo lamentable a miſery, as made Ieremy (though a man not only of an holy, but of heroick ſpirit) thus to be­waile it. My bowells, my bowells, I am pained at mine heart, mine heart maketh a noiſe within me, I cannot hold my peace:4 becauſe thou haſt heard, (O my ſoule) the ſound of the Trumpet, the Allarum of the warre, destruction upon de­ſtruction is cryed, for the Land is ſpoyled, ſodainely are my Tents ſpoyled, and my Curtaines in a moment, verſe 19, 20. And (in the next words) hee windes up his patheticall Compaſſion in this Queſtion, How long ſhall I ſee the Standard? and heare the ſound of the Trumpet?

As God is Lord of Hoſts and Armies, he both ſtirs and ſtops them, when he will: And ſo they are ſhorter or longer, as he thinkes good to draw them out or ſhut them up: He can ſet the Alpha of Alarum, and the Omega of retreat, as neare together, or as farr aſunder, as he is plea­ſed to make the meaſure of their diſtance.

Some warres are begun and ended in a few moneths, ſuch an one might that have been (which God put to Da­vids choyce, which was meaſured to three months ſpace, 2 Sam. 24. v. 13. And ſuch was the Pirats warre, to which Cn. Pompeius (as Auguſtine obſerveth) put an endaaIncredibili ce­leritate et tem­poris brevitate confectum, Aug. de Civ. Dei l. 5. cap. 22. with incredible celerity, and ſhortneſse of time, which took up but a few moneths: asbbIntra paucos menſes. Oroſius l 6. c. 4. Oroſius noteth.

Some are reckoned by yeares, and thoſe in much diffe­rent proportions, as the warr made by the Romans (againſt the fugitive Fencers) laſtedccAug ubi ſup three yeares; The third Cartha­ginian warreddOroſius ibid. ubi ſupra. four yeares. The ſecondeeAug ubi ſup. eighteene yeares. The firſtffAug. ibid. twenty and three yeares: The Roman warre with Mithridates, was drawne out toggAug. ibid forty yeares, and the Sam­nits warre tohhAug. ibid. fiftie yeares, ſo long had the warre (betwixt the Hollanders and Spaniards continued at the yeare, 1624. (as aiiBalſack let l. 3. let. 10. French Oratour hath given in the account) but it is much more which his Country-mankkPhil. Com Hiſ. lib. 8 c 3. Commineus obſerveth of the warre betwixt the Florentines and the Piſans which exerciſed thoſe States three hundred yeares toge­ther.

Of this Warre (which put the Prophet into ſuch an5 affectionate affliction) the time is variouſly conjectured: It might ſeeme long, though it were but ſhort, becauſe the ſufferings under it were very ſharpe, but indeed the whole time of Ieremiahs Prophecying (which was about forty one yeares) was a time of great tribulation, by warr-like Commotions and miſeries under the raignes of Ioſiah, 2 King. 23. Iehojakim and Zedechiah Kings of Iu­dah, 2 King. 24. in whoſe dayes Ieruſalem was beſieged by the Babylonians, from the tenth day of the tenth month (in the ninth yeare of his raigne) to the ninth day of the fourth month, in the eleventh yeare of it, 2 King. 25.1. upon that, followed the deſolation of the Temple, and City in the 3365. yeare of the world, and ſix hundred and ſix yeares before the Incarnation of Chriſt; and if he re­counted all the calamities of warre in his time, he might very well enquire of their continuance, How long?

The Queſtion brought in by ſuch a paſſionate Preface (as you have heard out of ver. 19. & 20.) will guide our thoughts, to a conſideration of the evill of warre, which made the Prophet to be ſo mournfull for it, and ſo weary of it. And for that evill (though in many places of the Kingdome) too many feele too much of it by reall di­ſtreſſe: It will not be needleſſe to ſay ſomewhat of it, by way of verball diſcourſe, that we may have ſuch a compen­dium of it in our minds and memories, as may ſet our hearts & hands againſt it, I ſay our hands, as well as our hearts; for warre is not alwayes to be taken up, by Treaties of peace, but peace ſometimes to be procured by andllIpſi qui bella volunt, ad glorioſam pacē bellandocupiunt pervenire pa­cis igitur inten­tione geruntur & bella Aug. l. 1. de Civit. Dei cap. 12. alwayes to be intended in a proſecution of warre. And therefore when David queſtioned with Vriah concerning the beſie­ging of Rabbah, 2 Sam. 11.1. He demanded how Joab did, and how the people did, and how the warre proſpered: So in our Engliſh Tranſlation; but according to the Hebrew reading, he asked him of the peace of the warre, that is,6 in what forwardneſſe the warre was for a peaceable con­cluſion.

The definition of warre (to beginne with that, though it be too unruly an evill, to be confined to bounds and li­mits, as he gives it, who hath written moſt exactly of it) is thismmBellum eſt ſtatus per vim certantium, qua tales ſunt. Gro­tius de jure bel­li. lib. 1 cap. 1. Warre is the ſtate of them that ſtrive by force (as they are ſuch) that is under the notion, and conſideration of for­cible ſtriving againſt each other, or to ſpeake of it (as it hath proved in the experience of all ages, where the moſt Malignant men, have had the greateſt ſtroake in it) It is a wicked, and wretched compound of all ſorts of injuries, and miſeries of injuries committed by the ſtronger, of mi­ſeries ſuſtained by the weaker part.

The name of it in Latine is of good ſound, for it is cal­led Bellum, and of good ſence, for it ſignifieth good, and ſo it hath it's name by Antiphraſis (i. ) from the quite contrary; for it is ſo farre from good indeed, (when wicked men are prevalent in it) that it is the worſt of e­vils, on this Hell; and therefore with a little alteration of letters, it might rather be termed Belluinum, belline (i.) Brutiſh, then Bellum good, which Epithite moſt properly belongeth onely unto God, Matth. 19.17. though (to ſay the truth) it be much worſe among men, then it is among the unreaſonable creatures: For the moſt of their quarrels, are but ſingle combats, for they ſeldome ſet themſelves in heards or droves, one againſt another, as men in troopes and numerous Armies. And as it brings with it a multitude of men; ſo doth it alſo a multitude of miſchiefs.

Where envie and ſtrife is (ſaith St. Iames) there is confu­ſion, and every evill worke, Iam. 3.16. And this may be in ſome places, where there is no warre, for there may be a ſtriving of mentall emulation, or a meere logomachy of wordie contention, 2 Tim. 6.4. without any hoſtile force,7 or violence at all; or if there be violence, it may fall out betwixt ſome few, who (by Law) may be judged, and by degall force (if they be injurious and tumultuous) ſuppreſ­ſed: But the violence of warre (as the wicked, that are moſt addicted to it uſe the matter) is a lawleſſe and bound­leſſe confuſion, ſuch as that complained of by the Prophet Iſaiah, The people ſhall be oppreſsed, every one by another, e­very one by his neighbour; The child ſhall behave himſelf proudly againſt the ancient, the baſe againſt the honourable, Eſa. 3.5. And by the Prophet Ieremie, They that were brought up in ſcarlet, were brought downe to embrace the dung-hills, Lament. 4. ver. 5. and a confuſion wherein ſuch as are not meetly qualified for ſervants, will take upon them to be Maſters (ſervants ruled over us, ſay the degraded Maſters of Iſraell, by way of complaint, Lamen. 5.8. ) and thoſe uſurping upſtarts, when they are ſo leud and diſſolute, as no good-man would wil­lingly endure them to lodge a night in his houſe, will boiſterouſly breake open his doores, rifle all his Roomes, Cloſets, Cheſts, Caskets and Cabinets, and if he were as rich as Iob was in the height of his proſperity, they will make him as poore as Iob, in the depth of his adverſity, and much poorer too: For Iob had the goods in his houſe ſpared from ſpoyle or pillage (though he loſt all his come and cattell in the field) whereas many, who carve out their owne portion of other mens goods, by the Sword, have not left the right owners, ſo much as a ragge to co­ver their nakedneſſe. So in the Country, and if they could advance to rifle ſome rich City, they that are not worthy to be truſted for a yard of Inkle, would come into Shops, and meaſure Velvet for themſelves, by theaaWe will enter and meaſure with the long Ell, Phil. Com. l. 1. c. 11 p. 30. Upon which words the margin note is this, by the long Ell, he meaneth the Pike, where­with Souldiers at the ſack of a Towne, uſe to meaſure vel­vets, ſilks and cl••ths. long Ell (that is by the Pike) take it away and pay nothing for it.

And their luſt will be as unruly as their theſt, making8 no ſcruple to commit a Rape upon a mans Wife or Daughter, or Maid-ſervant, and in that wickedneſſe have ſome been ſo impudent, as violently to bind the Husband to a Bed-poſt, while they abuſed his Wife before his face.

That was one part of the barbarous wrongs of the Iriſh Rebells, not long agoe committed as I have been con­fidently enformed by a Gentleman of good credit. And it is upon perpetuall re­cord inooCuFrancappiuiſſent, exiſ••••••〈…〉am viris, quam mulieribus, tempore miſſarum in Ec••eſia, ad ea〈◊〉Eccleſiam cum〈◊〉feſtinatione concurrerunt, & inter••cie••es multos, & depr•••antes Eccleſiam aſpexerunt (inter caeteras) quandum feminam p•••iram〈◊〉, & ee〈◊〉orme, qu••um•••inconveretat ut audiret miſſas. Ad quam Nebu•••es ſatis intemperanter, in eademccleſia•••denies, mox ſuae libidini (ut ernt ar­ai, proſtraverunt etiam dieunus poſt aliam〈…〉, donec muliera•••ara ſpirtum exhalaret, Tho. Walſingham, H•••. Edw. 3. p. 166. Walſinghams Hiſtory of England, that ſuch an abominable filthy fact, as you may reade of (touching the Levites Concubine) Iudg. 19. was commit­ted, in King Edward the thirds time up­on a Holy-day at the time of Divine ſervice by French Souldiers, in a Church at Winchelſey in Suſſex, taking their luſtfull turns upon a beautifull wo­man, untill they had turned her out of the world.

And commonly as thoſe three Commandements, Thou ſhalt not kill, Thou ſhalt not commit adultery, Thou ſhalt not ſteale are ranked together in the Law, ſo are they violated together in the lawleſſe violence of Warre, and ſo you find them threatned together, in the 13. of Iſaiah. Their children ſhall be daſhed in pieces before their eyes, their houſes ſpoiled, and their Wives raviſhed, Iſa. 13.16. and Maidens too, for that is complained of in the Lament. of Ieremie. Chap. 5. Ver. 11.

For thoſe that have but little wit and no grace, (which is the ordinary qualification of meere mercinary Soul­diers) let looſe the reynes of their corruptions to all licentiouſneſſe, making ſo little account of the Lawes, as gave occaſion of the common ProverbeppInter armſilens Leges., The noyſe of9 Warres drownes the voice of Lawes, which are ſure to be trod­den under foote, while the Sword of violence hath the upper-hand: with this accords the complaint of oppreſſed Hieruſalem in the Lament. of Ieremie, The Law is no more, Lam. 2.9. no more in force, becauſe (by force) ſuffered to be no more in uſe: and when Lawes are huſh't, matters are hurried by a boiſhterous prevalence, not governed by right or reaſon, Every one doing that which is right in his owne eyes, Judg. 17.6. and that will be whatſoever is wrong in the eyes of God, and all good men.

But of all Warres that which is calledqqSummum (Brute) neſas, civilia Bella, fatemur. Cato apud Clandian. lib. 2. Civill, hath in the experience of all times proved moſt pernicious: when a Kingdome is not united againſt a forraigne foe, but divi­ded againſt it ſelfe, and by that diviſion, in great danger of a deſperate downefall, Mark. 3.24, 25. It is called inteſtine Warre, which is as a burning in the bowells or intrailes; and of all Civill Warres, the worſt and moſt woefull that can be, is that, which is managed under ſuch Titles, as import the moſt perfect Unity, and the greateſt eſtrange­ment from war-like hoſtility. Such is that which is now waged under the Colours, and with the ſound of our Eng­liſh Standards and Trumpets.

Which if it ſhould goe on, as the wicked wiſh, and all good-men abhorre to thinke of, would make this King­dome, of a famous Sanctuary of peace, a Seminary of diſ­cord, of a Granary or Store-houſe of plenty (or garden of delights, asttVere hortus noſter delicia­rum eſt, puteus inexhanſtus eſt, Math. Paris, Hiſtor major. in Hen. 3. p. 936. Pope Innocent the 4th. called it) a wilderneſſe of Want; for ſuch is the Waſt of Warre, as makes the Land which before an Army was as the Garden of Eden, behind it to be no better then a deſolate Wilderneſſe, Joel 2. v. 3. which, (if it long continue,) muſt needs bring forth a devouring famine throughout a very ſpatious and plen­tifull Kingdome. And famine hath made even pitifull women to be cruell to their owne children, as to act the10 parts of Butchers, Cookes and gueſts at the ſame Meſſe, the fleſh of their little ones, their little ones of a ſpan long, Lam. 4.10. & 2.20.

But there is another Famine (ſometimes an effect of Warre,) much worſe then this, proceeding from the in­terruption of Religion, and the deſolation of the Sanctua­ry, which (though by the ungodly it be little regarded,) to ſuch as are truely Religious, will be matter of the hea­vieſt apprehenſion that can be. How will it afflict their hearts, to call to mind, what comforts they have enjoyed, while they had the holy Goſpell of peace, and civill peace with the Goſpell, what ſweet refreſhing they have for­merly had, in the Communion of Saints, on the Sab­baths, and other ſeaſons of ſacred Aſſemblies, yea even in their meetings of humiliation, when by Civill Warre they ſee great Congregations are diſſolved, the Shepheards and their flocks ſeperated, the Sheepe ſcattered, if not both he, and they butchered, without any glimpſe of hope, (of a long time) to be abſolved from that great and terrible excommunication of Paſtors and People.

This is that Calamity which the Prophet Amos com­pareth to a famine of bread, (but makes it much more grievous) when men (ſaith he) ſhall wander from Sea to Sea, from North even to the Eaſſt, and ſhall runne too and fro, to ſeeke the word of the Lord, but (in that pure, and plen­teous, and peaceable manner wherein they have had it) ſhall not find it, Amos 8.11, 12.

Dub. If Warre be a compound of ſo many evill Ingredients, how can any good man have anything to doe with it, ei­ther as a Counſellor of it, or an Actor in it?

Anſw. For Anſwer to this Doubt, two Queſtions are to be pro­pounded, and reſolved.

The one, Of the lawfullneſſe of Warre in generall;

The other, What are the Conditions of lawfull Warre in particular.


Queſt. 1For the firſt, there have beene ſome of old who have condemned all Warre, and thoſe not only ſuch, as have beene condemned (by the Church) for Hereticks, as theſſAuguſt cont. Fauſtum Ma­nich. lib. 22. c 74. Manicheans: but ſuch alſo as have been honoured in the Church, as Cyprian a famous orthodox Divine, and a Martyr, who in his Epiſtle to Donatus, enveigheth vehe­mently againſt it, as not only an unlawfull thing, but as ab­ſurdly ſinnefull, and inhumane;ttHomicidium cum admittunt ſinguli, cri­men eſt, virtus voca•••, cum publicè geri­tur; impunitatem ſceleribus acquiret, non Innocentiae ratio, ſed ſevitiae magnitude. Cyprian. Epiſt. lib. 2. cp. 2. p. 7. edit. Pariſ. 1633. when any (ſaith he) commits a ſingle Mur­ther, it is a Crime, a Vertue, when the like is done by many; and then not re­ſpect of innocence, but magnitude of the miſchiefe procures impunity to it: and they makeuuƲt quis poſſit occidere, uſus eſt, ars eſt. Ibidem. an uſe of it, and Art of it, (ſaith he) and cruelty is not only com­mitted, but taught;wwScel••non tentum geritur, ſed & docetur, quid poteſt inhumanius, quid acerbius dici diſciplina eſt ut perimere quis poſſi, & gloria eſt, quod perimit. Ibidem. what can be cal­led more inhumane or more grievous, then that men ſhould make it a diſcipline to deſtroy men, and a glory when they have deſtroyed them.

And Lactantius being (in diſpoſition anſwerable to his Name,) a mild and milken man, abhorring blood-ſhed, thought it was not lawfull, for axxNequemilltare juſtlicebit, enjus mi­litia eſt ipſa Iuſtitia, Lactan inſtit. lib 6. cap. 10. Iuſt man to be a Warriour, whoſe Iuſtice was to be his Warfare: and his tenderneſſe of nature, made him ſo partiall to pitty, ſo unjuſt to Juſtice, that he held, a just man ſhouldyyNequevereconſerquenq•••, crimine capitali, quiaibil diſtat, utrum verbo, aut ſerro pot•••occidas; quoni•••occiſie ipſa p••hibe•••Ibidem. not be a witneſſe againſt any one in a Capitall crime: for (ſaid he) killing being forbidden, it is all one, whether one kill another, with a Sword or with a word.

Of later times, ſome of the more moderate Papiſts, have written againſt it, as Cornelius,zzCornelt A­grip; de vant­tat. ſciens. cap. 79. Agrippa,12aaJo: Ferus in 4to. Lib. commen. in Math: ſuper. v. 52. cap. 26. Ferus,bbEraſin. Epiſt Anton. a Bergis. lib. 2. ep. 27. Annotat. in Luc cap. 3. & c. 22. Bnchirid. Militis Chriſt ian: paſ ſim. Chiliad. Adag. Ʋulce Bellum inexpertis, pag. 256. typis wechel An. 1629. Eraſmus, but eſpecially Eraſ­mus, who divers times, in his Bookes, hath made an aſſault with his Pen, up­on the profeſſion and practiſe of War; and hath purſued the quarrell againſt it, ſometimes in very large diſcourſes, and by ſome of theccAnabaptiſt: Melancthon in loc. com­mun. cap. de Magiſtrat. moſt rigid Anti­papiſts, it hath been condemned, as un­lawfull, though for the moſt part, the later ſort of Ene­mies to the enmity of Warre, have diſallowed it not ſim­ply, or univerſally to all the godly, in all times, but unto Chriſtians only under the time of the Goſpell.

But moſt of the beſt, and moſt Judicious Divines, in all ages have beene of the contrary judgement, and not with­out good reaſon: for

Firſt The holieſt and moſt accepted with God in the old Teſtament, have beene Warriours, as Abraham, Moſes, Ioſhua, Gideon, David, and others.

Secondly, If the profeſſion, and practiſe of Warre were utterly unlawfull, it muſt be, becauſe it is inconſiſtent with holineſſe, but that it is not, as it is plaine, Deut. 23. where it is ſaid: The Lord thy God walketh in the midſt of thy Campe, to deliver thee, and give up thine enemies before thee, therefore ſhall thy Campe be holy, that he ſee no uncleane thing in thee, and turne away from thee, ver. 14. and I know no cauſe, but the Campe may be as holy as the Church, nay a Campe may be a Church, ſo was the Campe of Conſtantine, and Theodoſius, and of many other godly Warriours in their times, but very good reaſon, why a Souldier ſhould be very holy, and it is, becauſe he is by his Adventures of his life, to accompt himſelfe as a daily dying man, and the conſideration of that, may make him ſo penitent for offences paſt, and ſo provident for his13 future happineſſe, that (betwixt both) his life while it la­ſteth, may be more religious, and his death when it comes more advantagious.

Thirdly, For thoſe that allow warre to the Iewes and deny it to the Chriſtians under the Goſpell, they may be refuted.

Firſt, By the example of the Centurion, Math. 8. who by his owne authority, and command over Souldiers, il­luſtrated the power of Chriſt over the creatures, in ſuch ſort, as that our Saviour, (without any touch of reproach) to his profeſſion, gave this praiſe of his faith, I have not found ſo great faith, no not in Iſrael, ver. 10. And of Cor­nelius (the Centurion of the Italian band) the teſtimony (given by the Holy Ghoſt) is, That he was a devout man, one that feared God with all his houſe, who gave much almes to the people, and prayed to God alwayes, Act. 10.1, 2. and his Military calling is made no exception to his great commendation, becauſe it gave no impediment to his holy converſation.

Secondly, When in the third of Luke, the Souldiers (with others) came to Iohn Baptiſt, as Diſciples to a Maſter to be inſtructed, what to doe, he returned them this an­ſwer: Doe violence to noman, neither accuſe any man falſely, and be content with your wages, ver. 14. The firſt prohibiti­on may ſeeme to bind them to the peace, and ſo to re­quire a renunciation of their military profeſſion, but it is to be underſtood of private or irregular violence, and not of ſuch force as is exerciſed according to the rule and diſci­pline of warre, but the laſt part of his advice, (which bid­deth them to be content with their wages) alloweth them to take wages, and if, he allow them to take the wages of Souldiers, he alloweth them to doe the worke of Soul­diers.

Thirdly, The Magiſtrate hath the power of the Sword,14 Rom. 13.4. not onely againſt one ſingle offender, but a­gainſt many, if many deſerve it, and to doe Juſtice upon many, may require many Swords (ſo many as may make up a whole Army) and if there be military force raiſed to hinder juſtice, there may military force be uſed to purſue it to effect.

Fourthly, as it is lawfull, by the dictate of nature, for a private man to defend himſelfe againſt an hoſtile aſſault of a private man, ſo it may be lawfull for a number of men aſſaulted or endangered, by an Army of enemies (by force of arms in a Military manner) to free themſelves from their oppreſſion and tyranny.

Fiftly, If any people or kingdome ſhould diſclaime all uſe of Armes, in ſuch a caſe they could not long ſubſiſt, in any condition of ſafety, from invaſion or aſſault: for ſuch a tame diſpoſition, would give advantage to invite〈◊〉ene­my to ſet upon them, and give them opportunity either to inſlave them, or to ſlay them: As we ſee by the example of the Jewes, ſuperſtitiouſly forſaking their own juſt defence on the Sabbath day, wherby they were expoſed to the ſpoyl of thoſe that hated them, 1 Mach. 12. from ver. 33. to 41. and by ſuch deſerting of a juſt defence, may men betray themſelves, their lives, Lawes, Liberties and Eſtates, in­to the hands of ambitious or bloody enemies, which by the light of nature they are obliged with all their power to preſerve.

Sixtly, God hath many times ſhewed his approbation of warre, on the better part, by miraculous aſſiſtance to it, and reſiſtance and confuſion of the contrary party, and that ſince the publiſhing and ſpreading of the Doctrine of Chriſt: whereof there are many examples in Eccleſiaſti­callddTert Apolog c. 5 Euſcb in vita Conſtant. 1969 Eccleſ. Heſt. l. 9. c. 10 Anguſt. de Civ. Dei. l. 5. cap. 26. Queſt. 2. Authours. And theſe reaſons are of force, as well in the time of the Goſpell, as under the law, or before it.

Now for the conditions of warre, which may qualifie it, againſt juſt exception.

15Firſt, No warre can be lawfull without the allowance of lawfull authority, and the authority that muſt allow it, is only that, which is legiſlative, or a law-making autho­rity.

Secondly, For the cauſe of it, it muſt be juſt, and not only juſt, but it muſt be weighty too, for every juſt cauſe is not ſufficient warrant for a warre.

A third condition of lawfull warre is, a good end orime in it, it muſt not be undertaken, either for ambition or revenge, or prey or pillage, but as Chriſtians muſt pray, ſo Chriſtian Souldiers muſt fight, That they may lead accMeritò in ter­ra homini non gloria, ſed pax eſt quaerenda, pax cum Deo, pax cum proxi­mo, pax cum ſe­ipſo. Bernard. in Feſt. Omni­um Sanct. Serm. 5. cal. 297. peaceable and quiet life, in all godlineſſe and honesty, 2 Tim. 2. and v. 2.

Fourthly, As the end muſt be good, ſo muſt the means and manner of mannaging the Warre (the way to that end) be good alſo: The innocent (as much as may be) muſt be ſpared, and none muſt be made guilty, (that is not) that he may be ruined, which Iohn Baptiſt might meane, when he ſaid to the Souldiers, Accuſe no man falſe­ly; Call him not Traitor or Rebell, that you may have a pretence to ſpoyle him, when he is a true Subject to his Soveraigne, a true Patriot to his Country, and the Camp muſt be well diſciplin'd, as well in a religious, as a Milita­ry manner, leſtffNoſtris pec­catis barbars fortes ſunt, no­ſtris vitijs Ro­manus ſupera­tur exercius. Hieron. Epit. Nepot. Tom. 1. p. 27. the ſinnes of thoſe, who have the better cauſe, ſhould fight on the enemies ſide, againſt themſelves, and in the Name of the Lord of Hoſts muſt the Banner be ſet up, Pſal. 20.5. and Petitions put up for thoſe that fight by them that fight not, Exod. 17.11, 12. that the ſucceſſe of the battell may be ſwayed on the better ſide.

Fifthly, For the ſeaſon of warre, it muſt not be taken up too ſoone, nor too haſtily untill other meanes of peace and Juſtice have been tryed to prevent it, and thoſe meanes proved vaine and fruſtrate. TheggDlci vix poteſt quam multa ſunt, quae antea fieri oportet, quam ad bane extremam rati­onem devenire. Cicr. Orat. pro Qu〈◊〉30. Orato••well ſaid, There are many things to be done before matters are to be put to an undoing extremity: Wherefore is was an Act. of16 more pride then prudence, an argument rather of raſhneſſe then valour, (like that ofhhValer. Max. lib. 9. c. 3. Semiramis, who hearing that the Babylonians rebelled, while ſhe was dreſſing up her head, went preſently, partly dreſt and partly undreſt to the warres without any more preparation, either for pacifi­cation or ſuppreſſion of them) in our KingiiWalſingham Hypod. Neu­ſtriae. Richard the firſt, who being told (as he ſate at Supper) that the French King had beſieged his Towne of Vernoil in Normandy, pro­teſted that he would not turne his backe, untill he had con­fronted the French, and thereupon he cauſed the wall of his Pallace, that was before him, to be broken downe to­wards the South, and poſted to the Sea-coaſt immediately into Normandy.

Such inconſiderate quickneſſe proves (many times) as unhappy, as an over-haſty birth, the deſigne in ſuch ca­ſes doth commonly miſcarry, and (ſometimes) works as much miſery to the undertaker, as the might and malice of the enemy could doe: So did the precipitation of Cam­byſes, who for want of due providence and proviſion for his Army, within a few dayes brought a fearefull famine upon it, ſo that his Souldiers were ſoone put to it, to caſt lots,kkCum ſortiren­ter milites ejus, quis malè peri­ret, quis peius viveret. Senec. de tra lib. 3 c. 20 who ſhould die an evill death, or to avoid that doe worſe, by preying on anothers life, to preſerve his owne.

Sixthly, and laſtly, when the Warre is ended, there ſhould be an end of all warlike enmity, asllPoſt acies, odi­js idem qui ter­minus armis, Claudian. Claudian ſpea­keth in the praiſe of Theodoſius, whoſe armes and anger, he uſed to put-off at the ſame period of war.

With theſe conditions is warre not only lawfull, but ſo neceſſary, that to forbeare it is unlawfull, and ſo he that can and will not aſſiſt in it (to his power) commeth under the curſe of Meroz, Iudg. 5. Curſeye Meroz, curſe ye bitter­ly the Inhabitants thereof; becauſe they came not to help the Lord, to help the Lord againſt the mighty, v. 23. And of the Prophet17 Ieremy, ſpeaking of the deſtruction of Moab, Curſed be he that keepeth backe his Sword from bloud, Jer. 48.10. If he be a man ſit for warre, to doe execution upon the wicked; and the more wicked the enemy is, the more warrantable is the warre, the more neceſſary the reſolution to with­ſtand him.

For though warre it ſelfe be a grievous calamity, yet if the enemy be not couragiouſly reſiſted, in his owne way of violence, a worſe thing then warre will follow upon it, that is perpetuall tyranny and ſlavery upon the conſciences and perſons of the vanquiſhed, ſo that the evill of warre, both concomitant with it, and conſequent upon it, well conſidered, may ſerve as incentives of courage, to ingeni­ous and generous ſpirits, to reſiſt it, to repell it, ſince a noble death (eſpecially for him whoſe reward is in Hea­ven) is much rather to be choſen then an ignominious and miſerable life.

Applic. It is one part of the happy priviledge of the godly, and that an excellent one, that all things ſhall ſome way or other, worke for their good, Rom. 8.28. And there is nothing, no not warre, though it be as bad as hath been ſaid, but may be ſo handled, as may ſerve for their be­nefit.

That it may be ſo (in reſpect of the precedent Diſcourſe) I ſhall now endeavour to apply it ſo.

  • 1. To caſt us downe by a lowly humiliation of our ſelves.
  • 2. To raiſe up in us a juſt indignation againſt the cau­ſes of warre.
  • 3. To uphold thoſe in due reputation, who are friends to peace.
  • 4. To exhort the better ſort, to be at unity among themſelves.
  • 5. To reprove thoſe who deſert their own ſide, and18 take part with the adverſaries, both of their Religi­on and Country.

For the firſt, While we thinke of all this evill, which partly is come upon us, and the reſt and worſt may follow after, if the warre (which God forbid) ſhould proceed to the utmoſt period, how can we but lament the loſſe of our peace, and repent for our ingratitude, for ſo great a bleſſing, as (for the greateſt part of an 100. yeares) our kingdome hath both enjoyed and abuſed; and for our want of com­paſſion, to our diſtreſſed brethren abroad; the relation of whoſe miſerable condition we have read of, heard and talked of, but ſeldome taken to heart, either by a ſympa­thy of ſorrow with them, or hearty ſupplication for them.

And ſecondly, how can we but ſet our hearts againſt thoſe miſchievous make-bates, who have robbed us of ſo pretious a Jewell as Peace, and broken us in peeces, by their diſtracting devices, which have ſet us in a way of de­ſtructive Commotion againſt one another. And who be they? Beſides our ſinnes (which I ſhall have occaſion to complaine of, in the anſwer to the Queſtion) there be many, who have done very much ill ſervice in ſecret, to ſo pernicious a purpoſe; but the moſt peſtilent enemies of our publike peace, are they in whom all Malignant mo­tives are concurrent: I meane the Papiſts, for they have been of old, and ever will be the moſt bold and buſie In­cendiaries in all Proteſtant States, by them have been caſt about the Coales of contention among us, which now they have blowne up into this dangerous combuſtion.

It is the principall Maxime of thoſe (who would be greateſt in Eccleſiaſticall and Temporall preeminence all over the Chriſtian world, and the truly Catholike craft and ambition of the falſely called Catholike Religion to devide thoſe into as many fractions as they can, over19 whom they deſire to domineere by united Tyranny; and according to that rule, they have acted the parts of ſubtile Seperatiſts (in an active ſenſe) ſowing the Tares of ſtrife, betwixt ſeverall States and Kingdomes,mmThey entred the State in diſguiſe, and counterfeited letters, not on­ly in the names of particular, perſons but of whole Soci­eties, as of the Republike of Genoa, and the city of Ʋe­rona. Hiſt of the quarrels of Pope Paul the fifth with the State of Ʋe­nice. l. 2. p. 134. as the Jeſuites did to advance the Popes quarrell againſt the Venetians: and in the ſame State labouring to fill the minds of Governours with jealouſies and ſuſpitions, and to alienate their affecti­ons from each other, who ſhould be as one man, in joynt conſiderations and cares for the publike happineſſe. And for the people, they ply them with artificiall fomentations of different fancies and opinions, to raiſe an hearty diſaffe­ction betwixt them, which may put them upon a proſecu­tion of contrary deſignes, and (when opportunity ſerves) may raiſe them up in open warre againſt one a­nother.

To this purpoſe were the Inſtructions given by Cardi­nall Allen at Rhemes, anno 1579. to ſuch Popiſh Seducers as then were to be ſent from the Seminary in France into England, to with-draw the people of the Kingdome from their due obedience, and to make way for their great pro­ject of perdition in 88. by deviding them, under the titles of Proteſtant and Puritane, and provoking them (under thoſe different denominations) to reall and mutuall both hate and contempt: which I take not upon truſt from any private report, nor from that great and lying Authour. [They ſay] but upon the authority of an Arch-biſhop (in this caſe of very great moment) avowing it to the face of a Popiſh Adverſary, and divulging it to publike intelli­gence in print, in theſe words. nnArch-biſhop. Abbot his An­ſwer to Duct. Hills 3d reaſon p 103.If you chance to deale with a Puritan (ſaith that Cardinall) you muſt ſay, truely (Brother) for you there is more hope, then for thoſe that be Proteſtants; becauſe they (for feare of the Prince and the Law) are ready to ſay any thing; and therefore (me thinketh they be Atheiſts) but for you there is more hope, being either hot20 or cold; If you deale with a Proteſtant, tell him there is more hope of him, then of raſh haire-brain'd Puritanes, be­cauſe they (with Religion) have put off all humanity, and civility with all other good manners, who would not think that for ſuch miſchievous devices, this head of Allens was ſoone after thought worthy to be covered with a Car­dinals Hat? So farre the Arch-biſhop.

Here I ſhall crave leave of the more knowing and more obſerving part of this Auditory, that I may deſcend to the Information of the weaker ſort of people (for their better warning, who either have not read, or doe not remember or not conſider, or cannot apply the Plots of the Papiſts to the preſent condition of our time and State) of the crafty and cruell ſollicitations of that party, to enkindle the fire of warin Ireland, and from thence (notwithſtanding all the water betwixt us and that Kingdom) to diſperſe it abroad ver all the Counties of England, as now they have done.

And to this purpoſe they have impudently given out in Ireland; SometimesooThe Iriſh Remonſtrance. p. 5, 48, 4, 77. that His Majeſty was perſonally (though diſguiſed) preſent with the Rebells there; SometimesppIbid. p. 6. that he was dead, and that the young King went to Maſse; but moſt commonly, that which they did was by theqqIbid p. 45, 48, 56 Kings autho­rity, and that they had the Broad-Seale for it, and that it was the Kings pleaſurerrIbid p 68. that all the Engliſh ſhould be baniſhed and looſe their goods, becauſe the Queenes Prieſt was hanged be­fore her face. And that there was a Covenant (betwixt the Iriſh and the Scots upon theſe tearmes) that the Iriſh ſhould never take part with the Engliſh againſt the Scots, nor the Scots with the Engliſh againſt the Iriſh; And**Ibid. p. 38. that all the Scottiſh Nation was joyned (with them) for the extirpation of the Engliſh: So that theIbid. Scots were to leave never a drop of Engliſh blood in England, and that the Iriſh had command to leave never a drop of Engliſh blood in Ireland; and that (for that purpoſe) they had theIbid. Earle of Argiles hand, together with the21 hands of the greateſt part of the prime Nobility of Scotland.

And that many might more readily come into an Aſſo­ciation in their damnable League, and might carry it on with more courage, and higher hope of happy ſucceſſe, they coyned ſuch comfortable Lyes as theſe. That there was an Army to come to their aide from Spaine,**Ibid p. 10. another (of no fewer then 40000.) from France, another fromaaIbid Flanders, thatbbIbid p. 54. Dublin was taken, and that the diſtreſſed in Ireland might have no hope of ſuccour in England, or Scotland, they told them, that there was the likeccIbid. p. 35. ſtirres in both theſe King­doms: meaning that the Papiſts purſued, and prevailed over the Proteſtants there, as they did in Ireland: a thing then (no doubt) both in their deſire, and deſigne, and like to be alſo in their indeavour, when they might begin with hope, to goe on with ſucceſſe.

And that they might have the more colour for their bloody combination, theſe ſeditious Seedſ-men gave out, that the Puritane Parliament in England was the cauſe of all this; in that they have made anddIbid. p. 4. Act, that all Papiſts in Ire­land must goe to Church, or otherwiſe be hanged at their owne doores: and therefore they began with the Proteſtants firſt, least they ſhould begin with them, who had reſolved toeeIbid. p. 35, 45. mur­ther all the Papiſts throughout the Kingdome, and yet (like odious hypocrites as they be) they ſometimesffIbid. pretended, that if the Lord Lievtenant of Ireland (that laſt was) had not been put to death, by the Parliament, they had not made this Inſurrection: whereas (indeed,) they held and hated him, as the moſt heavy-handed Deputy, that was ſet over them, (though Proteſtants had as great cauſe to com­plaine of the weight of his hand, as Papiſts had, if not greater) and plotted this miſchiefe (as upon Confeſſion is recorded)ggIbid. p. 35. ••. ſeventeene yeares before their Rebellion brake out.

Their hatred of the beſt Proteſtants, under the name22 of Puritans is notorious throughout the three Kingdom, of England, Scotland and Ireland: but they hate them moſt, where they thinke they are moſt able to doe them hurt, that's in Parliament: and therefore they have been alway forward to falſifie their Acts and Intentions, to blaſt that venerable Aſſembly with the blackeſt calumny they can conceive, and to doe as deſperate acts againſt them as the Devill himſelfe can put into their heads.

hhKing Iames premonit p. 328.King Iames chargeth them with three Lyes together of the Act of Parliament, concerning the Oath of Alle­giance, and all the Kingdome, yea all the Chriſtian world knoweth their devilliſh malignity towards that moſt Ho­nourable Court in the Powder-plot,iiKing Iames his ſecond Speech in Par­liament. p. 501. purpoſely deviſed againſt the place of their meeting, that where the crull Lawes (as they call them) were made againſt their Religion, both place and perſons, ſhould be blowne up at once, which plot, had it taken effect, they purpoſed to have laid it on thekkSpeeds Chron. lib. 10. p. 1252. col 2. Puritans.

And what they could not then bring about, by that ſe­cret ſatanicall treachery, they have of late attempted and undertaken by open Warre, and the Warre we now ſee tranſlated out of Iriſh into Engliſh, and their hate and ſpight written (in Capitall Letters) with the blood of Engliſh Proteſtants.

I am not ſo vainly preſumptuous, as to preſent ſuch par­ticulars as theſe, to inſtruct the ſage and prudent Senators of this moſt High and Honourable Court, (who ſee, and fore-ſee, a thouſand times more, and further into the Po­piſh miſtery of Iniquity, (with all the Engins that are working under it,) then many thouſands of ſuch private perſons as my ſelfe can poſſible conceive; but (by ſuch a breviate as I have brought in) to make ſome more cau­telous reſentment of Popiſh plots in the common people and of their common perill, thereby, if there be not a ve­ry23 watchfull jealouſie in the great Counſell of the King­dome, over them, and a zealous and unanimous induſtry of all true-hearted Proteſtants, to diſappoint them; but I ſhall meete with them againe before we part.

Thirdly, The Miſeries and Miſchiefes of Warre, being ſuch as have been ſhewed, it cannot but well become every good and wiſe man to ſhew himſelfe diſaffected to it, and much troubled for it, as well as by it. So did the Prophet (when he bewailed the condition of his time by the oppreſſion and deſolation of Warre, as out of this Chapter I have told you) and to doe all good offices they can to promote peace, as the Parliament by their many humble and preſſing Petitions, and other prudent addreſ­ſes to his Majeſty, have indeavoured to doe: yet ſo (as well became their piety and prudence) as to deſire no peace but ſuch an one, as whoſoever treats of it admits of God to be of the Quorum in it, and (in ballacing the con­ditions on both ſides) will ſuffer his glory and the con­ſcionable diſcharge of their truſt (to the King and King­dome) to make downe weight in the finall determination thereof: againſt which an agreement would prove but a conſpiracie, for betraying of truſt. But for a peace upon ſuch tearmes as thoſe we now mentioned, that Engliſhman who would not like Ionah (when to appeaſe a tempeſt and ſave a Ship from ſplitting, he was content to be caſt into and ſwallowed up of the Sea, Ion. 1.12. ) willingly lay downe his life, is not worthy to live.

And the more zealous ſhould every one be of making up the breach of peace, by how much more worthy they are who are divided, and betwixt whom the neereſt Union that can be, is required, if there were but a ſingle ſeperation, of a paire of excellent Friends, we ſhould have an affectionate ſorrow in our hearts for their ſakes: as**Heu mibi qui vos ſimul iu­nire nonpoſſu••, ut inovear, ut doleo. ut Itmeo, procderem ad pe les veſtros, ſterem quantvalerem, roga­rem quaotu a amarem, nu••utrumqueveſtrâ pro ſetpſo, nunc utrumquepro al­terutro & pro alijs ac maxi are infimu qut vos tanquam in Theatro vi­tae bujus cum mago ſur peri­cuo. pectant. Auguſt. Epil. 〈◊〉Tom. 20 inter opera H­eron p 350. & 391. Augustine paſſionately expreſſed, upon the quarrels24 and invectives betwixt Hierom and Ruffinus, Woe is mee (ſaith he) that I cannot find you both together, how am I moved? how am I grieved? how doe I feare, how willing would I be to fall downe at your feete, I would weepe according to my power, and begge according to my love, now of the one for the other, and then of both for both, and for others alſo, who with great perill and ſcandall ſee you, (as in a Theater) con­teſting and contending as Enemies. Hoc magnum & triſte nara­culum eſt, ab am••••ijs tali­bus a I has mi­mt•••as per to nſſe. 〈◊〉. It is a great and a ſad Miracle, (ſaith he) from ſuch Amity as hath been to be chan­ged to ſuch emnity as is now betwixt you; And yet this Em­nity was not exerciſed, with the Pike, but with the Pen, the dropps that were ſpilt (in their Warre) were not dropps of blood, but of Inke.

How would the good man have been grieved to have ſeen ſuch an eſtrangement, betwixt ſo great and (of himſelf) ſo good a King as our dread Soveraigne, and ſo wiſe and worthy a Counſell as the High Parliament? how would his heart have melted into tender commiſeration, of ſo ma­ny ſlaine, ſo many ſpoiled, and ruined (for this world) ſo great a deſolation, as is made in many parts, of this late flouriſhing Kingdome, by a moſt unnaturall Warre, and that (under adverſe Titles) in their Names, who are or ſhould be, as neerely allied and linked together, as the in­gagements of Religion, Law, Conſcience, Prudence and Fidelity to God and man can poſſibly make them.

Ob. But what hope of Peace when both ſides have ſo farre proceeded in Warre, When a man ſeeth Armies prepared, it is a madneſſe (as thePrat a mentis, cu••acem vi­deres〈◊〉co­girare〈◊〉. O••t de Dejo taro〈◊〉6 Orator ſa••〈◊〉o expect a peace?

Anſw. IThough I ſhall ſhew a Reaſon why I am not of his mind, I confeſſe I ſhould conceive more hope of a pacifi­cation of our ſtormy diſtempers, if no Divines, but ſuch as are of S. Auguſtines ſincerity, and charity, did of­ficiate (as Chaplaines) and that while perſwaſions to peace are propoſed on the one ſide, incentives to warre were not ſounded on the other.

25Of the Parliaments propenſion to peace (by offering and accepting of ſuch conditions as may conſiſt, with the great truſt repoſed in them, (both for the reforma­tion of matters amiſſe in Church and State, and pre­ſervation of their own priviledges, and the peoples rights and Liberties.) I have intimated enough already, for this time and place, there can be no doubt for their part in this Audience, no need therefore here, either to give intelli­gence, or make apologie on their behalfe, though elſe­where there may be uſe of both.

Thirdly, For his Majeſties part (to whom humble ad­dreſſes of reconciliation have been many times preſented, and in whoſe power it was and yet is to crowne them all with a comfortable concluſion.) We have had ſo many emphaticall profeſſions not only of his peaceable mind to­wards the Parliament, but of his pittifull diſpoſition to­wards all his people, that we cannot but wonder by what impoſtures, or preſumptions in uſurping his power and abuſing his name, his ſubjects, (eſpecially thoſe who in a common calamity ſhould have been ſevered from the com­mon ſort by a marke of ſecurity, as Ezek. 9.46. ) have ſuf­fered, and yet doe ſuffer ſo wofull a change of their Peace into Warre, and of proſperity into miſery, as of late (un­der pretence of his Commands, or Commiſſions) they have done. His Majeſties expreſſes (ſuch as become a truellThe Kings of Paleſtine were commonly cal­led Abimelechs, a Name compounded of benig­nity and Authority, ſignifying a Father and a King, for Rulers (and among them Kings are〈◊〉) are Fathers to ſuch as are ſubordinate to them, as a King••.18 Iob 29.16. and under that Title they are to be honoured by the fift Com­mandement, whereby is implyed that they muſt rule with indulgence as Fathers, and their Sub­jects obey with benevolence as children. Abimilech (that is both a Father and a King, the Roy­all Sonne and Heire of him, who gloried in the Title [Rex Pacificus,] and ſaidmmKing Iames true Laws of free-Monarchy, pag. 195. of his works in Folio. a King by the Law of Nature, becomes ana­turall Father to his Lieges at his Coronation) are as followeth, thatnnSo in his Majeſties anſwer to the Parliaments Petition, and reaſons againſt his going into Ire-land. p 9. his life (when it is most26 pleaſant is nothing ſo pretious to him, as it is and ſhall be; to governe his people with honour and Iuſtice:ooIn his Ma­jeſties Anſwer to the Declara­tion of both Houſes con­cerning Hll, ſent May, 4. 1642. p. 17. that it is not in the power of any perſon, to incline him to take Armes againſt his Parliament, and miſerably to imbroyle this Kingdome in a Civill Warre, and that his Affections abhorre, and his heart bleeds at the apprehenſion of Civill Warre, and he doth in­gage himſelfe (in the word of a King)ppIn the ſecond Remonſtrance of the ſtate of the Kingdom, p. 4. That the ſecurity of all and every one of the Parliament from violence is, and ever ſhall be, as much as his care to preſerve himſelfe, and his chil­dren: andqqDeclarat: Par­liament. March 12 p 9. that he will be as carefull of their priviledges; as of his owne Prerogatives. rrIn his Speech to the Mini­ſters and Free­holders aſſem­bled at He­worth Heath in Yorkeſhiere. Iune 3. 1642.That in all his time (before the Parliament) having never cauſed the effuſion of one drop of blood, in his riper judgement in government, he will never open ſuch iſſues of blood, as might drowne himſelfe and his po­ſterity in them**His Maje­ſties Anſwer to the de­ſires and Pro­poſitions of both Houſes, Feb: 3. 1642. p 10., that he hath given up all the faculties of his ſoul to an earneſt deſire of Peace and reconciliation with his people. And we had experience of truth, as well as of power, in the word of a King, Eccleſ. 8.4. in his Majeſties accom­modation of Accord with his Subjects of Scotland, which he profeſſed when he ſhewed himſelfe moſt diſpleaſed with them, in theſe words,ſſHis Majeſties large Declara­tion upon the tumults of Scotland, p 5. if ſome of their bad blood were ſhed, he ſhould make accompt that the blood was let out of his owne veines, nor ſhall we (ſaith he) draw one drop of it, in any other caſe, then a faithfull Phyſitian will, and muſt doe, for the preſervation of the whole body. And after a great deale of ſharpe expoſtulation with them, in a Booke con­ſiſting of 430. pages in Folio, he thus concludeth. ttIbid p. 430As we have found the aide and aſsiſtance of our loving Subjects to­wards this Iourney, ſo we heartily deſire their prayers, all the time of our abſence, for a good ſucceſſe unto it, and that (if it be poſsible) we may returne with peace, and without the effu­ſion of any drop of our Subjects blood.

Beſides theſe gratious words he gave reall proofe of his Royall and Chriſtian compaſſion, in committing the27 Treaty of Pacification, unto ſuch pious and Honourable Lords, as whoſe conſciences liked no compliance with the Popiſh Religion, whoſe innocence was not affraid of peaceable Juſtice, whoſe wiſedome fore-ſaw the deſtru­ction of two Kingdomes if they ſhould aſſault one another with Armed furie, which their goodneſſe abhorred as his Majeſty did.

And as David (when he was diverted by Abigail, from his deſigne of deſtruction of Nabal, and his family for his churliſh ingratitude towards him:) bleſſed God, and her, and her advice, for keeping him from comming to ſhed blood, 1 Sam. 24.32, 33. ſo his Majeſtie (though neither ſo rough or raſh in a reſolution of revenge, as David was at that time)uuIn his Ma­jeſties Speech in Parliament, Novemb: 5. 1640. gave thanks to thoſe Lords for their paines, and industry before they had brought their Mediation to an happy period: which I doubt not but he did more fully, when afterward it ſpeeded to a perfect accompliſhment.

And though, (as Solomon ſaith) the heart of a King is un­ſearchable, Prov. 25.2. Unſearchable by any, except by the King of Kings, we may probably conceive, upon the conſideration of and in conformitie to ſuch premiſes, that when both the Engliſh and Scottiſh Armies were in Array (for a poſture of encounter) his Majeſty might have ſuch meditations as theſe.

Theſe Souldiers on both ſides, now ready to ruſh up­on mutuall miſchiefe, are my naturall Subjects, my Subjects are the ſtrength and honour of my State, if I give the ſignall of aſſault, and ſet one Armie againſt an­other, it is like to be a bloody day, and the iſſue of blood (being opened in a warlike way,) will not eaſily be ſtop­ped.

If it ſhould thus begin between two neighbouring Kingdomes, by their Vicinity, they may ever find occa­ſions to continue quarrells, and to ſeeke revenge with cru­ell28 rage and ruine one of another; and who ſhall ſuſtaine the greateſt loſſe at the laſt by ſuch reciprocall ſlaugh­ters but my ſelfe who am King of both Kingdomes? If my Subjects kill up one another, my power will be much impaired, my dignity diminiſhed, for in the multitude of people is the Kings honour, Prov. 14.28. and their diminu­tion mydiſgrace, for what is a King without his people?

And if King Edward the Confeſſor, when his Cap­taines promiſed, for his ſake, they would not leave one Dane alive,wwCambdent Rem: p 214. thought it better, to leade a private and unbloo­dy life, then to be a King by ſuch bloody butcheries. It cannot but be much better for me, to preſerve two Kingdomes in peace and concord, and to continue a King (over two numerous Nations) without blood-guiltineſſe, then to commit them to a hoſtile conflict, with hazard of great ſlaughter on both fides, and of mine owne comfortable enjoyment of both Kingdomes. And though they have given me occaſion of a ſevere conteſtation with them, yet ifxxIbid. p. 242. we Princes (as one of my renowned Predeceſſors wiſely ſaid (it was K. Henry the ſeventh) ſhould take every occaſion that is offered, the world ſhould never be quiet, but wearied with continuall Warres.

And for the cauſe of this quarrell, of my Scottiſh Sub­jects, it is a queſtion of Rights and Priviledges and lawfull li­berties of their conſciences, perſons and eſtates, fitter to be decided by the prudence of Parliamentary Commiſ­ſioners, then by the violence of Military executioners, whoſe Sword hath not an eye, to ſee any difference, be­tween right and wrong, nor can ſhew in the laſt reſolu­tion it makes, which ſide had the better cauſe, or better mind,either in an open Warre, or in a private Duell, oryyBiſhop Hall, Decad. 4. Ep. 2. pag. 338. ſingle Combat: though in times and places, (where Po­pery hath prevailed, it hath oftentimes, been taken up for a tryall of truth and right. Once indeed did that Prince of29 moſt admired prudence Solomon call for a Sword to decide a controverſie betwixt two mothers, pleading about their right to a living and a dead child, 1 King. 3.24. but he did not uſe it as a Sword, nor did he meane it, but onely (by pretending perill to the living child) to diſcover the true mother, both of the living and the dead, by the evidence of her compaſſion who would rather have none of it at all, then not all of it alive.

And if one child were ſo tenderly beloved by a true mo­ther, I that am a true Father (not a tyrannicall Uſurper) of my people, cannot but be more chary of many thou­ſands of them, then to put them into a bloudy combuſtion among themſelves. And my royall Father, who (for his wiſdome) hath been magnified as a ſecond Solomon is highlyzzSir W. Raw­leigh Hiſt. world. l. 5 c. 3. § 17. commended, For having done a moſt Kingly and Chri­ſtian-like deed in Scotland, which the most renowned of all his Predeceſsours could never doe, in beating downe and extinguiſh­ing that hereditary proſecution of malice (called the deadly feud) A conqueſt which ſhall give him the honour and power of kingly prudence for evermore.

And that done, and both Scotland and England united in his Royall Right,aaK Iames his Speech in Par­liament, anno 1603. p. 488, 489. and in his third Speech in White-ball, p. 511. he propoſed and zealouſly purſued their union under the generall title of great Brittaine. And I will not ſo degenerate from his gracious diſpoſition, as to ſet them at emnitie, whom he ſo deſired to ſettle in u­nitie.

And though the Souldiers be ready and forward to fight, better it were that the moſt valiant Captains ſhould yeeld to the perſwaſions of a weake woman, asbbPlut. in the life of Coriola­nus, p. 239. Coriola­nus to his Mother Volumnia, or that two compleat Armies (readie to daſh one with another,) ſhould ſuffer their man­hood to be overcome by female mediation; (as did the Ar­mies of KingccServce French inventor, p. 193. Edward the third, and King Philip of France,) then that they ſhould make ſuch a confuſion and daſhing30together, as might be like to breake both in peeces, and to bring them to a feebleneſſe which might make them, and perhaps my ſelfe and my poſterity with them, a prey to that party whoſe ambition and bloodineſſe have no bounds, but ſuch as an over-prevalent power doth force upon them.

Such was His Majeſties good meaning to his Subjects of Scotland (publiſhed in print, not much above**Auno 1639. two yeares ago) which may be a juſt ground of all, that hath bin hitherto ſaid in his Name, and we have no cauſe to con­ceive that his goodneſſe and kindneſſe ſhould be leſſe to his people of England, then to them: ſince though his Maje­ſty was not borne among us, he is pleaſed to make his choyce to live among us, as accounting this Kingdome, for the chiefe part of his Royall birth-right, and therefore fixing his abode here.

And I doubt not but the lives of his true Chriſtian Sub­jects in common (both as Chriſtians, according to the pious compaſſion of Charles the Emperour,Bu•••lz. Jud. chronolog ad••. 1541. p. ••. Who had rather ſave one Christian, then kill a thouſand Moores or Turks or other perfidious enemies) and as Subjects to whom he hath the relation of a father (as hath been ſhewed) may be ſtill pretious in his ſight (his owne ſight I meane, not in others who looke upon a Proteſtant Parliament, and people with blood-ſhotten-eyes) whereby he may more comfortably remember, that**Mavult com­memor are ſe (cum poſſer per­dere) pper••ſſe, quam cum par­cere potuerit, perardiſſe, C­cer Orat pro Quint. . 3. p. 2. He hath ſpared their blood, when he might have ſpilled it, then contrariwiſe that he hath killed, where he might have ſaved alive.

4. Preparations to warre are many times (and alwayes ſhould be) made with purpoſes of peace (as we have ob­ſerved before) which each party is ſo much the more en­gaged to accept of (upon ſo honorable tearms) as they make more profeſſion of Juſtice and Religion.

5. If we ſaw no hope of peace by any mediation of man31 or woman, we may yet deſire it, pray for it, and hope to ſpeed in our prayers, by the favour of God to his people, and his power over ſuch as are moſt powerfull by the Sword: for he hath over-ruled, not only the hands, but the minds of ſuch, as have been moſt forward for warre, as in the difference betwixt Frederick the Prince Elector of Saxonie, and another Germane Prince; when Frederick prepared warre againſt him, and he (without any prepara­tions to that purpoſe) had reſolved to commit his cauſe wholly to God;Bucholz Iud. chron. ad An. 2450. p. 420. Let another man (ſaid he) be ſo mad (but I will not) as to make warre with him who committeth his cauſe unto God.

Now if our deſires, endeavours and hopes of peace (which we ſhould keepe, if it were poſſible with all the world, Rom. 12.18. ) ſhould all prove fruſtrate, we muſt by our Chriſtian Prudence doe our beſt to make a vertue of neceſſity, and as cunning Phyſitians doe our endeavour to turne a poyſon into a Medicine, then

For a fourth Application of the Point (the ſharpe point of the Sword of warre) let it be our warning againſt diviſi­on among all thoſe, whom the adverſe power would unite in a ſociety of ſufferings, if they ſhould ſucceſſefully pro­ceed; and how many are they?

All true Proteſtants muſt looke for nothing leſſe from Papiſts, if (they get the better) then the loſſe of their liber­ty of conſcience, and of their perſons, their lively-hoods and lives; the regular and conſcionable Chriſtian muſt expect ſcornes and contumelies of all kinds, and he is like alſo to have his eares, and heart ſmitten with execrable oathes and blaſphemies of impious Atheiſts; the civill, ſo­ber and temperate man, ſhall be urged, and it may be for­ced to ſwallow downe needleſſe draughts (as an Horſe doth a drench) by domineering drunkards; the rich man ſhall be ſure to be made a prey to the needy, or greedy32 Souldiers, whoſe luxury will laviſh out in a day or night, what a provident worldling is laying up all a whole years together: And if he have a wife or daughter, whom their carnall appetite will not refuſe for a familiar companion, he may ſuffer in the ſenſuall and ſhamefull abuſe of their per­ſons; and he that hath but his perſonall liberty to looſe, ſhall if warre conquer him be made a ſlave to the conque­rour.

If therefore men have any private emulation or excepti­on againſt each other, they muſt now ſet them aſide, as the creatures (in the Arke) laid by their Antipathies within, becauſe of the common danger of an inundation without; our danger is much more then theirs, of drowning in the water: For ours is a drowning in blood, and our reaſon and Religion both, oblige and enable us to be more chary of our mutuall concord, and more ready to cement up e­very little chinke in the Fabrick of our State: we ſhould now (above all times) unite our hearts in affectionate well wiſhings to the common welfare, our heads in a commu­nion of counſels and cares to recover it, and our hands for ſupport of our ſelves, and ſuppreſſion of thoſe, who (if they had us in their power) would fall upon us more fierce­ly then the evening Wolves, (Hab. 1.8. ) upon aprey of fat­ted lambes.

And is this a time for the Proteſtants of England to fall to variance among themſelves? to breake in peeces, and as it were to crumble away into petty breaches of particular Societies, into new Sects and Factions? Is it a time for a­ny of them to deſert the common cauſe of their Brethren, by Nation and Religion, and againſt them both to par­take with Papiſts, and to put to their helping hand on their ſide, not conſidering or not caring (what ſhallow heads or hollow hearts have they the whiles) what intent firſt ſet their wheeles in motion, or what event is hoped33 for and purſued by the furious driver of that Hell-fiery Chariot of Popery, which is no leſſe nor better, then to wrap up their native Country in moſt lamentable ruine, and to bring downe the ſtraight and golden Scepter of Je­ſus Chriſt (by which he governeth his Church) under the ſway of the crooked and wooden Croſier of Anti­chriſt, who pretends title to the chiefe office of a Paſtor of Chriſts flock, but acts the part of a wolfe toward the Sheep of his fold.

They could not ſurely be ſo wanting, much leſſe ſo ad­verſe to ſo weighty a cauſe in ſo cleare a caſe, ſo neceſſarily requiring a moſt cordiall union of us all, if they conſide­red how our adverſaries, though of**It is ordered and eſt abliſhed, and that (upon pain of the high, eſt puniſhment to be inflicted by authority of this Aſſembly) that every Roman Catholick, En­gliſh, Welch & Scottiſh (who was of that pro­feſſion before the troubles) who will joyne in the preſent union, ſhall be preſer­ved and cheri­ſhed in his life, goods & eſtate, as fully & free­ly as any native. So in the orders made at the Po­piſh generall Aſſembly at Kilkenny, Octo. 24. 1642 Ord. 14. & Order 33 ſeverall Counties and Countries, are aſſociated in an unreconcileable quarrell a­gainſt us, and all our fellow Profeſſours of the ſame faith, And what they have determined for the deſtruction of us all. It is worthy the notice of thoſe that have not read it in the Iriſh Remonstrance, and of their remembrance that have read it, what order they have agreed upon for our confuſion, which is this.

Firſt, They have reſolved to extirpate all the Engliſh out of Ireland, as hath been ſhewed,Iriſh Remon­ſtrance, p. 31. That Kingdome ſetled and peopled only with ſound Catholikes (it is their title not mine; for in very truth they are neither ſound nor Catho­like) Thirty thouſand men muſt be ſent into England to joyne with the French and Spaniſh forces, and the ſervice (they ſhould ſay the Sacrifice, for they meane a ſlaughter of the Engliſh) in England performed, then they will joyntly fall upon Scotland, for the reducing of that Kingdome to the obedience of the Pope; which being finiſhed, they have en­gaged themſelves to the King of Spaine for aſſiſting him a­gainſt the Hollanders, that was their plot, diſcovered by ex­amination taken upon Oath.

There is then more cauſe, that England, Scotland and the34 Netherlands ſhould be united in a league of mutuall de­fence, then that we of this Kingdome ſhould firſt breake aſunder by diviſion, and then breake in upon each other with enraged violence; For if all the crafty Counſels of Spaine, of the Conclave of the Pope and Cardinals, of the Con­gregations of Ieſuites and other Aſſemblies of peſtilent Polititi­ans (our ſworne Enemies) ſhould lay their heads together, for an undoing device againſt us, they could not imagne any one more dangerous and deſperate, then that which we are now act­ing upon our ſelves; The Lord open the eyes and turne the hearts of thoſe in whoſe power it is, to found a Retreat to this Martiall fury: That Engliſh valour may be diverted from the ruine of England to the recovery of Ireland, or if the Sword of warre muſt be the Sword of divine Juſtice, to avenge the quarrell of thy Covenant againſt a rebellious people, Let it, O Lord, (we beſeech thee) doe moſt ex­ecution upon thine obdurate enemies, and ſway thou the victory upon their ſide, whoſe cauſe and perſons have bet­ter title to thine Almighty protection.

Thus farre of the Queſtion, How long ſhall I ſee, &c. as importing the Prophets ſtrong apprehenſion of, and vehe­ment averſion from the evill of warre.

Now of the Anſwer, For my people is fooliſh, they have not knowne me, they are ſottiſh children, they have none under­ſtanding, they are wiſe to doe evill, but to doe good, they have no knowledge.

They neither know God nor acknowledge or glorifie him as God, but ſet their wits on worke for wickedneſſe, therin having a kind of cunning, (which the unwiſe world calleth wiſdome) while they remaine ignorant, inconſiderate, dull and ſtupid towards the doing of good.

The words are conſiderable
  • 1. In generall.
  • 2. In particular.
In generall they containe two parts.
  • 1. An Accuſation, My people are, &c.
  • 2. An Exception, They are wiſe to do evill.

Under the accuſation are comprehended two points of Importance. The one expreſſed; The other implied; that which is expreſſed is the cauſe of the calamities fore-men­tioned, For my people, or becauſe my people is fooliſh, &c. And that will direct us to a two-fold Obſerva­tion.

Firſt, The one of the Malignant operations of ſin, in pro­curing heavy puniſhments upon a people.

2. The other the diſgracefull denomination of ſinners, or the contemptible titles given unto them, as fooliſh, ſottiſh, without knowledge or understanding.

The particular implied is the continuance of ſin, for the Queſtion being expreſſely made of the continuance, How long? and implicitely of the cauſe; the anſwer is ſa­tisfactory to both, ſhewing not only, why the people are plagued, but that ſo long they ſhall be plagued, untill they be reformed: untill the cauſe of their ſinfull folly be remo­ved, they ſhall not, or not in mercy be eaſed of their miſe­ry; as long as they be ſo bad in their diſpoſition towards God, they muſt looke for no better a condition from God.

Firſt, For the cauſe in the 18. verſe, the Indictment a­gainſt them is framed under other titles, Thy way and thy doings have procured theſe things unto thee, this thy wic­kedneſſe, becauſe it is bitter, becauſe it reacheth unto thine heart. So likewiſe in the Lamentation of Ieremy. Ieruſalem (ſaith the Prophet) hath grievouſly ſinned, therefore ſhee is removed. Chap. 1. ver. 8. And that it is not the peculiar caſe of Ieruſalem, he ſheweth in more generall tearmes: Wherefore doth living man complaine, and man for the puniſh­ment36 of his ſinnes? Lam. 3.39. or (as the Geneva hath it) Wherefore is the living man ſorrowfull? He ſuffereth for his ſinnes. And Ieruſalem her ſelfe, as if ſhe made anſwer to ſome ſuch Queſtion as this, pleadeth not any excuſe of her ignorance, but cleareth Gods Juſtice, and freely and fully taketh the Accuſation of her ſinnes upon her ſelfe. The Lord is righteous, for I have rebelled againſt his Com­mandements, Chapt. 1. ver. 18. We have tranſgreſſed and thou hast not pardoned, Chap. 3.42. Which is not to be underſtood of the people only, but (with them) of the Pro­phets and the Prieſts, for the ſins of her Prophets, and the iniquity of her Prieſts, did Jeruſalems miſery come upon her, Chap. 4.12. for the Prophets prophecied falſly, and the Prieſts bare rule by their meanes, Jer. 5.31. And they ru­led with bloudy and unrighteous rigour, For they ſhed the blood of the Iuſt, in the midſt of Jeruſalem, Chapt. 4. ver. 13. And in the 30. Chapter, God emphatically avow­eth his owne Juſtice againſt their wickedneſſe, in theſe words, I have wounded thee with the wound of an enemy, with the chaſtiſement of a cruell one, for the multitude of thine iniquity, becauſe thy ſinnes were increaſed. Why crieſt thou for thine afflictions? Thy ſorrow is incurable, for the multitude of thine iniquity: becauſe thy ſins were inereaſed, I have done theſe things unto thee, ver. 14, 15.

So that we muſt not take this Text, though it impute ignorance unto theſe Jewes, to import any extenuation of their tranſgreſſions which may ſerve to excuſe them, either a toto, or a tanto, as ſometimes ignorance is pleaded, by way of argument, or inducement to compaſſion, and par­don, as it is by God himſelfe, in the Prophecie of Ionah, Should I not ſpare Nineveh, that great City, wherein are more then ſixſcore thouſand perſons, that cannot diſcerne betweene their right and their left hand, and alſo much Cattell? and by our Saviour, Father, forgive them, they know not what they doe,37 Luk. 23.34. and as S. Paul giveth inſtance in his own caſe, I was before a blaſphemer, and a perſecutour, and injurious: but I obtained mercy, becauſe I did it ignorantly in unbeleefe, 1 Tim. 1.13. for ſuch ignorance was partly inevitable, part­ly involuntary, but this was neither, and therefore it is ur­ged rather by way of aggravation, to augment their guilt: as in the firſt of Eſay, Heare O ye Heavens, and give eare O earth, for the Lord hath ſpoken, I have nouriſhed and brought up children, but they have rebelled againſt me; the Oxe knoweth his owner, and the Aſſe his Maſters cribb, but Iſrael doth not know, my people doth not conſider; ah ſinnefull Nation, a people laden with iniquity, &c. chap. 1. ver. 2, 3, 4.

Now ſince the Prophet, the people, and God himſelfe, ſo expreſly put together the cauſe and the effect, (ſinne and puniſhment) and that the puniſhment expreſſed in the que­ſtion, ſinne is implied in the Anſwer, for not to know and acknowledge God, (as God) is a ſinne as ſure as well as a folly, we muſt firſt obſerve, the Malignant operation of ſinne in procuring puniſhment upon a people, and it is doctrinely or hiſtorically ſo univerſally diffuſed throughout the whole Bible, from Gen. 2.17. to Revelations 22.19. that (beſides the teſtimonies alleadged) there will be no need of farther proofe, (from divine Authority) to confirme it, though ſome parts of it, doe more fully cleare and preſſe this point, then others doe; as the 26. of Levit. the 28. of Deut. the Lament. of Ieremy.

And for them who never read a leafe of theſe divine Dictates, as they have by the light of nature diſcerned a great difference betwixt Vertue and Vice, (as their Bookes of Ethicks, or morall Philoſophy ſufficiently ſhew) ſo have their conſciences cheared them up in well doing, and check­ed them for evill, Rom. 2.15. and by the ſame light they have apprehendedAmmian Marcelli (an Heathen Soul­dier) obſerveth the juſt judge­ment of the Almighty-powers in pu­niſhing Max­iminus and o­ther bloody butchers. Mar­cel. hiſt. l. 25. c. 5. See alſo the diſcourſe in Plutarchs Mo­ralls, de Sera numinis vin­dicta. a divine Judge or Juſticiarie, obſer­ving the minds, and wayes of wicked men, and imprinting38 his diſpleaſure upon them, in outward plagues: and have thence inferred their duty, to addreſſe themſelves unto him in ſupplications, and other meanes of pacification of his anger: as the Mariners (in whoſe Ship Ionah would have ſayled to Tharſhiſh,) ſhewed, by their inquiry by Lotts for the guilty perſon who was the cauſe of the Tempeſt, Ionah cap. 1. ver. 5, 7. and by the continuall practice of the Hea­thens in ſacrifices to the gods they ſerved, (acknowledging ſinne to be the cauſe of their common calamities,) and offe­ring them up for pacification of an offended Deity.

I need not then ſpend time, either in clearing of this ob­ſervation by examples, or aſſuring it by Authorities and reaſons: nor will it be neceſſary, to bring downe the ge­nerall guilt, and hurt of ſinne, by ſhewing how troubleſome a thing it is in breaking peace betwixt God and man, La­ment. 2. ver. 4, 5, 6, 7, 8. and 17.21. chap. 3. ver. 3, 5. and 15. chap. 4.11. Eſay. 57.20. a man and his owne conſcience, and betwixt Man and Man in Forraine and Civill Warre, Hab. 1.8. Eſa. 19.2. this (I doubt not) is done to mine hand already, neither is there cauſe I ſhould be copious in appli­cation of it to your conſciences, ſince ſome of my reverend Bretheren (I conceive) who have had precedence before me in this place) have anticipated the delivery of this do­ctrine, and driven it home to your hearts.

All I conceive requiſite for this point at this time will be, to make a briefe Application of it, to our preſent ſtate, and ſo to proceed to the other point, of the folly of ſinne and ſinners, which I ſuppoſe hath been leſſe inſiſted on by any, (though it be not leſſe worthy of proſecution at large, nor will be leſſe profitable to thoſe that give due attendance unto it.)

Firſt then for the preſent point, the guilt of ſinne being expreſſely ſhewed by this anſwer of God, to be the cauſe of all the evill (which was ſo grievous to the Prophet.) It39 is our parts what tribulation ſoever light upon us, to give God the glory of his Juſtice, without murmuring at any thing he doth, or we ſuffer under his correcting hand: and to make a free confeſſion of our ſinnes, (without mincing) as Dan. 9. the holy Prophet having a joint apprehenſion of the peoples provocation of God by their ſinnes, and of Gods indignation againſt them, expreſſed in his puniſh­ment of them, for that cauſe, maketh his confeſſion to God in this manner, We have ſinned and have committed iniquity, and have done wickedly, and have rebelled: the abundant ha­tred of ſinne, in his heart, made him ſo full in the mouth, with multiplication of words, of the ſame ſence, for the ag­gravation and deteſtation of ſinne: yet he goeth on, we have rebelled, even by departing from thy precepts, and from thy judge­ments, ver. 5. and then he cometh to the cauſe, whereby they came to ſuch a guilt of ſinne, it was from their refuſall of their guidance, whom God had ſent to leade them in the right way, (and how could they but wander when they forſooke the light) neither have we harkened (ſaith he) unto thy ſervants the prophets, which ſpake in thy Name, to our Kings, our Princes and our Fathers, and to all the people of the land, ver. 6. he ſpareth no perſon, great or meane, paſt or preſent, ver. 6. Becauſe of all this, hee taketh both the ſinne and the ſhame upon himſelfe and his Countrey­men, and giveth God the due glory of his owne Juſtice in their puniſhment. O Lord Righteouſneſſe belongeth unto thee, but unto us ſhame and confuſion of face as at this day, be­cauſe of their treſpaſſe that they have treſpaſſed againſt thee, ver. 7.

And from this generality of ſinners and ſinnes to deſ­cend to a ſearch of particulars in both, both for every man that ſinneth, and every ſinne that he committeth: and then if we looke back upon our precedent carriage towards God, and his preſent dealing towards us, we may have40 cauſe to conceive, not only that the burden of our ſinnes (in common) have preſſed him even as a Cart is preſſed with Sheaves, Amos 2. ver. 13. and that he hath great cauſe in the generall, to eaſe himſelfe by diſeaſing them, who over­loaded him with ſuch a wicked weight, as he ſaith he will doe, Ah I will eaſe me of mine adverſaries, and avenge me of mine enemies, Eſa. 1.24. But withall that there be ſome ſins in particular more provocative then others, which ſpurre on vengeance to a ſwifter pace; and thoſe were come to ſome height, in our State, before theſe calamities, (which many have felt, and all have feared) came downe upon us, and chiefely theſe three. Firſt, Idolatry. Secondly, Pro­phanation of the Sabboth. Thirdly, Contempt of Gods moſt faithfull ſervants; and then wee ſhall proceed to a con­futation of the miſconceits of the wicked touching the cauſe of calamity, and ſo conclude with an apology for the godly.

Firſt, For Idolatry, I will not tell you (of my ſelfe) how much it hath increaſed in a few years before the ſummons of the Honourable Senate now aſſembled, you may receive information for that,See Ord p. 143, 144. by better warrant, then any private or particular intelligencer can give, in the**Firſt Remon­ſtrance, p 18, 19. firſt Remonſtrance of the Parliament, in theſe words;

The Popiſh party enjoyed ſuch exemptions from the Penall Laws, as amounted to a Toleration, beſides many other encourage­ments, and Court Favours: They had a Secretary of State, Sir Francis Windebank, a powerfull Agent for the ſpeeding of all their deſires, a Popes Nuntio reſiding here to act and governe them according to ſuch influences as he received from Rome, and to intercede for them with the most powerfull concurrence of the Forraigne Princes of that Religion: By his autherity the Papiſts of all ſorts, Nobility, Gentry, and Clergy were convoca­ted, after the manner of a Parliament; New Iuriſdictions were erected of Romiſh Arch-biſhops, Taxes levyed, another State41 moulded within this State independant in Government, con­tyary in intereſt and affection, ſecretly corrupting the ignorant, or negligent profeſſours of our Religion, and cloſely uniting and combining themſelves againſt ſuch as were ſound, in this poſture waiting for an opportunity by force to deſtroy thoſe whom they could not hope to ſeduce.

If compliance with Popery, ſhould advance ſo many de­grees, in every 12. or 13. yeares ſpace, as it hath done ſince the yeare 1628. they that have been ſolicited (for above threeſcore yeares) in vaine, to abate ſome (at the beſt indif­ferent) Ceremonies, for more conformity with the refor­med Proteſtant Churches, might within a Jubile (of theA Iubile of 25. yeares, ſhortened from 50. by Sixt: 4. Anno 1475. Bucholz p. 425. ſhorteſt ſize) become as compleate Papiſts as any reſide at Rome or Rhemes.

And what an incentive of wrath Idolatry is, we may conjecture, by the neere relation betwixt God and his peo­ple, as by the conjunction of Wedlock, Hoſe. 2. ver. 16, 19. whence Idolatry is accompted by God ſpirituall whore­dome; Ezek. 16. ver. 22, 26, 28, 32, 35, 38. Hoſe. 2.1, 2. which enkindleth the rage of jealouſie againſt the diſloyall party, for jealouſie, ſaith Solomon, is the rage of a man, therefore he will not ſpare in the day of vengeance, he will not regard any ran­ſome, neither will he reſt content, though thou giveſt many guifts, Prov. 6. ver. 34, 35.

And that the wrath of a jealous God, is not more re­miſſe in ſuch a caſe then that of a jealous man, we may be ſure of, by the patheticall expreſſion of the Prophet Na­hum, God is jealous, and the Lord avengeth, the Lord avengeth, and is furious, the Lord will take vengeance of his adverſaries, and he reſerveth wrath for his enemies, Nah. 1.2. and he counteth thoſe rather his adverſaries and enemies, who breake covenant with him, (as the Iewes did in their Idola­trous deſertions of him) then the moſt notorious tranſ­greſſours that never entred covenant with him, as the Sodo­mites,42 and therefore doth Ieruſalem, or the Prophet (in her Name complaine,) the puniſhment of the iniquity of my people, is greater then the puniſhment of the ſinne of Sodome, Lament. 4. ver. 6. and ſo indeed it was, if we limit our conſideration of it to a temporall calamity: for that of Sodome (in that re­ſpect) was but of one ſort, and it was ſodaine, quickly at an end, whereas the Jewes, (by warres, famine and captivity)