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THE Oppreſſed Mans Oppreſsions declared: OR An Epiſtle written by Lieut. Col. IOHN LILBURNE, Preroga­tive-priſoner (by the illegall and arbitrary Authority of the Houſe of Lords) in the Tower of London, to Col. Francis Weſt, Lieutenant thereof: In which the oppreſſing cruelty of all the Gaolers of England is declared, and particularly the Lieutenants of the Tower. As alſo, there is thrown unto Tho. Edwards, the Author of the 3d. Vlcerous Gangraena, a bone or two to pick: In which alſo, divers things are handled, of ſpeciall concernment to the preſent times.

Prov. 21.7.

The robbery of the wicked ſhall deſtroy them; becauſe they refuſe to doe judgement.

Prov. 21.15.

It is joy to the juſt to doe judgement, and

chap. 29 10.

The blood-thirſty hate the upright, but the juſt ſeek his ſoule.

SIR,

IT is the ſaying of the Spirit of God, in the 12. Prov. 10. That a righteous man regardeth the life of his beaſt, but the tender mercies of the wicked are cruell. How far your actions, and carriages with me, that am more then a Beaſt, have been point-blanke contrary to the firſt part of that divine Sentence, but, conſonant to the concluſion of it; is very eaſie to demonſtrate with pen and〈…〉view of the World; and as facill to your face, before any competent Iudges to juſti­ce and prove: And this is the Theme I have choſen a little to inſiſt upon at this preſent time: but being reſolved, to be as conciſe as I can, I ſhall not now make any ample repetition of your harſh dealing with me at the firſt; in divourcing me by the law of our own Will from my Wife, and getting the Lords to make an order to bear you out in it after you had done it; and that I ſhould ſpeak with none of my friends, but in the preſence and hearing of my Keeper, &c. Which cruell Order, meerly obtai­ned and got by your ſolicitation, the Reader may read in the〈◊〉. p. of Vox Plebis. Therefore, in regard that the Author of that Book hath pretty well diſcovered your cruell and illegall dealing with mee, at my firſt comming to the Tower, eſpecially in2 the 45, 46, 47, 48, 49. pages thereof: And the Author of a late booke called Re­gal tyrannie diſcovered, in the 48, 49. pages, And my ſelfe hath pretty well laid it o­pen in the 16, 17, 18, 20. pages of my printed Relation before the Committee of the honourable houſe of Commons Novemb. 6. 1646. called An Anotomy of the Lords tyrannie, to which I refer the Reader, and in regard you are not aſhamed of your cruel and illegall carriages towards me, but perſevere in them (as though you would juſtifie one tyrannie, with backing it with continuall acts of tyrannie) I ſhall there­fore goe on as effectuall and punctuall as I can, more fully to anotamiſe you, and your unjuſt, illegall, cruell, and unrighteous dealing with me, and for matter of fact, ſhall lay nothing to your charge, but what I will juſtifie before any legall Au­thority in England.

But in the firſt place, I deſire to let you underſtand, that I am a free-born Engliſh­man, and have lived a legall man thereof all my dayes, being never yet convicted of any attempt or deſign undertaken, or countenanced by me, that did tend to the ſubverſion of the Fundamentall Lawes and conſtitution thereof; but have alwayes ſided with the Parliament it ſelfe, who hath pretended nothing ſo much, as the preſervation of the lawes liberties, and Fundamentall Freedomes of England, and the peace and tranquility of the people; as you may read in their owne Declarations, 1 part col. Dec. pag. 172. 195. 214. 281. 342. 464. 498. 663. 666. 673. 750. for the preſervation of which, I have conſtantly, couragiouſly, and as freely adventured my life, as any of them­ſelves, what ever he be: And therefore in every particular, have juſt and grounded cauſe to expect the utmoſt priviledge and benefit that the Law of England will afford any man whatever, that is under the obedience and ſubjection thereof: Nay more over, having to doe with thoſe men as my Iudges, that made all or the moſt of theſe Declarations, and who have alſo declared, it lyes not in their power to inſlave or invaſalize, the people, being truſted for their good, not for their miſchiefe, to provide for their weal, but not for their woe, 1 part Col. dec pag. 150. 214, 266. 267. 494. 497. 636. 659. 660. 694. 696. and who in theſe and other of their own De­clarations, imprecate and pray that the wrath and vengeance of Heaven and Earth may fall upon them, and theirs, when they ceaſe actually to performe what verbally they there declare, unto whtch I ſay AMEN: And there they proteſt, vow, and ſweare, they will maintain the fundamentall Lawes, and Liberties of the people, and therefore in that reſpect, you cannot groundedly, in the leaſt, thinke, that I ſhould Iſſacar-like ſtoop willingly unto any other buthens, impoſitions, or commands layd upon mee by you, or any other whatſoever, that are not warrantable and juſtifiable by the fun­damentall Lawes of the Land, and whether your practiſes have been ſo with me, I-will compare them to the Law, and leave every rationall man to judge.

Firſt, I doe not find any Law that makes priſons, places of executions, puniſhment, or torment, but only places of ſafe cuſtody, for the Law of England (as Sir Edward Cooke in the ſecond part of his inſtitutes fol. 28. excellently declares) is a Law of mercy, (yet as he then ſaid, ſo I much more ſay now) it is now turned into a meere ſhaddow, which is the moſt we now enjoy of it) and therefore as the Author of the late booke, called Liberty vindicated againſt Slavery, very well ſaith, p. 7. from Sir Edward Cooke in the 1. part of his inſtit. f. 260. that by the Law, priſons are ordained not for diſtruction, but for ſecuring of mens perſons, untill they be brought forth unto due and3 ſpeedy tryall (for being in priſon, they are under the moſt eſpeciall protection of the Law, and the moſt tender care thereof) and are therefore to be humanly, courteouſly, and in all Civillity, ordered and uſed; otherwiſe Goalers are not keepers, but tormentors and executioners of men untryed, and uncondemned, but this were not (ſalvo cuſto­dia) to keep men in ſafety, which the Law implyes (and is all it requires) but (diſeruere) to diſtroy before the time, which the Law abhors and deteſts, yea and that priſoners (though never ſo notorious in their crimes) may be the more honeſtly and carefully provided for, and the better and more civilly uſed, and to the end, that Goalers and Keepers of priſons, ſhould not have any colour or excuſe, for exacting any thing from priſoners, (under what colour or pretence ſoever, whether the ſame be called fees, or Chamber-rent) who are in cuſtody of the Law: It is provided, and declared by the Law, that all priſons and Goales what ever, be the Kings, for the publike good, and therefore are to be repared and furniſhed as priſons at the common Charge, ſee Cook on the 1. E. 2. Satutum de frangent bus priſonum, in his ſecond part inſtitutes fol. 589 and on the 26. Chap. of Magna Charta fol. 74. Ibim, and on the ſtatute of Weſtminſter.

The firſt Chap. 26. fol. 209. 210. Ibim.

Yea, and the Law takes care that in caſe the priſoner when he is in priſon, have no meanes of his owne to live upon, that then by the publike he is to be maintained, 14. Eliz. 5.21. Iames 28. Vox Plebis, pag. 57. for a freeman of England (as I am) is not brought to priſon to be ſtarved with cold, or hunger, but to the end juſtice upon him may be done: The priſon, at moſt, in Law, is but a ſafe preſerver but not a deſtroyer of the priſoner, who with all convenient ſpeed according to Law, is to come to his tryall, and either according unto Law to be condemned, or elſe to be delivered in convenient time without delay, 4 E. 3.2. See my anſwer to Mr. Pryn, called Innocency and Truth juſtified, pag. 32. who by the Law is never to re­maine in priſon above 6. moneths at moſt, for Goale deliveries are by the 4. E. 3.2. to be kept and made three times a yeare, which is once in foure moneths, and oft­ner, if need ſhall be.

And as the Author of Vox Plebis pag 55. ſaith, out of Stamf. pl. Cor. f. 30. Im­priſonment by Law, is (neither ought to be) no more then a bare reſtraint of Li­berty, without thoſe illegall diſtinctions, of cloſe and open impriſonment, and therefore Bracton fo. 18. ſaith, that if a Goaler keep his priſoner more cloſe then of right he ought, whereof the priſoner dieth, this is fellony in the Goaler.

And Horne, in the mirrour of Iuſtice. pag. 288. ſaiththat it is an abuſion of the Law that priſoners are put into Irons, or other paine, before they are attainted. And pag. 34. 36. he reckons the ſterving of priſoners by famine, to be among the crimes of homicide in a Goaler.

And we find in the 3. E. 3. Fitz. H. Tit. pl. Cor. 295.that it was fellony at Common Law, in Goalers to compell their priſoners by hard impriſonment to be. come approvers, whereby to get their goods: which Law is ſince confirmed by the ſtatute of 14. E. 3. Chap. 10. with ſome inlargement; as to under keepers of pri­ſons, and the penalty of the Law, and that Goalers having done this, have beene hanged for it, you may read 3. E. 3.8. Northampton, Fitzh. pl. Cor. 295. and elſe where, but this for a raſt to them.

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In the ſecond place, I will tell you what the Law ſaith about Gaolers Fees. The mirrour of Iuſtice pag. 288. tells us, that it is an abuſion of the Law, that priſoners or others for them, pay any thing for their entries into the Goale, or for their going out; this is the Common Law; there is no ſee at all due to any Goalers whatſoever by the Common Law; See what the ſtatutes ſay. The ſtatute of Weſtminſter 1. Chap. 26. being the 3. E. 1.26. ſaith, that no Sheriffe, nor other the Kings Officer, take any reward to doe his Office, but ſhall be paid of that which they take of the King, and he that ſo doth ſhall yield twice as much, and ſhall be poliſhed at the Kings pleaſure, under which word Officer, is concluded Goaler, Coroner, &c. ſo Sir Edward Cooke 2. part inſtitutes fol. 209. Stam. pl. Cor. 49. nay, by the ſtatute of 4. E. 3.10. Goalers are to receive theeves, and fellons, taking nothing by way of fees for the receipt of them, ſo odious is this extortion of Goalers, that very theeves and fellons are exempt from payment of fees. It is true, that by an incroaching ſtatute upon our liberties, made in the 23. H. 6.10. there is a fee given to the Goaler to be paid him by his priſoner, but yet it is very ſmall, the words of the ſtatures are theſe;nor that any of the ſaid Officers and Miniſters, by occaſion or under colour of their Office, ſhall take any other thing by them, nor by any other perſon to their uſe, profit, or avaiſe of any perſon by them or any of them to be arreſted, or attached, nor of any other of them for the omitting of any arreſt, or attachment to be made by their body, or of any per­ſon by them or any of them, by force or colour of their Office, arreſted or attached for fine, fee, ſuit of priſon, mainpriſe, letting to baile, or ſhewing any eaſe or favour to any ſuch perſon ſo arreſted, or to be arreſted for their reward or Profit, but ſuch as follow; that is to ſay, for the Sheriffe 20. d. the Bayliffe which maketh the ar­reſt or attachment 4 d. and the Gaoler, if the priſoner be committed to his ward, four pence; and that the Sheriffe, under-Sheriffe, Sheriffes, Clerke, Steward, or Baylife of Franchiſe, Servant or Bayliffe, or Coroner, ſhall not take any thing by co­lour of his office by him nor by any other perſon to his uſe, of any perſon for the making of any return or panell, and for the copy of any panel, but 4. d.

And it followes in the ſame Statute,that all Sheriffes, under-Sherffes, Clerks, Bayliffes, Goalers, Coroners, Stewards, Bayliffes of Franchiſes, or any other Officers or Miniſters, which doe contrary to this Ordinance in any point of the ſame, ſhall loſe to the party in this behalfe indammaged or grieved, his treble dammages, and ſhall forfeit the ſum of 40. l. at every time they or any of them doe the contrary thereof in any point of the ſame, where of the King ſhall have the one halfe to be imployed in the uſe of his houſe, and in no otherwiſe, and the party that ſhall ſue the other half.

But (as Sir Edward Cooke well obſerves, on the 25. chap of Magna Charta, 2. part Inſtitut. fol. 74.) after the rule of the Common Law was altered, and that the Sheriffe Coroner, Goaler, and other the Kings Miniſters, might in ſome caſe take of the ſubiect; it is not credible what extortions and oppreſſions have hereupon enſued. So dangerous a thing it is (ſaith he) to ſhake or alter any of the Rules or Fundamentall points of the Common Law, which in truth are the main Pillors and Supportars of the Fabrick of the Common-wealth, as elſe-where I have noted more at large viz. fol. 51, 210.249. Ibim. ſee the Preface to the 4. part of his Reports, and the 4. part of his inſtitutes capof the High Court of Parliament, f. 41.

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Now Sir, having laid this ſure foundation, I will aſſume the boldneſſe, to compare your dealings with me, to the fore-mentioned rules that the Law preſcribe you: And firſt to the matter of uſage, you know very well, you of your owne head at firſt kept my wife from me, and made me a cloſe priſoner, as in the fore-mentioned bookes, pag. 2. is truly declared.

And then ſecondly, although you could not but know that by the Lords, &c. in the Star-Chamber, I, for about foure yeares together before this Parliament, un­der-went a great diſtruction by them, both in my body, goods, and trade: and fince this Parliament, have ſpent many hundred pounds to obtaine my juſt repara­tions (beſides other great loſſes I have had) and yet have not got a penny, and be­ing a younger brother, and in Land have not 6. d. in comming in the year; and be­ing robbed of my trade, calling, and lively-hood, by the Merchant Monopolizers: ſo that I could not with freedome tranſport one Cloth into the Low-countries, to get any lively-hood thereby: all which, above a yeare agoe, I was neceſſitated pub­likely to declare, in anſwer to William Pryns lyes and falſhoods, in my book called Innocency and Truth juſtified, which there you may read, eſpecially in pag. 39. 43. 47. 48. 62. 65. 75. and now being committed to your cuſtody in the Tower, the chargeableſt Priſon this day in all England, and where I am denyed the juſt and le­gal uſage and allowance that the King himſelfe uſed to allow all priſoners committed to this place, although they had great eſtates of their owne, in their owne hands and poſſeſſion, whoſe allowance was to find them diet, lodging, and pay their fees, Vox Plebis, p. 50. 56. 57.

Nay, when I came in, and deſired you, that I might have my diet from my wife out of the town, which I did for two reaſons.

Firſt, for ſafety, having heard much of ſir Thomas Overburies being poyſoned when he was a priſoner in the Tower.

Secondly, for the ſaving of money, which ſtood me much upon; but you abſolute­ly denyed me that legal and juſt priviledge, and tyed me either to faſt, or have my diet from the Cookes in the Tower.

Thirdly, being thus committed to this extraordinary chargeable expenſive place, and being in ſo mean a condition, as I muſt ingeniouſly confeſſe I was, you took in the third place, the ready way to ſterve and deſtroy me; and of your owne head, or­dered your Warders to take the names and places of habitation, of all thoſe that came to ſee me, or ſpeak with me, a diſtructive bug-bear to any captived priſoner, which the Law of England doth not in the leaſt authorize and inable you to doe: but this was not all, but in the fourth place, my friends, though they gave their names, were by your Warders, ſet on by your ſelfe (for upon your ſcore, I muſt, and doe lay it all) exceedingly in words abuſed, and divers of them turned away, and not ſuffered to come and ſpeake with me: O bloody and cruell man! what is this elſe, but an ab­ſolute Declaration of your reſolved intention, to deſtroy me in my impriſonment under your cuſtody? which the Law abhors: but if for the ſake of the Law, or for my ſake, you will not ſquare your dealings with me, according to the known law of the kingdome, then for your owne ſake, I deſire you to remember your Predeceſſour, Sir Garvaſe Elviſh, who was indicted by the name of Gaoler of the Tower of Lon­don, and hanged upon Tower-hill, for conſenting to the poyſoning of his Priſoner, Sir Thomas Overbury, Vox Plebis, pag. 47.

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In the fifth place, ſeeing by all the fore-mentioned wayes and meanes you could not ſcare all my friends from me, and ſo by conſequence deſtroy me.

Then you deviſe another way, and ſet one of your old Maſtive dogs upon me, to baite and to worry me with lyes, reproaches, and calumniations: and for that end, printed and publiſhed a moſt baſe and ſcandalous booke againſt me, thereby to make me odious to all men whatſoever, that would believe that book, which was publiſhed againſt me at ſuch a time; when by your ſelfe, my hands were faſt tyed be­hind my back, being kept by your order very ſtrictly from Pen, Ink, and Paper, and ſo in a condition unable publikely to vindicate my ſelfe, and much importunity was I forced to uſe to your ſelfe, before I could obtaine leave from you to anſwer it, and neceſſitated to tye my, ſelfe by promiſe to ſuch and ſuch conditions: and amongſt the reſt, that you ſhould read it all over, before it was publiſhed: And I, for my part, performed my promiſe, and was neceſſitated to give the originall into your hands in ſuch haſt, that I could not take a Copy of it: out of whoſe hands, I could not get it, tell I was in ſome reſpect neceſſitated to an arbitration: and being not able to doe what I would for my own vindication. I was in a manner compelled by you to be content with what I could doe, which was to accept a ſubmiſſion from him for my wounded, rent, and torn reputation by him: although, if I could have accompliſhed what I deſired, I ſhould firſt have publiſhed my anſwer to his lyes: and then if he had a mind put it to arbitration, but neceſſity hath no other Law but a ſtooping to it: but I was in hope, that I ſhould have found ſo much cancor and ingenuity in you, & your Agent old Iohn White, as that I ſhould not have had the like abuſes from you after that arbitration, that I had before it from you both; but in re­gard that he at the gate, as my friends informes me, doth not ceaſe in his rancour and venim againſt me; I muſt be neceſſitated to publiſh my anſwer to him; eſpeci­ally, ſeeing as I conceive, Tho. Edwards the cankered Gangraena, is joyned in confe­deracy with him: But at the prefent, I ſhall content my ſelfe with the inſerting of his recantation, or acknowledgement, and referre the Reader for a full relation of that arbitration, to the 59. 60, 61, 62, 63. pages of my late book, called Londons Liberty in Chains diſcovered; the aforeſaid acknowledgement thus followeth:

I, Iohn White, one of the Warders of the Tower of London, doe acknowledge, that I have uniuſtly wronged Lieut. Col. Iohn Lilburn, in, and by my writing, and publiſhing in print, in ſuch ſuch ſort as I did; that he was the writer, Author, or Contriver of a booke, called Liberty vindicated againſt Slavery, and of a printed letter thereunto an­nexed; and of a Booke or Treatiſe called An Alarum to the houſe of Lords: for all which, and for the unjuſt and ſcandalous matters and language alleadged and uſed by me, in my ſaid Booke, reſlecting upon the ſaid Lieu. Col. Lilburn, I am heartily: ſorry and

Iohn White.

Subſcribed, pronounced, and accepted,

in the preſence of us,
  • Knights
    • Iohn Strangwayes
    • Lewis Dive.
    • Iohn Glanvil.
    • William Morton.
    • Henry Vaughan.
  • Chriſtopher Comport, Warder in the Tower.
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Sixthly, after all this, by meanes of my Wifes Petition, which was delivered to the Houſe of Commons 23. September 1646. and which you may read in the laſt men­tioned book. pap. 65, 66., 67, 68 &c. by meanes of which, there was a Committee of the honourable houſe of Commons appointed, to heare and receive my complaint againſt the Lords, and the 6. of Novemb. 1646. was the laſt time I was before the Committee; where I had an opportunity, in part, to declare unto them, your ille­gall dealing with me: which Declaration, you may read in the 17, 18, 20. pages of that relation, now in print; and I muſt confeſſe unto you, I did thinke that you durſt not have run the hazzard of perſevering in your illegall dealings with me: but in regard you doe, it cleerly demonſtrates unto me, that you judge the ſtreames of Iu­ſtice ſo muddy and corrupted (by the intereſt and power of your Lords, and their facti­ons, who would have no other rule, but their own baſe and corrnpt wills to walke by, and therefore lay the rule of the Law and Juſtice aſide) that they will never run cleer, nor purely againe, to puniſh ſuch tranſgreſſors as you are.

But that you may know (although I have had exceeding hard meaſure, in be­ing ſo long delayed in the making of my report) that I am not out of hopes, nor in deſpaire, I give you this freſh charge and tell you, that after I had done with the Committee, your next illegall deſigne that you executed upon me, was, that my friends could not paſſe your guard, unleſſe my keeper were there preſent to con­duct them unto me; by meanes of which, ſome of them have beene forced to come four ſeverall times, before they could find him at the Gate; and others have beene forced to ſtay, and ſit in the guard an hour, and ſometimes two, expecting his com­ing; without whoſe preſence, they could not have exceſſe to me; and divers of them in the time of their ſtay at the Guard, examined whether they be not Inde­pendents, or no, and whether they never preached in Tubs, or no: And if they anſwer croſly to the queſtions, as well they may, then they are fallen upon, and both they and I in words exceedingly abuſed: and I am told, that an old tall man in black, with a great ſtaffe in his hand, is not wanting to play his part, which I judge to be Mr White.

Now ſir, is not this the height of illegality, cruelty, tyrannie, and bloud-thirſti­neſſe in you, thus to deale with me; indevouring thereby ſtrongly to ſcare away all8 my friends from me? For, who in ſo many difficulties and abuſes would come to viſit a man, unleſſe he bore a very great affections to him? the which, if he doe, the continual meeting with theſe baſe and unwarantable affronts, in concluſion will make him wery.

And truly ſir, let me tell you, this is not to uſe me with civility, and humanity in my impriſonment, as the Law requires I ſhould, but this is to torment, puniſh, and deſtroy me, which, the Law, and all juſt and honeſt men abhors and deteſts.

In the 8. place, being in the condition that I am in, and being guilty of no legall crime in this world; unleſſe it be for being over honeſt and zealous for the preſer­vation of the juſt and publique Liberties of the Kingdome; I know no reaſon, why I may not enjoy the utmoſt priviledge and liberty in the Tower, that any priſoner in it doth enjoy: yet notwithſtanding, not many weeks agoe, I was but going with a fellow-priſoner in the path that leads to the Record office; and comming back to my Lodging under the Gate, that is juſt againſt the Traytors Gate, I met your pretend­ed Gentleman Goaler, and immediatly Mr. Comport, my Landlord and Keeper came and delivered a meſſage from you to me, which was to this effect: That Mr. Leiutenant did underſtand, that I was beyond the Ring: but it was his pleaſure, that J ſhould forbeare to goe any more beyond it: Vnto which, I replyed, Landlord, I had only thought, that to goe beyond the Ring, had beene for a man when he came to it, to have turned on the right hand, and ſo to have gone, as if he would have gone out of the Gate, which I did not in the leaſt: for I turned on the left hand with one of my fellow-priſoners, and walked in the path that goes to his Chamber, and divers other Chambers of my fellow-priſoners, which path they doe and may walke in every day in the week, and every hour in the day. And therefore, tell your Maſter from me, I ſhall not obey his order, for I have as good right to enioy any privi­ledge within the Tower, as any priſoner in it: and therefore will walk that way againe, ſeeing all my fellow-priſoners inioy the ſame liberty.

In the 9. place, the other night there being a friend with me, about 6. or 7 a clock at night, I walked out of my chamber with him; which is a priviledge that all my fellow-priſoners enjoy, and he having a candle and lanthorn in his hand, paſ­ſing under Cole Harbour Gate, I was roughly and ſuddenly demanded whether I went? And I replyed, along with my friend, to conduct him as farre as my liberty would extend (which was down to the Ring, which is as I conceive, at leaſt three or foure ſcore yards on this ſide of the gate where your guard ſtands) and I was reply­ed unto in theſe words, Sir, you ſhall not goe: At which, looking well about me (it being very dark) to ſee who it was, that was ſo malipart, I perceived it to be your ſelfe (who had with you, as I conceived ſome of your Warders) unto which I reply­ed: Truly ſir, I doe not like the word ſhall; it is but unhanſome language, to tell me, I ſhall not go.

No ſir I ſay (ſaid you) you ſhall not goe; for you ought not to ſtir out of your chamber after candles are lighted.

Truly ſir (ſaid I) I know no ſuch order. Vnto which, you replyed, Well, then ſir, I now give you ſuch an order: and I bid you give it to thoſe that would obey it; for I would not: and I gave you the reaſon of it; which was, that I was a free-borne Engliſh-man, a Kingdome that pretends (at leaſt) to be governed by Law, and not9 by Will, and I am not to be ſubject unto thoſe orders in my impriſonment, that have no other Warrant, but the Gaolers Will. Neither will I willingly be ſubject in the Tower unto any other orders but what are conſonant and agreeable to the fundamentall Laws of the Kingdome.

Unto which you replyed; Sir, you ſhall obey my orders, and I will make you.

Sir, ſaid I, I will not obey your orders, nor you ſhall not make me: And I tell you to your face, I ſcorn both you and your orders, and that I value you not, the pa­ring of my naile.

Unto which, you replyed, Sir I will make you, for I will lock you faſtenough in your chamber: And I bid you doe your worſt, that either you could, or durſt doe, I cared not a ſtraw for you: But I bad you take notice of this, by the way; that if you locked me up by the power of your owne unbinding will, and did not make your docres very ſtrong, I would make work for your Carpencers, by breaking them into as many pieces as I could.

You replyed, you would make them up againe. And I told you I would break them againe.

You told me, your ordering us to keep our Chamders after candle was lighted was for your own ſecurity.

I ſhall now take liberty, to return you a more full anſwer to this, then I did be­fore to you, which is this; That I for my part, for all the gold in London, would not give juſt cauſe to be counted ſo baſe and unworthy, to do upon deliberation that action, that I would not juſtifie to the death: But if I ſhould in the leaſt, ſtep afide, I ſhould contract unto my ſelfe that guilt, which I am confident, all the ene­mies I have in England, are not able in the leaſt to fixe upon me: For, I underſtand by the Law of this Kingdome, that he that is committed to priſon for Felony, or Treaſon; although really and truly he be guilty of neither, yet if he break priſon, and be taken again, he ſhall dye like a Fellon or Fraytor that is legally convicted, 1. E. 2. de frangentibus priſonam. See Cookes 2. part. instit. fol. 590. 591. For his flight, in the eye of the Law, argues guiltineſſe.

And beſides, my friend and I had a horn Lanthorn and Candle, which put all out of ſuſpition of going out in the dark.

But thirdly, what ground have you, upon any pretence whatever framed by your ſelfe, to lock me up in my chamber, as ſoon as candles are lighted, ſeeing I am in a moated and double walled Priſon, where you have not only a Train-band, but alſo great ſtore of your owne Warders to ſecure me?

And therefore, I tell you plainly, I ſhall never condiſcend to be locked up ſooner then that convenient houre of 8. a clock, the accuſtomed hour of the place, which is much ſooner then they are in other priſons, that I have been in.

Fourthly, if under pretence of your ſecurity, I ſhould give way for you to confine or lock me up in my chamber, at candlelight, which then was before five a clock, may not you as well and as groundedly upon the ſame pretence (if you pleaſe to ſay it is for your ſecurity) keep me locked up in my chamber till 12. a clocke, yea, the whole day, if you pleaſe: And if I ſhould ſuffer this in the leaſt, what am I leſſe then traiterous to my ſelfe, and to my liberties, to give you a power by your own meer will, to make and impoſe a law upon me, whenſoever you ſhall pleaſe to ſay that its for your ſecurity? when the Law provides and enjoynes you nomore, but10 to keepe me in ſafe cuſtodie within your priſon, and to uſe me and all that come to me, civillie, and with all humanitie, and leaves me not in the leaſt to your will, but only in ſome extraordinarie caſe, as in doing or offring violence to the Goa­ler, or Goalers, or to my fellow-priſoners, to the apparent breach of the peace of the priſon: and yet in this I have not in the leaſt done, either to you, or the poor­eſt boy belonging to you, nor by Gods aſſiſtance will not: but yet on the con­trarie: before you ſhall make me a ſlave to your will, you ſhall have the heart-blood our of my body.

Now in the laſt place, I will compare the fees taken and demanded in the Tower with thoſe the Law gives; and what they are, you may fully read before.

Now, by the Author of Vox plebis, who to me ſeemes to be a knowing man in the practiſes of the Lieutenants of the Tower, who in his 48, 49. pages, ſaith. That there is demanded for the admittance of an Ecrl 100. l for a Baron 80. l for a Knight and Baroner 70. l. for a Baronet 60. l. for a Knight 50 l, and for an Eſqui•…40. pound, and 30. s. a week of every priſoner for liberty to but and droſſe his owne diet, and 10. s. 15 s. 20. s. per week, for his Chamber rent, and of ſome more.

For Sir Richard Garney ſometimes Lord Mayor of London, and now priſoner in the Tower, hath paid as I have beard him aver it 3. l. a week for his Chamber-rent; and in the time of a Predeceſſour of yours, dieted 3 weeks at the Lievtenants table: for which he had the impudencie to demand for it 25 l. per week. ô horrible and monſtrous extortion and oppreſſion: and yet this is not all, for the laſt menti­oned author in his 48. page ſaith, There is a new erected Office, and an intruded Officer, called the Gentleman Goaler, one Yates a bufie fellow, who pretends to a fee of 50 s 10 he paid him, at the going away of every priſoner, pag. 51. ibim.

But yet this is not all, for in p. 49 of the late printed book called Regall Tyran­ny diſcovered, he ſaith, that the Gentleman Porter demands for his fee 5. l. and a mans upper garment: 40. s. to the Warders, 10. s. to the Lievtenants Clarke, 10. s. to the Miniſter; and divers of any fellow priſoners tell me, that their Keepers have and doe demand of them, either their diet, or 5. s. a week, for locking them up at night in their Chamber, and opening their chamber-dores.

O horrible and monſtrous injuſtice, oppreſſion, and crueltie, to demand and take theſe fees; whereas, by Law, there is not one farthing token of all theſe fees due to be paid by the priſoner, but one bare groat at moſt, and that given away by an oppreſſing and incroaching law upon our ancient and juſt liberties, as is before truly obſerved.

And yet priſoners are destined in priſon by your will, after they are legally diſcharged, becauſe they will not paytheſe undue and unjuſt fees, which at this ve­ry day is Sir Henry Anderſons caſe, and hath formetly beene others; as the Author of Vox Plebis truly obſerves; although the arranteſt Rogue and thiefe that ever breathed, had, or hath, as true aright to any purſe that ever he did or ſhall take from an honeſt man upon the high way by force and violence, as you or any other hath to any of the fore-mentioned fees. O yee proud and impuden man, that dare aſſume unto your ſelfe of your owne head, more then a regal power, to levie and raiſe mony by the Law of your own will, upon the free people of England.

Sir, let me tell you, this very thing was one of thoſe things, that was the Earl of11 Straffords great crimes, for which he paid very dear; and is it not impoſſible, but you and others that uſe it, may pay as deare for it in concluſion: therefore looke to it, and thinke of it.

And if you pleaſe to read the Petition of Right, made by the Lords and Commons unto this King, in the 3. of his Raign, you ſhall find in the beginning of it, they; ſhew him that by the ſtatute of the 34. E. 1. called Stdtutum de tailigio non concedendthat no tallage or aid ſhall be lad or levied by the King or his Heires in this Realme, withaut the good will and aſſent of the Arch-Biſhops, Biſhops, Earles, Barons, Knights, Burgeſſes, and other the free-men of the Commonalty of this Kealme, and by authority of Parliament holden in the 25. E. 3. it is declared and enacted; that from thence-forth no perſon ſhould be compelled to make any Loanes to the King againſt his will; becauſe ſuch Loane, were againſt reaſon, and the franchiſe of the Land, and by other Lawes of this Realme, (viz. 1. E 3.6.11. R. 2.9.1. R. 3.2. ) it is provided; That none ſhall be charged by any charge or impoſition, called abenevolence, nor by ſuch like charge, by which the ſtatutes before-mentioned, and other the good lawes and fatteo, of this Realm your ſubjects have inherited this freedome; that, they ſhould not be compoſed to contri­bute to any taxe, tallage, aid, or other like charge, not fet by common conſent in Parlia­ment. All which, the King confirmes.

And by the ſtatute made this preſent Parliament, that aboliſhed Ship money; All and every the particulars, prayed or deſired in the ſaid Petition of Right, ſhall from hence ſorth be put in execution accordingly, and ſhall be firmly and ſtrictly holden and obſerved, as in the ſame Petition they are prayed and expreſſed: yea, in this very ſtatute it is declared and enacted to be againſt Law for his Maieſty upon any pretence what ever, to levie money of the people of England, without common conſent in Parliament.

And truly ſir, let me tell you without feare or flattery, that if your great Maſters th Lords, and their true prerogative friends, which fill nor up a few places in the Houſe of Commons, had any true and reall intentions to preſerve the Fundamen­tall Lawes and Lioerties of England, or had any time to ſpare (to puniſh thoſe that juſtly and groundedly infringe them, and doe as much as in them lies, to deſtrey them) from their weighty employment, of deviding great and vaſt ſums of the Com­mon wealths money amonſt themſelves, without either doing juſtice and rightin the, like nature to any man breathing, unleſſe it be themſelves, or ſome of their ſons, kinſmen, or neare friends; whoſe principles, are to ſerve their ends to the breadth of a haire in all they enjoyne them; they would ſcorne to give cauſe to be reputed ſo baſe and unworthy as they are, to deny the King the power (unto whom ever and anon, they give ſuch glorious and tranſcendent titles unto) to levie and raiſe money without common conſent in Parliament; when they allow every paultery Iaylor in England to doe it at his pleaſure; yea, and for any thing I can perceive abet: and countenance him in it, for they will not nor have not done all this long Parlia­ment, any man any effectuall juſtice againſt them that have complained of them, but every man is cruſhed, and in a manner deſtroyed, that meddles any thing to the pur­poſe with them.

I pray ſir, tell me, whether this be to Keep the Solemn League and Covenant (which is now made a cloake for all kind of knavery and villanic) which they and you took with your hands lifted up to the moſt high God, and ſwore to maintaine the Fundamentall Lawes and Liberties of the Kingdome: But this I dare boldly tell you, you never intended it as by your practiſes, appears.

12

But ſir, in the ſecond place, I ſhould deſire to know of you, the reaſon why laylors are ſo impudent and oppreſſive as they are, and go ſo ſcot free from puniſhment (though often complained of) as they doe.

Truly, for my part, I am nor able to render any more probable on then this: That it may be ſome powerfull Parliament-man, or men, are ſharers with them in their profits. (for as groſe, if not groſer things, are commonly reported, yea prin­ted oſome of them: See the 99. 100, 101, 102: 103. &c. pages of the fore-men­tioned book; called Regall Tyranny diſcovered) and therefore muſt, and doe im­prove their intereſt and power, to protect them in their knaverys and oppreſſions. For within theſe few dayes, I was talking with an underſtanding knowing Gentle­man, that came to viſit me; and he told me, he durſt venture his life to make it e­vident to any rationall man in the world; that there is one Gaoler about this City, that makes of his Priſon above 20000 l. a yeare, and commits all manner of villa­nies, and yet no Juſtice can be had againſt him, though he hath often and power­fully been complained againſt to the Parliament it ſelfe, where he ſaid, he had more favour, countenance, and protection, then the honeſteſt man that complained of him; yea, more then them all put all in one.

Now ſir, in the laſt place, I come to acquaint you, what monies I have paid, ſince I came to the Tower for my Chamber-rent only; the 10. of July laſt I came hither and you ſent me to the Lodging where I am, with extraordinarie ſtrict and ſevere command upon my Keeper, who within certain dayes after I came to him, deman­ded chamber-rent of me at a great deale higher rate then I pay, and I told him neceſ­ſity had no law; and I therefore deſired him to ask me reaſonably, and he ſhould ſee what I would ſay to him: So at laſt, he asked me 15. s. a week. I told him I knew well the lawes of all priſons in England, and 15. s. a week was a great deale of money for beare Lodging; but in regard it was with me, as it was, conditionally that he for his part would uſe me, and thoſe my friends that ſhould come to ſee mee, with civilitie and humanity, I would give him 15. s. a week, and find my own lin­nen beſides, proteſting unto him, that the firſt time he uſed me, or any that came to ſee me, churliſhly, I would not pay him one peny more of money; and I muſt in­geniouſly confeſſ, I have no cauſe in the leaſt to complaine of the man in point of civility, nor he of me in performing my promiſe: for I have paid him, though it hath been with ſome ſtraights to me, betwixt 20. and 30. l. which I am now able no longer to pay.

And therefore I deſire you, according to your duty which by law you are bound unto, to provide me a priſon lodging gratis: for I profeſſe unto you, no more rent I can, nor will pay, though it coſt me a dungeon (or as bad) for my pains. And tru­ly, Sir, I ſhall deale ingeniouſly with you, and give you the true reaſon wherefore I condeſcended to pay chamber rent at firſt, and have done it ſo long; it was becauſe I had extraordinary potent adverſaries to deale withall, viz. the Houſe of Lords, or Peeres, as they are called, who had pretty well managed their dealings with like ty­rants, in keeping very ſtrictly my friends from me, and alſo pen, ink, and paper, that ſo I was debarred of all ability in the world, to publiſh to the view of the whole Kingdome, my own innocency, and their inhumane and barbarous tyranny, which they knew well enough I would doe, if I had not been debarred of all meanes to doe it, and then fell upon me, and tranſcendently ſentenced me to pay 4000. l. &c.13 and illegally and unjuſtly entered notorious crimes againſt me in their records. And you know I told you at my firſt comming to the Tower, I was refreſhed at the hopes of my being freed from my cloſe impriſonment; but your falling ſo heavily upon me as you did, ſtruck me to the heart, and made me beleeve it was poſſible I might have been deſtroyed before I ſhould have an oppertunity publickly to cleare my own unſpotted innocency in reference to the Lords, and to anotamize their tyranny; both of which my ſoul thirſted after, and therefore if I had been able, I would have purchaſed an oppertunity to have done it, through it had coſt me 20. l. a week. And truly Sir, I have done my doe, and in diſpite of all the Lords, publiſhed, and truly and faithfully ſtated my cauſe to the view of the whole Kingdome. Firſt, in my Wives Petition, delivered by her to the Houſe of Commons, Septem. 23. 1646. which I pen'd and framed my ſelfe without the help or aſſiſtance of any Lawyer in England. And ſecondly, in my Book called, Londons Liberty in Chaines diſcovered. And thirdly, twice before the Committee of the Honorable Houſe of Commons. The laſt diſcourſe of which I publiſhed to the view of all the Commons of England, and called it, An Anotamy of the Lords tyranny. And beſides, ſome of my friends, or well-wiſhers have done it excellent well for me, in thoſe two notable diſcourſes called, Vox Plebis, and Regall Tyranny diſcovered, which will live when I am dead; and be (I hope) as good as winding ſheets unto the Lords; and therefore I am now ready for a Dungeon, or Irons, or Death it ſelfe, or any torture or torment that their malice can inflict upon me; and ſeeing that I cannot by any meanes I can uſe, get my report made to the Houſe of Commons, and ſo enjoy juſtice and right at their hands, (which J beg not of them as a Boon, but chalenge of them as my due and right) by reaſon of the Lords, and the reſt of their Prerogative Co-partners in­fluence in the Houſe of Commons to divert them from the great affairs of the King­dome, in doing juſtice and right unto the oppreſſed, and putting them upon making Lawes, Edicts, and Declarations, to perſecute and deſtroy the generation of the righteous, and ſo bring the wrath and vengeance of heaven and earth upon them and theirs: (Read Mr. Thomas Goodwins Sermon preached before them Feb 25. 1645. called, The great Jntereſt of States and Kingdomes) and alſo lay a great blot of reproach upon them by all the rationall men in the world, for endevouring to de­ſtroy a generation of peaceable and quiet-minded men, that have contributed all they had and have in the world, for their preſervation; and by whoſe undaunted valour and blood-ſhed, as principall inſtruments they enjoy liberty at this day, to ſit in the Houſe of Commons, and to be what they are. (Sure I am, the Spirit of God ſaith, That he that rewardeth evill for good, evill ſhall not depart feom his Houſe, Prov. 17.13.) And yet for any thing I can perceive, the beſt reward is intended theſe men from thoſe they have done ſo much for, is ruine and deſtruction, that ſo that Antichriſtian office and function of Prieſthood, newly transformed into a pre­tended godly and reformed Presbyter, may againe be eſtabliſhed, although by the ſecond Article of the Covenant (now more magnified by the ſonnes of darkneſſe and blindneſſe then the book of God) they have expreſly ſworn to root up that Fun­ction by the root. The words of the Covenunt are, That we ſhall in like manner. without reſpect of perſons, endevour the extirpation of Popery, Prelacy, (that is Church-government by Arch Biſhops, Biſhops, their Chancellors and Commiſſaries, Deans, Deans and Chapters, Arch-Deacons, and all other Eccleſiaſticall officers14 depending on that Hierarchy) ſuperſtition, bereſie, ſchiſme, prophaneneſſe, &c. Mark the ſentence, And all other Eccleſiaſticall Officers depending on that Hierarchy In the num­ber of which are thoſe pretended reformed Presbyter-Miniſters, that either ſit in the Aſſembly, or are in any other place in the Kingdome, that officiate by vertue of their Ordination, which they had from the Biſhops, or any, by vertue of their Autho­rity. And I will maintaine it with my life, that he is a for ſworn man (whether he bee Parliament-man or other) that hath token the Covenant, and doth contribute any of his aſſiſtance to maintaine, preſerve, and uphold that Ordination of the Presbyterian Mi­niſters, that they recerved from the Biſhops; or puniſh any man for writing, preaching, or ſpeaking againſt it, or any other wayes endevouring the diſtruction or extirpation thereof. For the expreſſe words, of the Covenant are, that we muſt endevour the ex­tirpation of all Officers (without exception) depending on that Hierarchy; part of which, all the fore-mentioned Miniſters are, being ordained Prieſts and Deacons by the Biſhops, and have no other Ordination to this very day, but what they had from them. But if they ſhall ſay, they were ordained by them not as Biſhops, but as Presbyters, I anſwer, This is a ſimple foppiſh diſtinction: For as well may the Bi­ſhops ſay, They were not ordained by the Pope, or his Biſhops, quatenus Pope or Biſhops, but quatenus Presbyter, or Presbyters, and ſo are in every particular as lawfull Mini­ſter, as any of theſe men that have their ordination from them, and yet have ende­voured to draw the whole Kingdome into a Covenant ſinfully to extirpate them that are Chriſts Miniſters upon their owne Principles, as really truly, and formally, as any of themſelves But in the ſecond place, if they were ordained Presbyters by the Biſhops, not as Biſhops, but as Presbyters, then are theſe preſent reformed Mi­niſters leſſe then Presbyters. For the Author to the Hebrewes, chap. 7. v. 7. ſaith, without all contradiction, the leſſe is bleſſed of the better, or greater. And I deſire the learned Presbyters to ſhew me one example in all the New Teſtament, that ever any Officer ordained another Officer in the ſame Office and Function that he himſelfe was in. Thirdly, I deſire to know of theſe reformed Presbyterian Miniſters, that ſeeing as they themſelves confeſſe, the Biſhops Office and function was and is AntiChriſti­an, how is it poſſible their Miniſteriall Function, or Ordination, can be Chriſtian, that like a ſtreame flowed from them the fountaine? Sure I am, Iob demands this queſtion; Who can bring a cleane thing out of an unclean? And by the Spirit of God he anſwers; Not one Iob 14 4. And Iames interrogates, ſaying, Doth a fountaine ſend forth at the ſame place, ſweet water and bitter? Or can the Fig tree, my brethren, beare Olive-berries? either a Vane; Figges? Therefore in a poſitive negation he concludes, that no fountaine can both yeeld ſalt water and freſh. Iames 4.11.12.

And therefore ſeeing THOMAS THE GANGRAENA, the Rabſhaksh Champi­on of the new ſprung-up Sect in England of Presbyters, who may more truly and properly be called Schiſmatickes, then of thoſe he ſo brands; for they have ſepara­ted from their Ghoſtly Fathers the Biſhops, and yet are glad to hold their ordinati­en, and are therefore ſchiſmaticall.

And therefore ſeeing in his laſt GANGRAENA he hath fallen ſo point blanke upon me, for no other cauſe but for ſtanding for the Fundamentall Lawes of England, which, if he had not an abſolute deſire to be notoriouſly forſworn, he might know his Covenant binds him to doe the ſame, But ſeeing he there playes the ſimple man to fight with his owne ſhadow, and doth not in the leaſt meddle, for any thing I can15 perceive (by ſo much as I have read of his Book, which, ſo neare as I could find, was every place where I was mentioned) with the Statutes and other Legall Autho­rities, that I cite in my wives petition, and elſe-where, to prove, That all the Commo­ners of England ought in all criminall caſes to be tryed by their Peers, that is, Equalls; and that the Houſe of Lords, in the leaſt, are not the Peeres of Commoners: And there­fore ſeeing ſeemingly by that ulcerous book, he hath given me ſomething to anſwer that concernes me, I will really and ſubſtantially give him ſomething to anſwer, that in good earneſt concerneth him, and all the reſt of his bloody-minded, pretended reformed fellow-Clergy Presbyters; that lying, deceitfull, forſworn, and bloodye Sect, of whom it is true that the Prophet ſaid of the Prophets of old, That they make the people to erre, and bite with their teeth, and cry peace; and he that putteth not〈◊〉theis mouthes, they even prepare warre againſt him, Micah 3.5. And that at preſent I have to put him to anſwer, ſhall be certain Arguments which I made when I was cloſe priſoner in irons in the Fleet, againſt the then Epiſcopall Miniſters of the Church of England, which will ſerve in every particular, againſt the preſent Presby­teriall Miniſters, and you ſhall find them thus laid downe in the 23. page of my Book called, An Anſwer, of 9. Arguments written by T.B. and printed at London, 1645.

Firſt, That every lawfull Paſtor, Biſhop, Miniſter, or Officer in the viſible Church of Chriſt, ought to have a lawfull call, and be lawfully choſen into his Office, before be can be a true Officer in the Church of Chriſt, Acts 1.23, 24, 25. and 6.3.5, 6. and 14.23. Gal. 1.1. Heb. 5.4.

But the Miniſters and Officers in the Church of England, (as well Presbyterian as Epiſcopall) have not a lawfull call, neither are lawfully choſen to be officers in the Church of Chriſt See the booke of Ordination of Biſhops, Prieſts, and Deacons, as alſo the Directory, and compare them with the Scripture.

Therefore all your Miniſters are falſe and Antichriſtian Officers, Rev. 9.3. and 13.2. and 16.13.

Secondly, the doing of thoſe actions that belong to the execution of an Officer, doth not prove a man to be a lawfull Officer, but a lawfull power inſtating him into his Office, Acts 8.4. and 11.19, 20. and 28.24.25, 26. 1 Cor. 14.29, 30, 31. 1 Pet. 4.10.

But all the Miniſters in the Church of England have nothing to prove the Lawfullneſſe of their ſtanding in the Miniſtry, but the actions of a Miniſter, and are not in the leaſt able to prove that they are inſtated in the Miniſtry by vertue of a lawfull power and au­thority.

Therefore they are no true Miniſters of Chriſt, but falſe and Antichriſtian Miniſters of Antichriſt.

Thirdly, againe in the third place upon your owne grounds, I frame this Argu­ment.

Thoſe that by their Miniſtry doe not accompliſh the ſame ends, that the Miniſtry of the Apoſtles did, are no true Miniſters.

But the Miniſters of the Church of England, doe not accompliſh the ſame ends by their Miniſtry that the Miniſtery of the Apoſtles did, 1 Cor. 11.2.

Therefore your Miniſters are no true Miniſters of Ieſus Chriſt. But Gangraena one word more at preſent-to-you, ſeeing in the 271, 281. p. of your late 3 d. Gangraena, you16 fall ſo exceeding heavie upon me, and my honeſt Comrade Mr, Overton, and ſaythat if theſe two audacious men, their daring bookes ſhall eſcape without exem­plary puniſhment, and inſtead there of be countenanced and ſet free; I doe as a Miniſter pronounce (but I ſay it is as one of Sathans) that the plague of God will fall upon the heads of thoſe that are the cauſe of it.

Come Antagoniſt, let us come to a period; for I hope, for all your mallice you are not yet ſo farre gone beyond your ſelfe as to deſire to have me hanged or killed, and then condemned and adjudged, and therefore I will make you two faire propo­ſitions,

Firſt, (in reference to the Lords whoſe Goliah and Rabſhaka-like Champion you are) that if you pleaſe to joyne with me in a deſire to both Houſes, I will ſo for goe below my ſelfe, and my preſent appeale now in the Houſe of Commons, (always provided it may not be no prejudice to the benefit I ſhall juſtly expect from my ſaid appeale, and joyne with you in this deſire, that there may be by both Houſe, a proportionable number thereof, mutually by themſelves choſen out to ſit openly, and publickly in the painted Chamber, where I will againſt you by the eſtabliſhed Lawes of this Land, maintaine againſt you and all the Lawyers you can bring, this poſition (which is abſolutely the conteſt betwixt the Lords and me) THAT THE LORDS AS A HOUSE OF PEERS, HATH NO JU­RISDICTION AT ALL OVER ANY COMMONER IN ENGLAND, IN ANY CRIMINALL CASE WHATSOEVER, and if you will, I will wholly as in reference to the conteſt betwixt you and me, ſtand to the vote, and abide the judgement and ſentence of that very Committee, whoſe vote upon the fore-mentioned tearmes, if you will tye your ſelfe, J will tye my ſelfe, either actually to execute, or paſſively to ſuffer and undergoe it.

Jn the ſecond place, becauſe ſo farre as J am able to underſtand your meaning in your fore mentioned pages, you would have me dealt withall, as the Earle of Strafford, and the Biſhop of Canterbury was,for indeavouring (as you ſay) with ſo much violence, the overthrow of the three Eſtates, and the Lawes of the King­dome, and in the ſtead of the fundamentall Government and conſtitution of this Kingdome, to ſet up an Utopian Anarchy of the promiſcuous multitude and the luſts and uncertain fancies of weake people, for Lawes and Rules.

Now in regard of the diſtractions of the Kingdome which are many, and that they might not be made wider by new books from either of us, J ſhall be very wil­ling for peace and quiet ſake, to joyne with you in a Petition to the Houſe of Commons to appoint a ſelect Committee publickly to examine all things that are amrſſe in your bookes and mine, and to puniſh either, or both, according to Law and Juſtice without partiality, and J appeale to all rationall men in the world; whether I have not offered fayre or no.

But in regard I know not whether you will imbrace my proffer, I ſhall ſpeake a little more for my ſelfe, and reduce all to theſe three heads.

Firſt, whether the Lords have by the knowne Law of the Land any juriſdiction over the Commoners, or no?

Secondly, whether in the Parliaments own publick declarations in Mr. Prinns ſoveraign power of Parliaments, and in the Aſſemblies exhortation to take the ſolemn League and Covenant, and other Presbyterian bookes, licenced by pub­licke17 authority, and others fold without controule, there be not more ſaid to juſtifie and maintaine, that which Gangraena calls Utoplan Anarchy, then in any bookes whatſoe­ver publiſhed by theſe be calls Sectaries?

Thirdly, whether or no that out of my owne words in my booke called INNOCEN­CY AND TRVTH IVSTIFIED, there can any thing be drawn to iuſtifie the Lords in that which now I condemne them in? as Gangraen a affirmes, pag. 159. 148.

For the firſt, ſee what the 29. Chapter of Magne Charta ſaith.

No free-man ſhall be taken or impriſoned, or be diſſeiſed of his free hold, or Li­berties, or free Cuſtomes, or be outlawed, or exiled, or any otherwiſe deſtroyed, nor wee will not paſſe upon him, nor condemn him, but by lawfull judgement of his PEERS, or by the Law of the Land.

See the 3. of E. 1. ch. 6. And that no Citie Borough, nor Town, nor any man be a­merced without reaſonable cauſe, and according to the quantity of his treſpaſſe, 9. H. 3. 14. that is to ſay, every free man, ſaving his free hold, a Merchant ſaving his Merchan­diſe, a villain ſaving his waynage, and that by his or their Peers.

Now here is the expreſſe Law of the land againſt the Lords juriſdiction over Commons in criminall caſes.

Now in the ſecond place, let us ſee what one of the ableſt expoſitors of the Law that ever writ in England ſaith, of this very thing, and that is Sir Edward Cooke, in his expoſition of Magna Charta, 2. part inſtitutes, which booke is publiſhed by two ſpeciall orders of the Preſent Houſer of Commons, as in the laſt page thereof you may read: who, in his expounding the 1. Chapter of Magna Charta, pag. 28 ſaith, Peers ſign•…e, E•…lls, and pag. 29. be ſaith, the generall divſion of perſons by the Law of England is either one that is noble, and in reſpect of his nobility, of the Lords Houſe in Parliament; or one of the Commons of the Realm, and in reſpect thereof, of the Houſe of Commons in Parliament and as there be divers degrees of Nobility, as Dukes, Marqueſſes, Earles, Viſcounts, and Barrons, and yet all of them are comprehended with­in this ward, PARES; ſo of the Commons of the Realme, there be Knights, Eſquires, Gentle-men, Citizens, Yeomen, and Burgeſſes of ſever all degrees, and yet all of them of the COMMONS of the Realme, and as every of the Nobles is one Peere to another, though he be of a ſever all degree, ſo is it of the Commons; and as it bath been ſaid of men, ſo doth it hold of Noble-women, either by birth, or by marriage, but ſee hereof, Chap. 29.

And in Chap. 29. pag 46. Ibim he ſaith, no man ſhall be diſſeiſed, that is, put out of ſeaſon, or diſpoſed of his freehold (that is) Lands or livelihood, or his liberties, or free Cuſtomes, that is, of ſuch franchiſes and freedomes, and free Cuſiomes, as belong to him by his birth-right, unleſſe it be by lawfull judgement, that is, verdict of his equalls (that is men of his owne condition) or by the law of the Land, (that is to ſpeak it once for all) by the due courſe and proceſſe of Law.

No man ſhall be in any ſort deſtroyed, (to diſtroy id eſt; what was firſt built and made, wholly to overthrow and pull down) unleſſe it be by the verdict of his equalls, or according to the law of the Land.

And ſo ſaith he is the ſentence (neither will wee paſſe upon him) to be underſtood, but by the judgement of his Peers, that is equails, or according to the Law of the Land, ſee him pag. 48. upon this ſentence, per judicium Pacium ſuorum, and page 50. he ſaith it was inacted that the Lords and Peers of the Realm ſhould not give judgement upon1 any but their Peers: cites Rot. Parl. 4. E. 3. nu. 6. but making inquiry at the Recor Office in the Tower. I had this which followes; from under the hand of Mr. William Collet the Record-Keeper.

Out of the Roll of the Parlament of the fourth yeare of Edward the third.

The Firſt RollRecords and Remembrances of thoſe things which were done in the Parlia­ment ſummoned at Weſtminſter, on Munday next after the Feaſt of Saint Katherine, in the yeare of the reigne of King Edward the third, from the Conqueſt, the fourth, delivered into the Chancery, by Henry de Edenſtone Clerk of the Parliament.

THeſe are the Treaſons, Felonies, Wickedneſſes,The judgement of Roger de Mortimer. done to our Lord the King, and his people, by Roger de Mortimer, and others of his confederacie. Firſt of all, whereas it was ordai­ned at the Parliament of our lord the King, which was held next after his corona­tion at Weſtminſter, that four Biſhops, four Earles, and ſix Barons, ſhould abide neere the King for to counſel him; ſo alwayes that there may be foure of them, viz. one Bi­ſhop, one Earle, and two Barons, at the leaſt, And that no great buſineſſe be done without their aſſent, and that each of them ſhould anſwer for his deeds, during his time. After which Parliament, the ſaid Roger Mortimer, (not having regard to the ſaid aſſent) tooke upon himſelfe Royall power. and the government of the Realme, and encroacht upon the State of the King, and ouſted, and cauſed to be ouſted, and placed Officers in the Kings Houſe and elſe where, throughout the Realm at his pleaſure, of ſuch which were of his minde, and placed John Wyàrd and others over the King, to eſpy his actions and ſayings; ſo that our Lord the King was in ſuch manner environed of ſuch, as that hee could not doe any thing at his pleaſure, but was as a man which is kept in ward.

Alſo whereas the Father of our LORD the KING, was at Kenilwarth, by ordi­nance and aſſent of the Peers of the Land, there to ſtay at his pleaſure for to be ſerved as becommeth ſuch a Lord, the ſaid Roger, by Royall power taken unto himſelfe, did not permit him to have any money at his will; and ordered that he was ſent to Rarkly Caſtle, where by him and his, he was traitorouſly and falſly murthered and ſlain.

But that which is this to my purpoſe, is Roll the ſecond, being the judgement of Sir Samon de Bereford, which verbatim followeth thus.

19

The Second Roll.

ALſo in the ſame Parliament, our Lord the King did charge the ſaid Earles and Barons, to give right and lawfull judgement, as appertained to Simon de Bere­ford, Knight, who was aiding and counſelling the ſaid Roger de Mortimer in all the treaſons, felonies, and wickedneſſes, for the which, the âforeſaid Roger ſo was awarded and ajudged to death, as it is a known and notorious thing to the ſaid Peers, as to that which the King intends.

The which Earles, Barons, and Peers, came before our Lord the King in the ſame Parliament, and ſaid all with one voice, that the foreſaid Simon was not their Peer, wherefore they were not bound to judge him as a Peer of the Land.

But becauſe it is a notorious thing and known to all, that the aforeſaid Simon was aiding and counſelling the ſaid Roger in all the treaſons, felonies, and wick­edneſſes aboveſaid, (the which things are in uſurpation of Royall power, Murther of the Liege Lord, and diſtruction of Blood-Royall) and that he was alſo guilty of divers other felonies and Roberies, and a principall maintainner of Robbers, and felons: and the ſaid Earles, Barons, and Peers, did award and adjudge as judges of Parliament by the aſſent of the KING, in the ſame Parliament, that the ſaid Simon as a Traytor, and enemy of the Realm, be drawn and hanged. And, thereup­on it was commanded to the Martiall, to doe execution of the ſaid judgement. The which execution was done, and performed the Munday next after the Feaſt of St. Thomas the Apoſtle.

In the ſame Roll.

And it is aſſented and agreed by our Lord the King,Agreement not to bee drawn into example. and all the Grandees in full Parliament, that albeit the ſaid Peers as Judges of Parliament, took upon them in the preſence of our Lord the King to make and give the ſaid judgement by the aſſent of the King upon ſome of them which were not their Peers, and that by reaſon of the murther of the Liege Lord, and diſtinction of him which was ſo new of the blood-Royall, and Sonne of the King? that therefore the ſaid Peers which now are, or the Peers which ſhall be for the time to come, be not bound or charged to give judgement upon o­thers then upon their Peers, nor ſhall doe it: But let the Peers of the Land have power) but of that for ever they be diſcharged and aquit, and that the aforeſaid judgement now given, be not drawn into example, or conſequent for the time to come, by which the ſaid Peers may be charged hereafter, to judge others then their Peers, againſt the Law of the Land, if any ſuch caſe happen, which God defend.

Agreeth with the Record. William Colet.
20

It is the ſaying of the ſpirit of God Eccle. 4.9.12. two are better then one, and a threefold cord is not eaſily broken, ſo that to prove my poſition true for all the Rabſhka Language of Gangraena, I have firſt the fundament all Law point blank on my ſide, and ſecondly the judgement of on of the ableſt Lawyers that ever writ in England, and his Iudgement authoriſed (as good and ſound) by the preſent Houſe of Com­mons, to be publiſhed to the view of the whole Kingdome, and thirdly, the Lords owne confeſſion, for if you marke well, the two laſt lines, of the fore-cited record, you ſhall find, they ingeniouſly confeſſe and declare, that it is againſt the Law of the Land, for them to judge a Commoner, and for further confirmation of this, read Vox Plebis pag. 18, 19. 36. 37, 38. 39, 40. 41, 42, 44, 45. But if the Vicerous Gangraena pleaſe to read a late printed booke, called Regall tyranny diſcovered, he ſhall find that the Author of that Book, in his 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 86. pages, layes downne ma­ny ſtrong a guments to prove, That the houſe of Lords have no legiſlative power at all And in his 94. 95, 96. 97 pages he declares and proves, That before Will. the Con­querer ſubdued the rights and Priviledges of Parliaments, that the King and the Com­mons held and kept Parliaments without temporall Lords, Biſhops, or Abbets. The two laſt of which, he proves, had as true and goed right to ſit in Parliament, as any of the preſent Lords now ſitting at weſtminſter, either now have, or ever had.

For the ſecond thing, which is, Whether or no there be not in the preſent Parlia­ments Declarations, and in the Aſſemblies exhortation to take the Covenant, and in Mr. Prynns Soveraign power of Parliaments, and other Presbyterian books pub­lickly licenced, and others ſold without controll, as much, if not more, ſaid, to ſet­up, or maintain that which Gangrena cals Vtopian Anarchy, then in any Books what ever publiſhed by thoſe he calls Sectaries? And I averre it poſitively, There is, and ſhall joyn iſſue with Gangraena to prove it in every particular. Therefore let him pub­liſh an exact Catalogue of any of our Poſitions, when he pleaſeth, and I doubt not but to make it evident, that it cannot juſtly by them be counted any vice in us, to tread in their ſteps, eſpecially ſeeing they have accounted them ſo full of piety, truth and honeſty; as they have done.

Now firſt, for the Parliaments Declarations, read but the Kings anſwers to them, and you ſhall eaſily ſee he layes it as deeply to their charge of endeavon ring to ſet up Anarchy, as Gangraena doth either to mine or Mr Overtons; yea, and inſtances the particulars, and tells them plainly, The Arguments they uſe againſt him, will very well in time ſerve the people to turn againſt themſelves.

And as for Mr. Prynnes Soveraigne power of Parliaments, I never read more of that Doctrine (in any Book in all my life) that Gangraena ſo much condemnes in me, &c. then in that very Book, which is licenced by Mr White, a member of the Houſe of Commons, and in his dayes as ſtiffe a Presbyterian as Gangraena himſelfe. See his 1. part Sover. pag. 5, 7, 8, 9, 19, 26, 29, 34, 35, 36, 37. But eſpecially 42, 43, 44. 47 57, 92. And 2. part pag. 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46. and 73, 74, 75, 76. and 3. part, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17. and 61, 62, 63, 64, 65. and 131, 132, 133.

And 4. part, pag. 10, 11. 15, 16. See his Appendix there, unto pag. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5. & 11, 13, 13 &c.

Beſides theſe, ſee the firſt and ſecond part of the Obſervations; Maximes unfold­ed; the caſe of Ship-money briefly diſcourſed; A new Plea for the Parlement; A fuller Anſwer to a Treatife, written by Dr. Fern, with divers others.

21

Now for the third thing which is the tyrumph Gangrena makes in his 3 part Gangrena, pag. 18, which is that in my Book called Innocency and truth juſti­fied, which I publiſhed the laſt yeare, 1645) I give that to the Lords, which now I in 1646 in many wicked Pamplets would take a way from them: ſuch new light, ſaith he, hath the ſucceſſe of the new modell: and the recruit of the houſe of Com­mons brough to the Sectaries: Well! will the man ſtand to this? if hee will, then I deſire the impartiall Reader to judge betwixt us, and turne to the 11, 12. 36, 37. 74 pages of that Book, in which pages, is contained all that any way makes to his purpoſe; or eſle turne to the 157 pag. of his book, and ſee if in all my words there quoted by him, there is any thing that carryes the ſhaddow of giving that to the Lords, that now I would take from them; for there I am areaſoning with Mr. Pryn, or the Houſe of Commons, not upon my principles, but their own.

And therefore, I ſay, a Committee of the Houſe of Commons, is not the whole Parliament; no, nor the whole Houſe of Commons it ſelfe, according to their own principles, which is the only clauſe he can fix upon.

And good Mr. Gangrena, is it not as juſt, and as man-like in me, if I be ſet up­on, by you, when I have no better weapons to cudgell you with, then your own, to take them from you, and knockt your pate, as to make uſe of my owne propper weapons, to cut you ſoundly, or any other man that ſhall aſſault me to the hazzard of my being, and this is juſt my caſe, that you count ſuch a diſgrace untome.

But ſay you there, I have owned their legiſlative power, and their judicative power over commons: Therefore, you draw an inference to condemn me from mine own practice. Alas man! may not I Lawfully ſeeke or receive a good turn from the hands of any man; & yet as lawfully doe my beſt, to refuſe a miſchief from him?

But ſecondly I anſwer, what though the 4. of May. 1641. I ſtooped to arryall at the Lords Barre, upon an impeachment againſt me, by the King, doth that ever the more juſtifie their Authority, or declare me to be mutable and unſtable? no, not in the leaſt; for you cannot but know the ſaying of that moſt excel­lent Apoſtle Paul, 1 Co. 13 11 'When J was a child, J ſpake as a child, I under ſtood as a child, I thought as a child: but when I became a man, I put away childeſh things. So ſay I to you: five or ſix yeares ago, I knew nothing but the Lords Juriſdiction was as much more above the Houſe of commons (over Commons) as their Robes and Grandeur in which they ſat was above them; eſpecially ſeeing at all conferences betwix both Houſes I ſec the members of the houſe of commons ſtand bare before the Lords: for which action I now ſee no ground for; eſpecially having of late read ſo many bookes which diſcourſeth upon the Lords juriſdiction, which was upon this ground about a moneth or ſix weeks before the Lords caſt me in priſon.

A Gentleman, a Member of the houſe of Commons, and one that I believe, which wiſheth me well, bid me look to my ſelfe, for to his knowledg, there was a deſigne amongſt ſome of the Lords (the grounds of reaſons of which, he then told me) to clap me by the heeles, and to fall ſo heavie upon me, as to cruſh me in pie­ces, or elſe make me at leaſt an example, to terriſie others, that they ſhould not dare to ſtand for their Rights.

And being thus fore-warned, I was halfe a med, which made me diſcours upon every opportunity with any that I though knew any thing of the Lords Juriſdicti­on, and I found by a generall concurence, that the 29. Ch. of Magna Charta, was ex­preſly23 againſt the Lords juriſdiction over Commoners in all criminall caſes: And upon that ground I proteſted againſt them: and then upon further inquiry, I found Sir Edward Cooks Judgement expreſly againſt them, as is before recited: which book, Mr: Gangraena, I muſt tell you, is publiſhed ſince my firſt tryall before the Lords, and was not publikely in being when I then ſtooped unto their juriſdiction; and then comming priſoner to the Tower, one of my fellow-priſones very honeſtly told me of the fore-mentioned Record of Sir Simon de Bereford, which preſently with all ſpeed under Mr. Collets hand I got out of the Records office.

All which juſt and legall authorities and teſtimonies makes me ſo ſtiffe againſt the Lords as I am: and I hope I ſhall continue to the death againſt them in the thing in queſtion betwixt us, as unmoveable as a brazen Wall; come hanging, come burning, or cutting in pieces, or ſtarving, or the worſt that all their malice and ul­cerous Gangraena Prieſts put together can inflict: for all that I principally care for, is to ſee if the thing I engage in, be juſt; and if my conſcience upon ſolid and ma­ture deliberation, tell me it is, I will not by the ſtrength of God, if once I be enga­ged in it, either goe through with it or dye in them deſt of it, though there be not one man in the world abſolutely of my mind, to back me in it.

But laſtly, admit in former times, I had been as abſolute a Pleader for the Lords juriſdiction over Commoners, as now I am againſt them.

Yet truly, a man of Mr. Gangraenes coat is the unfitteſt man in the Kingdome to reprove mee for it. For his Tribe, I meane of Prieſts and Deacons, thoſe littie toes of Antichriſt, now called reformed Presbyters, are ſuch a Weather-cock, unſta­bled generation of wavering minded men, as the like are not in the whole Kingdom.

For their predeceſſors in Henry the 8. dayes were firſt for the Pope, & al bis Drudg­eries, and then for the King and his new Religion, and then 3. in his time retur­ned to their vomit againe: and then fourthly in Edward the 6. dayes became by his proclamation, godly reformed Proteſtants: and then 5. in Queen Maries dayes, by the authority of her, and her Parliament (which Parliament I doe aver it, and will maintaine, had as true a ground to ſet up compulſive Popery, as this pre­ſent Parliament hath to ſet up compulſive Presbytery) became for the generality of them bloody and perſecuting Papiſts and then 6. by the authority of Queen Eli­zabeth and her Parliament, who had no power at all, no more then this preſent Parliament to wreſt the Scepter of Chriſt out of his hands, and uſurpedly to aſſume the Legiſlative power of Chriſt, to make Lawes to governe the Conſciences of his people; which they have nothing at all to doe with, He, having made perfect, compleat, and unchangeable, Lawes himſelfe, Eſay. 9.6.7. and 33.20, 22. Act, 1.3. and 3.22, 23. and 20.26, 27. 1 Cor. 11.1.2.1 Tim. 6.13.18. Heb. 3.2 3, 6. became againe a Generation of pure and refor­med Proteſtants, and have ſo continued to this preſent Parliament: But now like a company of notorious forſworne men (who will be of any Religion in the world, ſo it carry along with it profit and power) after they have for the generallity of them, taken and ſworn ſix or ſeven Oaths, that the Biſhops were the only true Church-government, and that they would be true to them to the death.

Yet, have now turned the 7. time. and engaged the Parliament and Kingdome in an impoſſible-to-be-kept oath and Covenant, to root up their ghoſtly Fathers the Biſhops, as Antichriſtian, from whom as Miniſters they received their life and Being.

22

Yea, and now the 8th. time have turned and falne from that Covenant and Oath, by which they mode all ſwear that took it; not onely to root out Biſheps but all Officers whatſoever that dependeth upon them. In the number of which, are all the m•…lves, having no other ordination to their Miniſtery, but what they had from them, and ſo are properly, really, and truly dependents upon them; and yet now of late have by themſelves and inſtruments, as it were forced the Houſe of Commons to paſſe a vote, to declare themſelves all forſworn, that had a finger in that vote, and ſo a people not fit to be truſted, For, by their late vote, no man what ever must preach and declare Jeſus Chriſt, but be that is Ordained, that is to ſay, unleſſe they be depending on the Biſhops by Ordination or elſe on the Presbyters; who are no Presbyters, unleſſe they depend on the Biſpops for their Ordination: for they have no other: and what is this elſe, but to puniſh every one that ſhall truly endeavour the true and reall performance of the Covenant? Truly, we have lived to a fine forſworn age, that men muſt be puniſhed, and made uncapable to be are any office in the Kingdome, if they will not take the Covenant.

And then if they doe take it, it ſhall be as bad, it they will not forſweare them­ſelves every moment of time, that the aſſembly ſhall judge it convenient, and the houſe of Commons vote it.

And truly, there is in my judgment a good ſtalking horſe for this practice in the Aſſembly of Dry-vines (alias Divines, Deut 32.32.33. Eſa 44.25) Ehortati­on to take the Covenant in theſe words, and if yet there ſhould any oath be found, into which any Miniſters or others have entred, not warranted by the Lawes of God, and the Land, in this caſe, they muſt teach themſelves and others, that ſuch Oathes call for repentance, not partinary in them; that is to ſay, that neither the Covenant, nor any other Oath whatſoever, that they have before, or hereafter ſhall take, binds them any longer then the time that they pleaſe to ſay it is not warrantable by the Lawes of God, and the Land, and ſo by this Synodian Doctrine, a man may take a hundred Oathes in a day, and not be bound by any of them, if he pleaſe,

Beſides, I would faine know, if by the Parliaments ſo eager preſſing of the Covenant, they doe not preſſe the haſtning of many of their owne deſtructi­ons: For by the Covenant every man that takes it, is bound thereby to maintaine and preſerve the Fundamentall lawes of the Kingdome, which is every day trodden under foot, by ſome of the members of both Houſes arbitray practices, not only tow­ards Cavaliers, (for which they have ſome colour by pleading neceſſity) but alſo towards thoſe of their owne party, that have as freely and uprightly adventured their lives to preſerve the lawes and liberties of the Kingdome, as any of themſelves: for juſtice and right effectually they have ſcarce done to any man that is a ſuiter to them. And therefore I here challenge all the Members of both Houſes, from the firſt day of their ſitting to this preſent houre, to inſtance me, that man in England, that is none of themſelves, nor dependance upon themſelves, that they have done effectu­all juſtice to, though they have had thouſands of Petitioners and Complainants for grand grievances before the Parliament; ſome of which have, to my knowledge, even ſpent themſelves with proſecuting their buſineſſe before them, and run them­ſelves many hundred pounds thick into debt to manage their buſineſſe before them, and yet to this houre not one peny the better; and yet they can find time enough24 ſince I came priſoner to the Tower, to vote or ſhare about 200000 l. of the Common wealths money amongſt themſelves, as may cleerly be particularized by their owne newes books, &c. licenſed by one of their Clerks. O horrible & tyrannicall wickedneſſe! Was a Parliament in England ever called for that end, as to rob and poll the poore common people, and to force thoſe that have ſcarce bread to put in their mouthes, to pay exciſe, and other taxations, or elſe to rob and poll the poore common people, and to force thoſe that have ſcarce bread to put in their mouthes, to pay exciſe, and other taxations, or elſe to rob and plunder them of all they have, and then ſhare it amongſt the members of both houſes: as 10000. l. to one man, 6000. l. to another, 5000. l. &c to another, and this many times to thoſe that ne­ver hazarded their lives for the Weal-publique; no, nor ſome of them never inten­ded, I am confident of it, good to the generality of the people, but that they ſhould be as abſolutely their vaſſals and ſlaves (if not more) as ever they were the King O thou righteous and powerfull Iudge of Heaven and Earth, that of all the baſe things in the world, hateſt and abhorreſt diſſemblers & hypocrires. Ier. 7.9, 10, 11, 12. to 16. Mat 23. deale with theſe the greateſt of Diſſemblers thy ſelfe, who like ſo many bloody and cruell men, have ingaged this poor Kingdome in a bloody and cruell war, pre­tendedly for the preſervation of their lawes and liberties; when as God knowes by a conſtant ſeries of actiont, they declare they never truly and really intended any ſuch thing, but meerly by the blood and treaſure of the people, to make themſelves tyrannicall Lords and Maſters over them: So that for my part, if I ſhould take the Covenant, I proteſtt before the God of Heaven and Earth; without fear or dread of any man breathing: I ſhould judge it my duty and that I were bound unto it, in con­ſcience, by vertue of my oath, to doe my utmoſt to proſecute even to the death, with my ſword in my hand, every member of both Houſes, that ſhould viſibly ingage in the deſtruction of the Fundamentall Lawes and liberties of England, and proſecute them with as much zeale, as ever any of them proſecuted the King: for tyranny, is tyranny, exerciſed by whom ſoever; yea, though it be by members of Parliament; as well as by the King and they themſelves have taught us by their Declarations and practiſes, that tyrannie is reſiſtable; and therefore, their Arguments againſt the King, may very well ſerve againſt themſelves, if ſpeedily they turn not over a new leafe: for what is tyranny, but to admit no rule to govern by, but their own wills? 1. part col. declar pag. 284. 694.

But Thomas Gangraena, one word more to you, and your threatning to write a booke againſt liberty of Conſcience, and toleration of Religion: I pray let me aske you this queſtion, if the Magiſtrate, quatenus Magiſtrate, be Judge of the Conſcience, and thereby is indowed with a power to puniſh all men, that he judgeth, conceiveth, or confidently beleeveth, are erroneous and hereticall, or becauſe in religion he diffe­reth from the magiſteriall Religion in the place where he lives, Then I pray tell me, whether all Magiſtrates, quatenus, Magiſtrates, have not the very ſame powe? And if ſo, then doth it not undeniably follow, that Queen Mary and her Parliament did juſt in her dayes, in making a law to bune thoſe Heretiques, that diſſented from her eſtabliſhed Religion? who were as groſſe in their tenents in the then preſent Magiſtrates eyes: as any of your Sectaries tenents, are now in the preſent Magi­ſtrates eyes: and if you, and your bloody brethren of the Clergy-Presbytery, ſhall ingage the preſent Parliament and Magiſtracie, to perſecute the Saints and people of God, under pretence of hereticall Opinions, I will upon the hazard of my life25 juſtifie and prove it againſt you, and the preſent Parliament, that you and they ther­by juſtifie Queen Mary in murdering and burning the Saints in her dayes, yea, and all the bloudy, perſecuring Roman Emperors, that cauſed to be murthered thouſanes of the Saints, for bearing witneſſe to the reſtimony of Ieſus; yea, and all the per­ſecutions of the Iewes, againſt Chriſt and his Apoſtles, yea, and the putting them to death, and ſo bring upon your owne heads all the righteous blood ſhed upon the Earth, from the dayes of righteous Abel, to this preſent day, Matth. 23.29, 30.32.33.34, 35. which I warrant you will bring wrath and vengeance enough upon you.

Now Mr. Lieutenant, a few words more to you, and ſo conclude; I deſire you in the next place, not only to provide me gratis, a priſon Lodging, for I can pay Cham­ber tent no longer; but alſo to provide me my diet according to the cuſtome of the place; for you cannot but know, and if you doe not, I now tell you, that the King was alwayes ſo noble and iuſt, as to doe it to all the Priſoners be committed to this place, of what qualitie ſoever, of the truth of which*Who as I have lately heard, confeſſed hee ſpent his Maieſty 1500. l. while hee was a priſoner here. Col. Long, Col. Hollis, and Mr. Sel­den, &c. now members of the houſe of Commons, can in­forme you, and how that themſelves, when they were the Kings priſoners here in the 3. of His Raign, for ſpeaking and acting freely in the Parliament, were maintained by the King, according to their qualities, though ſome of them had great eſtates of their owne, in their owne poſſeſſions and enjoyments, and now as the newes books tell me, are voted 5000. l. pece, for their then illegall ſufferings. And Sir, the Lords who committed me hither, have in gareat meaſure the Kings Re­venue in their hands at their diſpoſe, and therefore, I expect now I ſeek for it, they ſhall be as juſt as their Maſter (whom they have ſo much condemned for injuſtice) and provide for me according to my quality. And, Sir, I muſt tell you, that I am ve­ry confident I have as many noble qualities in me, and as much of a man in every reſpect, as any of thoſe that ſent me hither: (For Titles of Honour, without Honeſty and Iuſtice, are no excellenter then a gold ring in a Swines ſnout,) Yea, and have given as large a declaration of it to the view of the world, as any of them, whatever hath done, And therefore Sir, if they ſhall deny me this piece of juſtice and equity, I will, by Gods aſſiſtance, tell them as well of it, as ever they were told in their lives.

But, fir, in the third place, if this faile me, I deſire you to ſpeake to them to al­low me intereſt for my two thouſand pounds, (it being ſcarce twice ſo much as I have ſpent ſince I firſt became a ſuiter for it,) that they the laſt yeare decreed me, for my illegall, bloody barbarous, and inhuman ſufferings by the Star-Chamber; which, I dare confidently ſay, were more tormenting then all the ſufferings of the above mentioned Gentlemen, and their co-partners. (See my printed Relation of it made at the Lords Barre 13. Feb. 1645.) For which as I underſtand, there is 50000. l. reparations voted them by the Houſe of Commons,) that ſo I may have ſomething of my owne to live upon. For without all, or moſt of the three fore-mentioned things be done for me; I muſt either periſh, or run exceedingly into debt, which I confeſſe I am very loath to doe: or laſtly, live upon the almes of my friends, which I profeſſe, is not pleaſant unto me, And beſides, the freeſt horſe, or horſes in the world, with26 continuall riding, thay not only be weatied, but alſo jaded and tyred.

But if they will not yeeld that I ſhall have my lodging gratis, and my diet found by them, nor intereſt for my many yeares expected, and long-looked for 2000 l. that laſt yeare they decreed me; nor the remainder of my juſt arreares, which (yet is divels hundreds of pounds, that I faithfully, valiantly, and dearly earned with the loſſe of my blood) to maintain and keep me alive, and my wife and ſmall children.

Then, as my laſt requeſt, I intreat from you to deſire them to call me out to ale­gall tryall, and by the law of the Kingdome, (but not their arbitrary wills) either to be Juſtified or condemned. And here under my hand, I profeſſe, I crave nor deſire, neither mercy, nor favour at their hands, but bid defiance to all the adverſarie I have in England both great and ſmall, to doe the worſt their malice can unto me; alwayes provided, I may have a legall tryall, by my Peeres, my Equalls, men of my own con­dition; according to the juſt, eſtabliſhed, unrepealed, fundamentall law of the Land, contained in Magna Charta, and the Petition of Right; And truly, Sir, if upon theſe tearmes they will not call me out, but reſolve to keep me here ſtill, I will, by Gods aſſiſtance, before many moneths be expired, give them cauſe (with a witneſſe) to call me out: for here, if I can helpe it, I will not be deſtroyed with a languiſhing death, though, it coſt me hewing to peeces, as ſmall as fleſh to the pot. For if it had not been that my report hath lain ſo long dormant in the hand of Col. Henry Martin the glory of his age amongſt Parliament men: for a lover of his Country; whoſe credit and reputation I ingeniouſly confeſſe, I ſhould be very loath in the leaſt, (if I could avoid it) to beſpatter.

But in regard by all the meanes and friends I can uſe to him, I cannot get him to make my report; though I deſire nothing at his hands but a bate endeavour of the diſcharge of his duty, to quit himſelfe of it, let the iſſue be good or bad, all is one to me, ſo it were but done, or endevoured to be done: I had long ſince made a formal ap­peal to the people, but in regard of my conſtant hard uſage both from divers Lords and Commons, and their laylors, and other inſtruments, and the many unreſiſtable prickings forward of my own ſpirit, which preſſeth me rather to hazzard the undergoing of Sampſons portion, Judg. 16.21. then to be forced to degenerate from the principles of Reaſon (the King or chiefe of all creatures) into the habit of a bruit beaſt, and ſo to live a ſlave or vaſſal under any power under the Cope of Heaven, whether Regall, or Parliamentary, or what ever it be.

And therefore, having now with a long deliberated delibertation, committed my wife and children to the tuition, care and protection of a powerfull God, whom for above theſe ten yeares, I have feelingly, and ſenſibly known as my God in Jeſus Chriſt; who with a mighty protection, and preſervation hath been with me in ſix troubles, and in ſeven, and from the very day of my publique Conteſt with the Biſhops; hath enabled me to carry my life in my hands, and to have it alwaies in a readieneſſe, to lay it downe in a quarter of an hours warning, knowing that he hath in ſtore for me a manſion of eternall glory.

All theſe things conſidered, I am now determined, by the ſtrenght of God, if I ſpeedily have not that Juſtice, which the Law of England affords me, which is all I crave, or ſtand in need of, no longer to waît upon the deſtructive ſeaſons of pru­dentiall men: but forthwith to make a for mall Appeale to all the Commons of the Kingdome of England, and Dominion of Wales, and ſet my credit upon the tenters27 to get money to print 20000. of them, and ſend them gratis to all the Counties thereof: the ingredients of which ſhall be filled with the Parliaments owne Declarations and Arguments againſt the King, turned upon themſelves, and their preſent practiſe, and with a little narrative of my Star-chamber tyrannicall ſufferings; and thoſe I have there to complain of, are firſt Dr. Lamb, Guin, and Aliot, for committing me. And 2. Lord Keeper Coventry, Lord Privie. Seal Man­cheſter (that corrupteſt of men, whoſe unworthy Son is now, & hath been for ſome yeares, the chiefe Proſecut or of my ruine, for no other cauſe, but that I have been honeſt, valiant, and faithfull in diſcharging the truſt repoſed in me, which he himſelfe was not (my Lord Newburgh, old Sir Henry Vane (a man as full of guilt, as any is in England, whoſe baſeneſſe and unworthineſſe I ſhall anotamize to the purpoſe) the Lord chiefe Iuſtice Bramſtone, and Judge Jones, who ſentenced me to the Pillory, and to be whipt, &c. And then 3. Canterbury, Coventry, Mancheſter, Biſh. of London, E. of Arundel, E. of Salithury, L Cottington L. Newbnrgh, Secretary Cook, and Windebank, who ſentenced me to lye in irons, and to be ſtarved in the priſon of the Fleet; With a ſhort Narrative of my uſage by Lords and Commons this preſent Parlia­ment; and conclude with a Declaration of what is the end, where­fore Parliaments by law ought and ſhould be called, which is to redreſſe miſchiefes and grievances, &c. but not to increaſe them, 4. E. 3.14. & 36. E. 3.10. to provide for the peoples weal, but not for their woe, Book Declar. 1. part, pag. 150. and yet notwith ſtanding all the truſt repoſed in them, and all the Proteſtations they have in publique Declarations, made, faithfully, without any private aimes or ends of their owne to diſcharge it: And notwithſtanding all the bloud and money, that hath been ſhed, and ſpent at their beck and and commands. I would faine have any of them to inſtance me any one Act or Ordinance, ſince the wars begun, that they have done or made, that is for the univerſall good of the Commons of England who have born the bu then of the day. Sure I am, they have made ſeve­rall Ordinances to eſtabliſh Monopolies againſt the Fundamentall Lawes of the Kingdome, and thereby have robbed free men of their trades and livell hoods, that at their command have been a­broad a fighting for maintaining the Law; and in practiſe, annihila­ted Magna Charta, and the Petition of Right: So that a man (though28 of their own Party) may ſuffer much if commited by a Parlia­ment-man, or Parliament men, before he can get the Iudges to grant an Habeas Corpus, to bring him and his cauſe up to their Bar there to receive a tryall (ſecùndum legem terrae) that is according to the Law of the Land, although the Iudges be ſworn by their oathes to doe it.

So Sir, deſiring you ſeriouſly to conſider of the premiſes, which I could not conveniently ſend you, but in print, I reſt.

Your abuſed Priſoner, who is reſolved to turne all the ſtones in England, that lye in his way, but he will have right and iuſtice againſt you, Iohn Lilburne, ſemper idem.
FJNJS.

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TextThe oppressed mans oppressions declared: or An epistle written by Lieut. Col. Iohn Lilburne, prerogative-prisoner (by the illegall and arbitrary authority of the House of Lords) in the Tower of London, to Col. Francis West, lieutenant thereof in which the oppressing cruelty of all the gaolers of England is declared, and particularly the lieutenants of the Tower. As also, there is thrown unto Tho. Edwards, the author of the 3d. ulcerous gangræna, a bone or two to pick: in which also, divers things are handled, of speciall concernment to the present times.
AuthorLilburne, John, 1614?-1657..
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Edition1647
SeriesEarly English books online.
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Bibliographic informationThe oppressed mans oppressions declared: or An epistle written by Lieut. Col. Iohn Lilburne, prerogative-prisoner (by the illegall and arbitrary authority of the House of Lords) in the Tower of London, to Col. Francis West, lieutenant thereof in which the oppressing cruelty of all the gaolers of England is declared, and particularly the lieutenants of the Tower. As also, there is thrown unto Tho. Edwards, the author of the 3d. ulcerous gangræna, a bone or two to pick: in which also, divers things are handled, of speciall concernment to the present times. Lilburne, John, 1614?-1657.. 28 p. s.n.,[London :1647]. (Caption title.) (Place of publication from Wing.) (Dated at end "30 Ian. 1646". Year given according to Lady Day dating.) (Reproduction of original in the Henry E. Huntington Library.)
Languageeng
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  • Edwards, Thomas, 1599-1647. -- Gangræna -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800.
  • Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800.

Editorial statement

About the encoding

Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford.

Editorial principles

EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO.

EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org).

The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source.

Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data.

Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so.

Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor.

The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines.

Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements).

Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site.

Publication information

Publisher
  • Text Creation Partnership,
ImprintAnn Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2011-04 (EEBO-TCP Phase 2).
Identifiers
  • DLPS A88227
  • STC Wing L2149
  • STC ESTC R202786
  • EEBO-CITATION 99899413
  • PROQUEST 99899413
  • VID 153457
Availability

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. Searching, reading, printing, or downloading EEBO-TCP texts is reserved for the authorized users of these project partner institutions. Permission must be granted for subsequent distribution, in print or electronically, of this EEBO-TCP Phase II text, in whole or in part.