IT is the ſaying of Solomon, who therein was guided by the infallible Spirit of God, That a good name is better then precious Ointment, Eccleſ. 7.1. And that a good name is rather to be choſen then great riches, Prov. 22.1. And that a good report maketh the bones fat: In which conſideration, give me leave to appeal to all the unbiaſſed and underſtanding people amongſt your ſelves that knew me, and obſerved my walkings and actings, while I lived amongſt you; for a juſtification of my integrity, uprightneſſe, meekneſſe, gentleneſſe, and ſingle-hearted walking amongſt you, to be really ſo far, as man was able to judge, to be ſuch as it became one that owned, and ſenſibly injoyed by faith, the choiceſt of ſpirituall Union and communion with the Lord of life and glory; and groundedly expected, looked, and longed for a bleſſed immortality with the Lord of life and glory, when this fading or earthly houſe or tabernacle of mine ſhal be diſſolved; And that believed and declared, that the grace of God in particular had appeared to my ſoul, for that end, to teach me to deny ungodlineſſe and worldly luſts, and to live ſoberly and godly in this preſent evil world; abſtaining as much as in me a poor frail man lies, from the very appearance of evil; and in all my actions, to the utmoſt of my power and ability, to let my light really and indeed and in truth ſo ſhine before and among men, that as Chriſt himſelf ſaith, they ſeeing my good works, might glorifie my father which is in heaven; and to do to all men as I would they ſhould do to me (which as to men is the onely or principal badge or mark of a true Chriſtian indeed) and not in the leaſt to do evil, that good may come thereby.
2I ſay you know my walking while I was with you to be in ſincerity, peace, meekneſs, and uprightneſs, and in the demonſtrations of true love and friendſhip, as became a Chriſtian; which made me willing many times in publike in prayer amongſt you, largely to ſpend ſome time, effectually to declare unto you, that infinitneſs of fulneſs, faithfulneſs, truth, and loving kindneſs, that I had found in the Lord of Hoſts the Lord Jehovah; my long enjoyed, and long experienced enjoyed Rock of Salvation; who I often truly told you is and was long ſince, largely become my ſenſible lot, portion, joy and rejoycing; and was the onely ſingle good that the ſoul of a Beleever could glory and rejoyce in; all earthly delights of riches, honour, greatneſs, pleaſure, and all relations whatſoever in compariſon of him, were but fading vanities, fly-blown, cobweb, moth-eaten contents and delights.
And yet in the midſt of all theſe Declarations of mine amongſt you, of the goodneſs and kindneſs of the Lord Almighty manifeſted unto my ſoul, nothing at the ſame time was more frequent and common amongſt my great, potent, and ſeeming religious adverſaries, then with confidence to brand me for an Athieſt, a denyer of God and the Scripture. Juſt as Major William Packer, a great ſeeming-religious man amongſt you now, doth (both to ſeveral of you and others, as my certain Intelligence from ſome amongſt your ſelves by Letters, &c. inform me) brand for an hypocrite, an apoſtate, and a great combining enemy with the Nations enemies beyond the ſeas againſt its welfare, peace and freedom; which although they be things my ſoul deteſts and abhors as I do the divel, and although I am confident no honeſt man in the world that really and experimentally knows me, can really in the leaſt beleeve theſe things ſpoke againſt me to be true; or that there, is any other ground or reaſon to report them, then the Machiavilian deviſes, of guilded pretended religious men, by craft, cunning, deceit, cruelty, policy and ſhedding of bloud, got into great places and power, which they would keep in their own hands arbitrarily by will and pleaſure, to deſtroy all the lives liberties and properties of all the honeſteſt and quick-ſighted people of England at their pleaſure. Yet notwithſtanding, I judge my ſelf obliged in duty and conſcience to my ſelf and the Nations welfare, to make an Apology unto you to open your eyes to ſee clearly through thoſe foggy dark miſts, that the ſaid Major Packer would cunningly caſt before your eys, for the keeping of his rich and great place and intereſt up, that hath raiſed him from the Dunghil, or a mean condition, to be one of the arbitrary and cruel Lords or unjuſt Task maſters of the people of England. And I ſhal begin the ſaid Apology with the inſerting here my honeſt Addres from Calis,3 which the world for the reaſon declared in the 38 P. of my late printed Trial, never ſaw; the true Copy of which ſaid Addreſs, thus followeth.
MAy it pleaſe you to vouchſafe me liberty to acquaint you, that being at Calis, by the means of our laſt Tueſday Poſt, I ſaw and read a print•ed addreſs unto you, made by ſome honeſt and well-minded people of Colcheſter, as I have cauſe to judge them, by thoſe honeſt (though ſomewhat too general) things that they deſire of you in their ſaid addreſs, by which I perceive you are a kinde of a ſetled power in Engl. unto whom by that as the very firſt paper I have ſeen of that nature, I apprehend, the honeſt and national people of England expect great matters from you, in reference to your aſſiſting in the ſetling in a rational ſecurity of their laws, liberties and freedoms; the dear purchaſed and true price of all the late bloud and mony ſhed and ſpent in the late wars: In which regard, I am imboldened my ſelf by theſe lines, to make this addreſs unto you, although I muſt truly acquaint you, that upon my wifes comming to Bridges in Flanders to me, and fully informing me, that General Cromwel, and Major General Harriſon with other Marſhal men, had by force and violence diſſolved the Parliament for their wicked, unrighteous and unjuſt actions, and being very confident that they never did an action (nor could) of more injuſtice, and unrighteouſneſs, then their voting to baniſhment of me without ground or cauſe, and thereby alſo robbing me of my eſtate, and of all the comforts of this life, in which tyrannical Votes or ſentence, I dare avow it (and upon my life in particulars maintain it) they have dealt more cruelly, more unjuſtly, more illegally, more unrighteouſly, and more harſhly with me, then ever they dealt with the moſt profeſſed enemy, that they have had in England, Scotland, or Ireland in arms againſt them, or any that they have ſuppoſed did aid, aſſiſt, or abet thoſe that were in arms againſt them; Beſides their deſtroying of the fundamental lawes and liberties of England contained in that moſt excellent Law the Petition of Right thereby, and ſo overthrowing all the ends that we pretended to fight for against the King, and thereby making us guilty of murdering all the people deſtroyed in the late Wars.
In all which conſiderations, &c. I was prevailed with the 14 of May laſt (new or Dutch ſtile) to write an addreſs to the General and his Officers of the Army for my Paſs, to return from my deſtroying compeld remaining beyond the ſeas, and pend it in rational, moderate, and reſpective phraſes4 and terms, as by the Copy of it here encloſed in print doth appear: It being impoſſible in reaſon to imagine, that the Officers of the Army ſhould deal ſo ſeverely with the Parliament, their Lords, Maſters, Creators and plentiful Providors for, and who were fenced about with ſeveral laws to make it treaſon in all or any of thoſe that ſhould but attempt or endeavour without their own free and voluntary conſents to diſſolve them, upon which very declared and printed ſtatutes I my ſelf was most ſeverely proſecuted and arraigned two days together for my life as a Traitor, at Guild Hall in London in Octob. 1649. with the greateſt and earneſtest perſuit, that ever was exerciſed upon a man; upon a bare pretence of my endeavouring to diſſolve them, but by pening and printing (as was pretended, and if it could have been proved I had died as a Traitor for it) arguments and reaſons, grounded upon the declared, printed, and publiſhed laws of England, and the received, acknowledged, printed and publiſhed Rules of reaſon, declared both in the late Parliament, and the Armies declarations: I ſay conſidering which, it was impoſſible in reaſon to imagine, that the General, &c. ſhould as they have done, deal ſo ſeverely with the Parliament for their wickedneſs, and oppreſſion, and deny me a Paſs upon my bare deſire to them, being one of all men in the world, that the Parliament it ſelf had dealt moſt wickedly and oppreſſive with, and baniſhed in that barbarous and tyranical manner that they had done: And alſo conſidering that I am a man, that even in field have adventured my life with as much hazardouſneſs, gallantry, and bravery, as any man whatſoever in the whole Army for thoſe very principles, that they conſtantly in all their Declarations have declared, the undoubted birth right and inheritance of all the people of England, as well the pooreſt as the richeſt; And conſidering that for this 15 or 16 years together, I have been more then the General himſelf, and all the Officers in the Army put together in one, emptied from veſſel to veſſel, winnowed, ſifted, and tried, gagged, whipt, pillored, ironed, arraigned for my life ſeveral times, impriſoned, cloſe impriſoned, attempted to be ſtarved, poyſoned, violently murthered, piſtolled, daggered, often divorced from enjoyment or ſight of wife, children, ſervants, kindred, friends or any other relations; and have had my friends and acquaintance bribed, hired, and corrupted with large ſums of money, and vaſt proffers beſides, to lay ſnares, traps and gins, (to counterfeit my hand, to ſwear falſely againſt me) to take away my life. And all this hath been done unto me, for no other cauſe, ground, nor pretence of crime in the whole world, but onely and alone for ſtanding for the foreſaid laws, liberties, declared freedoms and birthrights of the people of England, that the Officers themſelves in all their declarations, have declared themſelves to be Patrons of, and ſtanders for; as things of ſo5 much excellency and worth, as that they prized them above their lives and all other enjoyments that this world could•fford unto them. The ſubſtance of all which they have centured in that excellent piece of theirs, as the ſum of all their deſires and endeavours, called, The Agreement of the People, which they themſelves preſented to the Parliament about 4 years ago, as containing the onely principles, mood and way, to eſtabliſh in ſecurity for the future, the full and ſafe enjoyment of the liberties and freedomes of the commonly called, the free-born people of England.
Yea a man that by all provocation whatſoever, or courtings whatſoever (which hath been in both kindes many and great) could never be provoked nor induced to turn his back upon the ſaid declared principles of liberty and freedom; nor in the day of the many ſtraits of thoſe, that ſtood for them, although he hath been never ſo injuriouſly dealt with even by divers of the chief pretenders to them. And to conclude, a man as to men for the worſt of all his outward actions ever ſince he came to mans eſtate or knowledge (the frailties of provoked paſſion, or humane infirmity excepted, which the righteouſest of meer men are not totally exempted from) that never to this day could juſtly be taxed or blemiſhed with any the leaſt outward baſeneſs in any kinde whatſoever, that could in the leaſt ſpot or ſtain his outward reputation; being confident according to the true fundamen•al laws of England for any thing whatſoever from his childehood to this very day acted by him, that juſtly can be laid to his charg, he may at the ſtricteſt legal bar of Juſtice in England, with clear and confident aſſurance of the ſafety of his life, limbs, liberty or property, bid defiance to all his adverſaries though never ſo great) that he hath in the whole world. I ſay again upon all theſe conſiderations it could not rationally be imagined, but upon the Generals and his Officers firſt knowledge of my addreſſe to them, they would after they had by force diſſolved the Parliament, immediately have given me a Paſſe to return from my cauſeleſſe and ruining boniſhment, and my poor credulous wife took her journey from me into England, with as much confidence immediately to obtain my longed for Paſſe, upon my foreſaid Addreſſe, as ſhe did believe, ſhe ſhould live after that to eat or drink.
But after a tedious delay, and a longing expectation, ſhe with ſeveral of my friends, the laſt Dunkirk Poſt, ſent me ſeveral Letters thither, dated the 27 of your May or old ſtile, which is the ſixth of our Flemiſh preſent June, or new ſtile, in reading of all which at Dunkirk the laſt Sunday, by all which, I expreſly find the General gives my wife good words, (which makes her believe him infinitely to be her friend) and that in the midſt of the debate of my addreſſe, by the Councel of Officers, he6 was ſent for by the Councel of State to come from the Councel of Officers to them, and that immediately after they riſe, viz. the Officers or ſome of them, gave my wife, &c. this anſwer, viz. That they were not willing to break an Act of Parliament in a private caſe, but there would ſpeedily be a power or a new Parliament, as they called it, that would do it, and ſome of great power, inquired or demanded, Whether if I came home I would be quiet or no, and others ſaid mine was but a private buſineſſe, and the Councel were ſo full of the publick affairs of the Nation, that they had ſcarce time to eat or ſleep, and therefore I muſt be patient, quiet, and wait with contentedneſse till a new Parliament.
At the reading of which I was even confounded and amazed in my underſtanding, and looked upon my wife and her ſtories of the Officers intended honeſty and publick good to the Nation, as the perfecteſt artificial cheats, that ever was put upon me in the world, to deceive and cozen me, and that you that now ſit as a Councel of State, with your Maſters and Creators, viz. the General and his Officers, never hated nor diſsolved the Parliament, for any real hatred or diſguſt at them for any miſchief, injuſtice, or Tyranny that they exerciſed upon the people of England (free (never ſince they were about 4 years ago declared a free people) in nothing elſe but bare name) but onely becauſe they grew ſomething ſtubborn and ſurly and would not be ruled meerly as ſchool-boyes, to act as the General and his great Officers (and you, now his and their ſubſtitutes) would have them, in which regard, great and glorious things was meerly pretended, but never in tended for the peoples good, to break the Parliament in pieces, and totally diſſolve them, that ſo you alone might get the power into your own hands, to do withall the lives, liberties, and eſtates of the people of England what you pleaſed, giving the people onely good words, untill you had rivited your ſelves faſt in your power, by ſecuring your ſelves ſo with force, that Julius Caeſar like, the General might ſtile and declare himſelf by a new name, but with a power in reality far above a King, as perpetual Dictator, or Lord Conſervator of the peace of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and I confeſſe that the Generals words to my wife, and ſome of yours, together with the Officers, were ſo far from pleaſing me, as they did her, that I clearly ſee by them I had ground to believe, that it is reſolved privately by the General, I ſhall never ſo long as he lives, or at leaſt ſo long as his power laſteth come into England again, becauſe it was reſolved by him (who I clearly then judged ſo rules and over aws you, that you nor the Officers durſt not conclude to give me a Paſs without fully and plainly knowing his will and pleaſure) to drive on another intreſt then in the leaſt the peoples welfare, peace, ſafety, liberty, or freedome; all which to my utmoſt power, and7 the often apparent hazard of my life for many years together, I have been a conſtant and reſolute patron too, and aſſerter of and never could be threatned there-from, nor in the leaſt by Gold, Silver, or promotion (which hath times often enough ſufficiently been proffered me) courted to forſake them, this being the onely and alone crime or true cauſe I have been hated, and almost often to death perſecuted, by all great powerfull intreſis, that have been great, and up in the government uf England for many years together, and therefore now, and for this onely reaſon and none elſe, did I judge I muſt now be kept out from coming into England: the Generals good words to my wife, and yet denying my Paſs (for ſo I abſolutely judged the delay of it) made me immediately think of the 18 chapter of Nicholas Machiveli's Prince, who is a man, (though through the grand corruptions of the age and place in which he lived, and the ſafety of his own life, was forced as may rationally in charity be judged to write in ſome kind of unhandſome diſguiſes.) I muſt call for the excellency and uſefulnes in corrupt times & places for his works ſake, one of the moſt wiſeſt, judicious, & true lovers of his country of Italies liberties and freedomes, and generally of the good of all mankind that ever I read of in my daies (of a meer man) who though he be commonly condemned with his Maximes and Tenents by all great ſtate polititians, as pernicious to all Chriſtian States, and hurtfull to all humane ſocieties, yet by me his books are eſteemed for real uſefullneſſe in my ſtreits to help me clearly to ſee through all the diſguiſed deceits of my potent, politick, and powerfull adverſaries; above any one of all the human Authors in the world, that ever I read (which yet are very many) the reading and ſtudying of which in the day of my great ſtreights in conteſting with the great Arbitrary powers in England, hath every way been as uſefull, advantagious, neceſſary, and requiſite to me, as a Compaſſe or Proſpective glaſse, can be to a maſter of a rich laden ſhip fallen into dangerous and unknown ſeas, where he is every hour in fear to be caſt away and deſtroyed by dangerous ſands, Rocks, or Pyrats: or as a pair of ſpectacles can be to a weak or decayed pair of eyes, in writing or reading that is compelled thereunto, and muſt do it and can get none to help him or do it for him, his book called his Prince (eſpecially) if it were ſcarce to be got, being reputed by me of more worth than its weight in beaten Gold; for by my ſerious obſerving of his ſayings, and the practiſe of moſt of thoſe great men that in England I have been neceſſitated for the ſafety of my life to ſtruggle with, I clearly find him, and the worst of his Maximes and Tenents, moſt practiſed by thoſe great men in England, that moſt condemns him, and ſeems outwardly moſt to abhor and abhominate him, and yet would willingly (as the tranſlator of his Prince, in his Epiſtle to the8 Preader ſaith) walk as Thieves do with cloſe Lanthorns in the night, that ſo they being undeſcried, and yet ſeeing all, might ſurprize the unwary in the dark, and having him by me in my preſent travels, I immediately turned to his 18 chapter, which is contained in page 135, 136, 137, &c. where he ſpeaks in theſe very words of Pope Alexander the ſixth, in whoſe time himſelf lived, and who was the man or Pope that quarrelled with Henry the eight K. of England; Alexander the ſixth ſaith he, never did any thing elſe then deceive men, and never meant otherwiſe, and alwaies found whom to work upon, yet never was there man would proteſt more effectually, nor aver any thing with more ſolemn Oaths, and obſerve them leſſe then be; nevertheleſſe his cozenages all thrived well with him, for he knew how to play his part cunningly.
Therefore (ſaith he) is there no neceſſity for a Prince (or great man) to be indued withall thoſe above written qualities, of pitty, faith, integrity, humanity and religion; but it behoves well that he ſeems to be ſo; or rather I will boldly ſay this, that having theſe qualities, and alwaies regulating himſelf by them, they are hurtfull, but ſeeming to have them they are advantagious, as to ſeem pitifull faithfull, mild, religious, and of integrity, and to be ſo indeed provided withall thou beeſt of ſuch a compoſition, that if need require thee to uſe the contrary, thou canſt, and knoweſt how to apply thy ſelf thereto; And therefore for a great man, but eſpecially for one newly attained to his greatneſſe; it beboves him (ſaith he) to have a mind ſo diſpoſed as to turn and take the advantage of all winds and fortunes, and as formerly I ſaid, not for ſake the good while he can, but to know how to make uſe of the evil upon neceſſity; And therefore let him (ſaith he) ſeem to him that ſees and hears him, all pitty, all faith, all integrity, all religion, but there is not any thing more neceſſary for him to ſeem to have (ſaith he) then this laſt quality, (viz to ſeem to be religious) becauſe all men in generall judge thereof rather by the ſight, then by the touch for every man can come to ſee what thou ſeemeſt to be, but few men come to perceive and understand what thou art indeed and reality. For (ſaith he) if great men can feign and diſſemble throughly, other men are ſo ſimple and yeeld ſo much to the preſent neceſſities, that he that hath a mind to deceive, ſhall alwaies find another that will be deceived, it being natural & common to the vulgar to be over-taken, with the apprehenſion and event of a thing, ſeldome or never rightly and truly weighing and examining the righteouſneſſe and Juſtice of the way and means, that great men uſe to attain to their ends.
And at the ſame time when I ſeriouſly conſidered the high pretences of the Major Generals Lambert and Harriſon, to Justice and Righteousneſſe in its purity and height, and the ſeeming contrariety of intreſts betwixt them and their General: it made me ſeriouſly to think of what9 I have with a great deal of obſervation read (in thoſe moſt excellent and famous Roman and Greek Hiſtorians Titus Livius and Plutark) of the Triumvery of Rome, conſiſting of Lepidus, Anthony and Auguſtus Caeſar, whoſe intreſts the ſaid Authors plentifully ſhews, in many things were as inoonſiſtent with each other, as light is with darkneſſe, yet they all could agree in the main, viz. to make a ſacrifice of each others choicest and deareſt friends, that each other of them hated, or that they knew were or had bin great lovers of the liberties & freedoms of Rome, wch ſome 100 of years before then, had been one of the moſt famouſeſt, moſt ſplendideſt, and gloriouſeſt Common-wealths in the whole world, by means of which; they not onely brought into their native Country and City moſt horrible and bloudy maſſacres and wars, but alſo totally ſubdued the liberties of their famous Common wealth, the people whereof could never regain them again to this day, although it be above 1600 years ago; and in concluſion the two eldeſt Triumveries, viz. Lepidus, and Anthony, were cheated and outed of their Government, and one or both of them of their lives, and the youngeſt, viz. Auguſtus Caeſar carried the bell away of the whole, and thereby made himſelf Emperour of the world, then in ſubjection to Rome, and the grounds and reaſons of all theſe and many more conſiderations of my then perplexed conceptions, ariſe from your foreſaid anſwer and ſpeeches to my wife, &c. for can there be any difficulty or danger, or diſhonour in it (if you were willing at all to let me come into England) to break a particular Act of Parliament in my particular caſe, of ſo high and palpable injuſtice, when you have accounted it no difficulty, danger, nor diſhonour unto your to break, or at leaſt all of you to approve of the breaking and diſſolving, of that Parliament by force of arms, that made the ſaid particular unjuſt and unrighteous Act, that were ſetled in their power, and ſecured in the continuance of it, by ſo many Acts of Parliament, divers of which made it Treaſon for any Engliſh man or men, ſo much as to go about, or but attempt, or indeavour to diſſolve them without their own free conſents, and which ſome of your very ſelves had been formerly active upon moſt ſtrict penalties, even of loſing the benefit of all Law, and being eſteemed no Engliſhmen, to force the people to take an oath or ingagement to be true to them & to maintain & preſerve them; ſo that I confeſs this piece of your anſwer was then ſuch a riddle to me, as I could then no otherwiſe unfold it, then as is alredy before declared.
In the ſecond place, as for that part of your Anſwer that tels her, there will ſpeedily be a new Parliament that will relieve me, which very thing is a greater myſtery to me then the former; becauſe that in all the readings that ever I read in my life in divine or humane Authors,10 I reade but of three wayes of governing the world or the poople thereof; the
In the third place, As to that demand, whether if I come home I will be quiet or no? I anſwer;
Firſt, I am as free born as any man breathing in England (and therefore ſhould have no more fetters then all other men put upon me) And I have actually done as much in my poor contemptible ſphere for the real preſervation of the FƲNDAMENTAL LAWS, liberties, and freedoms of England (held out in the beſt and choiſeſt of the Parliaments and Armies Declarations) as any man breathing in England, I dare with confidence and truth avow it, what ever he be, excepting never a one; nor never coveted nor deſired either gain or riches therefore, but onely my bare common ſhare in the enjoyment of the felicity and happineſs that would redound to the univerſality of the people in general, by a rational ſetling and for the future ſecuring to them the free enjoyment of their lives, liberties, and eſtates; and that ſo I might truly and ſolidly upon good grounds, call that my own, which with the ſweat of my brewes, the labour of my hands, or in duſtry or honeſty of my brains or tongue, I had juſtly got: And that it might not be taken in the leaſt from me, but onely in a common equal juſt way, for a common end, and good; or for a tranſgreſſion of a rational and juſt declared law, reaching the univerſality as wel as me, and that I might truly and upon rational grounds call my wife (that great and chiefeſt earthly delight of many men) my own, and the children that I got by her (or at leaſt confidently beleeve ſo) my own, and not have me taken from them nor them from me by will and pleaſure as often hath been practiſed upon me already, which give me leave truly to aver and avow, is more the propper iſſue of the Government of Bears and Wolves then of rational and juſt men.
Secondly, I anſwer, it is ridiculous and fooliſh to ask me ſuch a queſtion; if honeſty, juſtice, righteouſneſs, and the true freedom and liberty of the Nation be in the leaſt your real intentions: for if I come home, and finde you, as before is expreſſed, it is my intereſt (which is that great thing that ſwayes and rules the world, and all the men therein) not onely to be quiet with you, but hazardouſly venter my life, and all that ever in this world15 I have, in common with you, for the good of the whole Nation; And give me leave with confidence, and as much modeſty as I can to aver it, my intereſt is none of the meaneſt in England; but even amongſt the hobnails, clouted ſhooes, the private ſouldiers, the leather and woollen Aprons, and the laborious and induſtrious people in England, is as formidable as numerous, and as conſiderable as any one amongſt your whole ſelves not excepting your very General; (let him but lay down his ſword and become diſarmed as I am) a cleerer proof, for the manifeſtation of which, cannot be given in the world, then was given at my fore-mentioned late Tryal at Guild-Hall London, in Octob. 1649. where the Officers of the Army, and in manner the whole Parliament, and Councel of State, and Magiſtrates of London, were univerſally my bitter enemies; yet at my deliverance from death by the Verdict of my honest Jury, the private Troopers of the very Guard there upon the very place made their Trumpeters (as from good hands I have been informed) in ſpight of their Officers ſound Victoria; themſelves ſhouting and diſcharging of their piſtols for joy of my deliverance from complotted death: yea; and ſome of their Comrades begun to build bone-fires at Fleet bridge, which all my then bloody Judges, nor their Officers of the Army, that to their Lodgings guarded them for fear of the peoples rage and ſury, with many Troopes and Companies of Horſe and Foot, could not prevail with the ſouldiers, either of Horſe or Foot, to put out the ſaid bone-fires: nay, nor none of the Parliament, nor Councel of State, nor Lord Major, nor Court of Aldermen of London, durst none of them appear to hinder the people from filling the ſtreets of London in a wonderful manner with bone-fires that very night of my deliverance, thouſands and ten thouſands of the people of London (and the Countries of England) openly by there redoubled ſhoutings, feastings, drinkings, and other open and apparent rejoycings, manifeſting as much viſible joy and gladneſs at my then deliverance, as ever the famous old Grecians did at the free restauration of their ancient laws, liberties, and freedoms, by the famous General Titus Flaminius (that delight and deſire of Mankind, as in Hiſtory he is ſtiled) after he had beaten Philip King of Macedon in pitcht bettel, with a grea•ſlaughter, who held the ſaid Grecians in bondage, under the notion of friendſhip, and being their Protector; which rejoycing was wonderful great, as Plutarch in his famous Hiſtory declares: the Epitomy of which is expreſſed in my late printed Letter to Col. Henry Martin, entituled, John Lilburn revived.
Yea, abundance of the middle ſort of the people of London, openly avowed and appointed a day of Thankſgiving, where, as I remember, ſix or ſeven perſons ſpake, and prayed, and praiſed God publikely for my deliverance16 from death; as being one of their ſtout Champions for their Libeties and Freedomes: And from the place where it was performed, we marched in great Troops and Companies to a great Feaſt to the Kings Head Tavern in Fiſh ſtreet; which was ſo confiderable a Dinner or Feaſt, as that the Maſter of the Houſe, (as from ſome of the Stewards themſelves I have been informed) demanded of the Stewards about 12 or 14 li. for bare fouling of his Tablelinning; beſides the charges of Wine, and other Neceſſaries; and forced them to pay him, as I remember, above 6 l. for the uſe of his Linning: ſo that if you intend honeſty to the Nation, and ſeriouſly conſider what is before truly expreſſed, its no way in he world for your intereſt and benefit (eſpecially, being at bloody wars with forreign people) ſo to contemn and deſpiſe me, by keeping me out of England, and thereby endeavouring as much as in you lies, to make me from a preſent friend that now courts you, to become your open and profeſſed enemy to defie you, and to do you all the miſchief, that an inraged and greatly provoked metled and nimble Spirit can invent or deviſe, which may in ſhortime be fatal to ſome, or all of your particulars, though not to the whole Nation.
Beſides, in keeping me out of England, and thereby continuing my unjuſt baniſhment, you juſtifie and take the guilt upon your own ſhoulders of all the Parliaments wickedneſs and unrighteouſneſs acted upon me, in paſſing for nothing, and without all Law. (as in my fore-mentioned printed Addreſs to the General, &c. of the 14th of May laſt, I have punctually evinced) that most wicked Sentence, which they ſay concerns me. And ſo you ill honour the beginning of your Government, and give ſmall hopes to any underſtanding impartial man in England, to expect any real good from your future Government.
Thirdly, I anſwer, in caſe I come home and will not be quiet, if you intend to be juſt and honeſt, what need you fear me; for I am ſure my unquietneſs in ſuch a caſe can do you no hurt at all; but miſchief, ruine, and deſtroy ſufficiently my ſelf. Beſides, I was never in my life ſo ridiculouſly mad, and ſo fooliſh, as ever in my life to go about ſuch a thing, all the ſufferings or unquietneſs that ever I was ingaged in, in my life, againſt any ſort or kind of your Predeceſſors in power (yea even the unjuſteſt of them) was never ſo much as once acted by me, until I was forcibly compel'd by their high injuſtice exerciſed upon me thereunto, and even through meer neceſſity and force from them, being abſolutely neceſſitated to do it or periſh And Machiavil that wiſe and ſhrewd man, moſt truly ſhews, that to be a juſt ground for a publique War; for in his notable Exhortation to free Italy, his Native Countrey, from the Government of the Barbarians17 (or tyrannical Uſurpers) in the latter end of his Prince, pag. 215 ſaith, That War is just, that is neceſſary; and thoſe Ar••are religious, when there is no hope left other where but in them. And I do avow, I cannot remember, that ever in all my dayes, ſince I was a man, I begun a Quarrel with either great or little man in my life; or that either in any quarrel, ingagement, or conteſtation that I was in, that ever I refuſed any juſt, rational, moderate, or legal wayes and meanes, to come to a ſpeedy and final end of it; but have always been an earneſt and conſtant purſuer of a fair & juſt accomodation, in all the conteſts I was ingaged in in my ſelf. And therefore muſt here with the greateſt of confidence avow it, for the greateſt falſhood, and ſcandalin the world, laid conſtantly upon me by my: malicious and great enemies, when they avow me to be a man of an unquiet, unſtable, and troubleſome ſpirit: that man not being in the whole world, I am confident of it, that can juſtly inſtance in one thing, that ever I begun a quarrel or conteſt in my life; or that ever I took up the Buckler againſt any great man or intereſt in England till I was compel'd by neceſſity; which before both God and Man juſtifies an open War betwixt Nation and Nation; and therefore much more juſtifies me in all the conteſts that ever I had in my life; or hereafter may have with you (which from my very ſoul I deſire to avoid by all means poſſible) if you continue in your denial to let me come home, and breath in the ayr of the land of my Nativity, (unto which I have as great, as true, and as legal a right as any one of your ſelves, or any other man whatſoever now breathing in it) which to do, is the earneſt deſire of my heart.
The fourth thing I have to anſwer, is, that it is ſaid mine is but a private buſineſs, and the Publique takes up all your time: To which I anſwer: Can there be a more publike buſineſſe in the world, then the doing of juſtice, and relieving the Oppreſſed; and redeeming the captive, or unjuſtly baniſhed: I am ſure the Parliament at the very firſt beginning of their fitting on the 3d of Novemb. 1640. made it their work at the very firſt deſire, and relieved me and my fellow captives, then even at the very firſt knowledge of our addreſs to them, and got their honour and glory amongſt the people by it; which in the day of their great diſtreſs, became more then a ſhield and buckler unto them for their preſervation.
In the ſecond place I anſwer, that the injuſtice done to me in my baniſhment, is ſo evident and palpable to all men whatever that have eys in their heads to ſee, that the debate of my buſineſs needs take up no longer time then the bare reading of my Addreſſe, and granting an Order upon it.
The laſt thing I have to anſwer is, that in regard of the fore mentioned18 parts of your Anſwer, I muſt be quiet and patient.
To which I anſwer, it is impoſſible I ſhould: Firſt, becauſe my baniſhment, and Sir Arthur Haſlerigs cruelty, hath rob'd me of all my Eſtate, and rich Employment beſides; ſo that I proteſt as in the preſence of the Almighty, in a land of ſtrangers, I have not one peny to buy me bread, but what I am forced to borrow. Secondly, I am already in divers of hundred of pounds debt; and how long in reaſon conſidering thereof, I ſhall be able to ſubſist, I leave it to a rational and impartial man to judge; and to be beholden to the charity or benevolence of friends, is a thing ſo ugly in my eſtimation; a thing ſo ſubject to be hit in future time in a mans teeth, and brings with it ſo much ſlavery and captivity of a mans Reaſon and Ʋnderstanding to the wils and pleaſures of thoſe that a man in ſuch a caſe is beholden to, that I loath and abhor the very thoughts of it more then death: And having in all my baniſhment to this day not been beholden, to the beſt of my remembrance, for the gift of a farthing, or its worth, to all the kindred or friends I have in England, Scotland, and Ireland (ſaving for two pieces of Gold, as two tokens, that my wife at her laſt being with me brought me from two friends, and for a little Rundlet of Sack ſent me in Winter by another, with ſome Ribbonds for ſhooe-ſtrings by another, and ſome friendly entertainments at Amſterdam by ſome friends now in England) and I am reſolved to keep from being in that kind beholden to my friends, till abſolute, and pure, and unavoidable neceſſity compels me to cry out openly, bitterly, mournfully, and publikely, in printed Briefs, both to God and Man, of all Nations and Conditions for aid, help, and relief. Thirdly, I anſwer: How can patience and quietneſſe be expected by you from me, in my condition, when my life hath been, and yet is (for any thing I know to the contrary) in continual danger, even by the hired and pentioned Agents of ſome of thoſe that were very zealous in my unjuſt and tyrannical baniſhment; one of which, an Iriſh-man, or Rebel, and named Hugh-Rily, I hear is now in England, who in the face of the main Court of Guard at Dunkirk, without the leaſt provocation or affront, preſented ſeveral times his pocket piſtol to me, and ſware moſt bitter Oaths (in the preſence of ſeveral honeſt Engliſhmen as Witneſſes) God dam and ſink him if he did not immediatly piſtol me: Upon which, I complaining to ſome of the Magiſtrates of Dunkirk, their chief Bayliff, in his own perſon, and by divers of his Officers, ſearched for him to puniſh him, for the breach of their Law, for offering to diſturb the quiet of their Garriſon. But he knowing his own notorious guilt, fled and hid himſelf: whereupon the chief Bayliff himſelf ſeized upon the ſaid Rily's Portmantle, and all other things belonging19 longing to him, that he could lay his hands of: Which Rily I am able ſufficiently to prove is one of the bloodieſt, falſeſt, cowardeſt, and villainous Rogues in the world: of whoſe tyrannical carriage at his late being in Rebellion in Colcheſter againſt you, by Mr Beacon (a man as I am informed of good repute in Colcheſter) at whoſe houſe the ſaid Rily was quartered, may be ſufficiently informed. And yet he was one of Mr Scots pentioned and hired Agents, as by ſome of his letters which I have intercepted, I certainly know, and have too much cauſe to think he hired him in Flanders, either to murther me himſelf, or get it done by others. And yet this wicked Villain, as my Wife writes me word, hath that impudence to petition againſt me, which ſhe looks upon as one of the greateſt Reaſons to hinder my deſired Paſs.
Theſe, and the like conſiderations, noble Gentlemen, perplexing my head, my heart, and my ſpirit at the reading of my Letters the laſt Sunday at Dunkirk, compelled me in that condition to write ſeverall private letters the laſt P•ſt over into England; One of which its poſſible may come to your knowledge, and thereby very much diſpleaſe you: In which conſideration, upon my coming to Calis, and finding and reading the ſaid Colcheſter Addreſs unto you, I was thereby incouraged and imboldened notwithſtanding that to pen this Addreſſe unto you.
By which I do moſt heartily and earneſtly intreat you to do your ſelves that right and honour, and me that juſtice, as to grant me my ſpeedy Paſs, in ſecurity, to return into England; for which I ſhall really and truly be obliged to ſubſcribe my ſelf,
And along with this Addreſs I ſent ſeveral Inſtructions; the last part of which being moſt pertinent to evince the thing I drive at, viz. That my affection to my Native Countrey, all the time I was beyond ſea, was one and the ſame in truth and reality; without ſtaggering or wavering in the leaſt) that ever it was in any time in my abode in England; and that my love, and the manifeſtation of it to my Native Countrey, hath been great while I was in England, at leaſt ſometimes; I think Major Packer, nor none of his great Maſters, my greateſt Enemies, will deny in the leaſt: And that it was the ſame to the height all the time I was beyond the ſeas, I ſhall in part appeal to the latter end of my ſaid Inſtructions; which I am confident hath ſuch Propoſitions in them for Englands good, as never was made in England by a private man; nor I believe cannot be immagined which way to be brought or made practick, by any private man in England beſides my ſelf; And although they are in print in the 38 and 39 pages of my late printed Tryal at the late Seſſions, upon the 13, 14, 15, 16. of July laſt; yet ſhall I judge it very proper and pertinent to the purpoſe in hand, to inſert the copy here, which thus followeth.
FIfthly, I beſeech you have a ſpecial care of ſpies, falſe Brethren, Neuters, Diſſemblers, Ambo-dexters, and ſneaking quench-coals, any of which in the leaſt, as ſoon as you apprehend to be among you, take ſpecial notice of them, and at leaſt deſire them to depart out of your meeting. And this with confidence, if your reſolute and unwearied endeavours bring me home, upon my reputation and life I will make it evident and apparent to your choſen Commiſſioners you ſhall authorize to diſcourſe with me about what I have to ſay to you, that my time, brains and intereſt, in my compulſive being beyond the ſeas, hath been ſpent to as much advantage, for the good in general of my Native Country, and the people thereof, as ever man in the worlds was, that was forced from his Native Soil, and particularly, If I can21 be permitted to come home in peace and quietneſs, I do hereby engage and binde my ſelf, at my utmoſt peril, demonſtratively, rationally and evidently, to lay down ſuch Rules, wayes and means, as if ſpeedily and effectually perſued, ſhall undoubtedly make England to be either honoured, courted, and reſpected by all neighbouring Princes and Commonwealths round about her (even Holland it ſelf) or elſe undoubtedly ſhall make her to be feared and dreaded of all thoſe that refuſe to do the former, and that this ſhall be done by honourable and juſt ways in every particular.
2. I will lay down ſuch honeſt, juſt, rational and feaſible grounds, as if ſpeedily and effectually perſued in the eye of reaſon, ſhall undoubtedly make England in Trade and Traffick in one year, or two at the moſt, more to flouriſh in Trade and Traffick, then ever it did before the late Wars; yea, even to equallize and go beyond Amſterdam and Holland in its greateſt glory, which in their true and natural effects ſhall much increaſe the people and inhabitants of England (and in particular ſhall make thouſand and ten thouſands of Watermen more then now they have) which are and muſt be, now the Bulworks of England) ſhall raiſe the price of Land, and by conſequence of all commodities produced by it, the Loans of which at the preſent is like to break the poor Husband-man, and in a very ſhort time ſhall eaſe the people of three quarters at leaſt of their preſent charges in Taxes and Excize; and for the future, the middle ſort of people ſhall not bear half ſo much as they do now in proportion; nor the richeſt be oppreſt at all, nor compelled to pay above their proportion; which with Gods bleſſing in a very few moneths ſhall produce to whole England ſuch peace and plenty, as ſhall evidently yielde an unoppreſſive way and means to give to every Souldier now in Arms in England, &c. and ſettle upon him and his heirs for ever, without alienation, ſo many Acres of Land as ſhall be worth ten pound, or fifteen pound ſterling a year; and upon every poor decayed houſe keeper (like the Law Agraria amongſt the Romans) ſhall ſettle for ever ſo many Acres of Lands, as ſhall be worth after the firſt years husbandry, to him and his heirs for ever, five pound or fixe pound ſterling per year: and ſhall alſo provide for all the old and lame people in England, that are paſt their work, and for all Orphans and Children that have no eſtate nor parents, that ſo in a very ſhort time there ſhall not be a Beggar in England, nor any idle perſon that hath hands or eyes, by meanes of all which, the whole Nation ſhall really and truly in its Militia, be ten22 times ſtronger, formidabler and powerfuller then now it is: all which if you get me home in ſafety, and thereby free me from the murtherous dealings of Mr Thomas Scot, and his curſed and blood thirſty Aſſociates, if by evident reaſon and demonſtration I do not make all the aboveſaid things apparent to your Commiſſioners choſen by you to diſcourſe with me upon the premiſes, let me dye, and be eſteemed for ever by you all, the verieſt Cheat and Rogue that ever in your lives you had to deal withall: Therefore, as you love your own welfare, and the welfare and happineſſe of the Land of your Nativity, act vigorouſly, ſtoutly, induſtriouſly, and unweariedly night and day, for the preſervation of your own intereſt, liberties, and welfare, very much concerned in your ſpeedy getting me a Paſs: for which I ſhall account my ſelf as much obliged to you all that are vigorous actors in it, as ever man did to a generation of men in the world: ſo with my honeſt and trueſt love to you all, I reſt,
And becauſe in the latter end of my fore-going Addreſs from Calis Pag. 19. there is mention made of one Letter being written from Dunkirk, which probably may come to the knowledge of the Councel of State, which will not pleaſe them, and ſeeing the ſaid Letter is conſtantly hit in my friends teeth, as my information tels me by Major Packer himſelf, and other of his great Maſters, as if it were fully fraught with treaſon, felony or the higheſt manifeſtation of malice and hatred to my native Country, that poſſible can be expreſſed; and though ſince my coming into England I have made it my ſtudied work, rather to heal and cloſe up breaches betwixt me and my potent adverſaries, then to make them in the leaſt wider, and therefore in my three firſt Addreſſes to the Councel of State, I did in ſincerity and truth, proffer them what ever in my imagination, could be proffered by a rational, peaceable, juſt and honeſt man: but yet notwithſtanding that,23 my life and innocent bloud ever ſince hath been with that eagerneſs perſued; and ſtil is ordered to be perſued, and no ear at all in the leaſt will be given to any of thoſe many Petitions or thouſands and ten thouſands well affect•d people, that hath conſtantly been endeavoured to be preſented to the Parliament for me, that I am confident I may juſtly ſay, the perſecution raiſed and perſued againſt my innocent life, is farre beyond the perſecution in bloudy Queen Maries time, that was raiſed and perſued againſt the righteous and juſt Martyrs, or any of them: For in the firſt place, ſhe dealt in that particular ſo juſtly with them, that ſhe made them known and declared Laws to walk by, and to take heed of, before that ever ſhe went about in any the leaſt ki•de to puniſh them, but no ſuch thing in the leaſt is there in my caſe; although our Governours pretend to be a thouſand times more righteous and godly then ſhe was, and yet in actions even in my preſent particular, are abundantly more abhominable in wickedneſs and thirſting after innocent bloud then ſhe was; And beſides, we have in England been fighting (pretendedly for the ſecuring of our Lawes and Liberties) for this ten or eleven years together, and yet fall far ſhort of bloudy and wicked Queen Mary in outward juſtice and righteouſneſs.
Who ſecondly, would never have any of the righteous Martyrs condemned, but ſhe would have them to have due proceſs of Law, and fair hearings and trials, and their crimes and offences laid unto their charges, and either proved againſt them face to face, or confeſſed by them: But no ſuch things at all in the leaſt is there in my caſe; for I never had any due proceſs of Law in my life about my baniſhment, nor no crime in the leaſt laid unto my charge, nor never ſaw accuſer, nor witneſs againſt me; nor never was asked the queſtion what I could ſay for my ſelf? nor never permitted to ſpeak one word for my ſelf, and yet Major William Packer and his great pretended Religious Maſters, General CROMWEL, Major Genereal HARRISON, and Major General DESBOROƲGH, are the onely men that principally perſue my life upon this ſcore to have it taken away from me; which is a deliberated and a conſulted action of higher tyranny I am confident of it, them ever was acted by the greateſt Tyrannical King, that ever ſince the Creation of the World Ruled in England, that ever in the leaſt pretended to govern by Law and Juſtice.
Nay I do hereby avow it, and will pawn my life in every circumſtance to make it good, that the preſent dealing with me by the General24 and his Confederates aforeſaid, is an action as full of injuſtice in it ſelf, as it would be for the preſent Parliament to ſay;
Reſolved upon the Queſtion,
That all the Men, Women, and Children in England, beſides our ſelves and our Wives and Children, be forthwith hanged, drawn and quartered:
And then when ſuch a Vote is paſt, endeavour with all their might to put it in execution without mercy or compaſſion: For I am endeavoured to be deſtroyed and hanged as a Felon, without in the leaſt having any action of Felony committed by me, laid unto my charge; or any other crime whatſoever, but that my name is John Lilburn, and that I am in the Land of my Nativitie, and continue as honeſt as ever I was in my dayes: in all which conſiderations premiſed, I am forced to inſert a Copy of my Letter to the General from Dunkirk, which is rendred to be ſo ſtrange a kinde of monſtrous piece, and ſo unlike an Engliſhman, that hath the leaſt ſpark of affection to his Native Countrey in him, and judge my ſelf a thouſand times more able to defend every line and clauſe in it now I am alive (which by all meanes the General intends ſhall not be long) then any other man whatſoever is, after my death; which is now ſo violently perſued to be perfected and conſummated: And therefore the Copy of the ſaid Letter thus followeth.
THough I know it hath been your conſtant deſigne to purſue my life like a Partridge upon the Mountains, for theſe ſix or ſeven yeers together, with all the unhanſome and unmanlike ways of ignobleneſs and unworthineſs, that poſſible could be acted or invented, with any ſeeming pretence or colour. And though now and then in the midſt thereof, you have ſeemed to carry an outward face of reſpect unto me, yet it hath always been with a double heart, and onely at thoſe times, when your own wickedneſs and unrighteouſneſs, and turning your back upon all your declared promiſes and principles, hath brought you into ſuch ſtreights, ſnares, and dangers, as that in the eye of Reaſon the Kings party and the Presbyterians have had you faſt in their mouſe-traps, your own life and ſafety, and nothing elſe, then forcing and compelling of you to houl and cry like the great hypocrites in the days of old, mentioned in the Old-Teſtament, to me or ſuch ſturdy fellows as I was, and alſo to acknowledge your own baſeneſs, and for the future, promiſe the performance of honeſt and juſt things, on purpoſe to engage our helping hands, to be conjoyned (in the day of your great ſtraights, brought upon you by your own conſtant unworthineſs, and habituated falſeneſs) to yours: either to help you through your preſent ſtreights, or at leaſt to fit ſtill, without any proſecuting revenge of you in your ſtreights: which by reaſon of your conſtant meeting with ingenuous ſpirits amongſt thoſe ſturdy people, whom with my ſelf you on ſet purpoſe (at Putney) reproachfully baptized, or maliciouſly nick-named Levellers, and men that minded in their own thoughts the publick intereſts more then their own particular concernments. And becauſe the King and his party was never ſo wiſe for their own ends and advantages as to make that fair and rational uſe of thoſe ſignal advantages that they often had by your folly and madneſs, to hold out publickly rational ſecurity to the body of the people of England of all intereſts, for their future enjoyment of their lives, liberties, and eſtates from the fear of arbitrary deſtruction at pleaſure; but rather choſe to act the contrary, by ſlights, contempts, ſcornes, and abuſes: by means of which, you have enjoyed conſtant and valiant helps to free you from the dreadful fear of your many blots, even by thoſe perſons that you have formerly highly diſobliged; from which you have been no ſooner delivered, but you have immediately been like the dog that returns to his vomit a gain, and with the greateſt deteſtation in the world, have immediately endeavoured the deſtruction of your very preſerv•rs; which I having ſo many known and certain experiments of, as I have, and of thoſe bloody ways and means you have purſued the total deſtruction of me, my wife and children, (three of whom, as the chiefeſt earthly inſtrument, I dare aver rationally to evince you have murthered and been the death of) and of your activity and zeal (if I may believe the relation of an able and rational member of the late Parliament that heard you in the houſe) to appear openly in the late Parliament as the principal man to have me baniſhed (in which unrighteous and unjuſt ſentence, I do with confidence here avow it, no honeſt, nor juſt man, could have a hand or finger in approving of it, or acting in it) and thereby to be robbed of my eſtate, and not now leſt worth a groat to buy me bread, and thereby to be deprived of the comfortable enjoyment of my wife, and tender babes: (the greateſt delight formerly to me in the26 whole earth) and of all other comforts of this life, yea to breath in the ayr of the Land of my nativity, yea and by you cauſleſly expoſed to an exilement amongſt worſe then barbarians for baſeneſs, and moſt deteſtable falſeneſs: even amongſt my contriving, plotting, lying, and bloody enemies; ſet on, on purpoſe to deſtroy me, as I have too much grounded cauſe to believe, by large gifts and penſions, flowing originally by your inſtructions to your late vaſſal and ſlave Tho. Scot, late Secretary of State, one of the moſt baſeſt〈◊◊〉and rotten whoremaſterly villains in the whole world.
In all which regards, it was below me, and inferior to me, and inconſiſtent with my intereſt and reputation in many reſpects, to write of late in any reſpectful way unto you, without a kinde of compulſive force and neceſſity; but in regard firſt for that•nderedneſs of affection that I owe to her, whom I formerly entirely loved as my own life: though your late barbarous tyrannical dealing with me, hath expoſed her to ſo much folly and lowneſs of ſpirit in my eys, in ſome of her late childiſh actions, as hath in ſome meaſure, produced an alienation of affection in me to her. Yet by reaſon of her perſwaſive and urgent importunity in the firſt place, and 2. many ways for my own politick ends, and 3. to leave you without all manner of excuſe in the eys of rational men, was I induced and in a manner compelled, upon the 14 of May laſt, to write an Addreſs into England in a reſpective way, particularly to your ſelf, who (to deal plainly with you) I then did and ſtill do believe, was ſo engaged in intereſts, wrath, and malice in your own heart, as rather ſooner (as I have often told my poor ſimple wiſe) to hazard your life and well-being, then ever ſuffer me again to breath in Englands Ayr, in peace, ſecurity and quietneſs; In which regard, I told her, if ſhe were wiſe, ſhe would willingly permit me, according to my own well and rationally grounded genius, to ſcuffle neither with ſmall nor great, but you alone, as the chief author of my baniſhment, and chief Patron and true earthly cauſer of all the grand miſchieſs and Tyranny acted in poor England: yet though I could not draw her to that, I ſo penned my ſaid Addreſs, as that if upon the ſpeedy delivery of it my Paſs were denyed or delayed, I could in my own thoughts make ſufficient uſe of the publiſhing and printing of it; and therefore confidently believing you would be like that grand Ty•ant Pharoah, hardened in heart to your own deſtruction, I got 1000 of them in theſe parts printed in Dutch and Engliſh, and immediately ſent another copy to Paris to be printed in French and Engliſh there; and alſo ſent another copy to Amſterdam, to be printed in Dutch and Latin there: which I hope if it be not already done, it will be ſpeedily done; and another copy by another hand then my wife, to be printed, beſides the original I ſent to London; but my wife having heard of it, hath moſt irrationally hindered it, ſo that now I muſt take ſome other courſe to get it printed, whether ſhe will or no; let the iſſue be good or bad I care not: and fully underſtanding by this Poſt, by ſix or ſeven ſeveral Letters, that my deſired Paſs is delayed; which I have cauſe by the length of time, to take for an abſolute denyal, and alſo have too juſt cauſe to judge that you alone, are the principal cauſe of it; in which regard, not to complement with you, which now I ſcorn, but in my own imagination to leave you amongſt all rational men the more without excuſe, I ſend you theſe lines, upon which moſt particularly, I do moſt heartily and earneſtly entreat you (who I know is able with the bare lifting up of your finger if you pleaſe) to ſend me ſpeedily without any the leaſt further delay, my Paſs, to return into the Land of my nativity, from my cauſleſs, illegal, and unjuſt baniſhment: and if when I come into England, you have any thing to ſay to me, for any evil I have done you, either in word or action, or any way elſe, I do hereby engage to27 give you real ſatisfaction face to face, either firſt as a Chriſtian, or ſecondly as a rational man, or thirdly as a ſturdy (though very much wounded and cut) fellow, that dare yet ſubſcribe himſelf,
A ſecond piece that I intended when I begun this to have produced, to evince my ſtrong and earneſt affection to my native country, and its liberties and freedomes, and my conſtant ſtudy to indeavour its welfare, even while I was beyond the ſeas, whilſt I was daily ſtrugling with the complotted-deſignes of my death, by the barbarous, wicked, and moſt vile agents of Maſter Thomas Scot, the Generals Secretary of State; and as I am informed is yet his boſome, cabinet, and darling friend, although in all manner of wickedneſs and baſeneſs, he is ſo vile and putrified, that I am confident, honeſt Job would have ſcorned to have ſet ſo unworthy a man with the dogs of his flock. I ſay the ſecond piece that I intended to produce, was an Epiſtle writ by me, from Bridges in Flanders, the laſt of October laſt Engliſh ſtile, unto Colonel Martin, which is printed beyond Sea, at the latter end of a book, Intituled John Lilburn revived; and which hath ſo many clear demonſtrations in it of my true affection to my Native Country, and its welfare, and proſperity, and that in the way of a Commonwealth rightly conſtituted; that by no underſtanding man that ſhall read it, can I (I am confident of it) in the leaſt be judged, a man in league with any manner of Royalliſt in the world, to do England or its liberties and freedoms the leaſt hurt in the earth: but it would make this Epiſtle much too long, and take up too much of my precious time to look after, my ſecond tryal drawing on ſo nigh at hand, as Wedenſday come ſeven dayes is; and that with that fury and rage, that I underſtand the General, &c. drives it on with; and therefore I ſhall here earneſtly deſire ſome of the ſeriouſeſt amongſt you, for your further ſatisfaction in this point, to make a journey to London, to one very well known to the moſt, if not all of you, and that is Maſter William Kiffin, one judged even by my great adverſaries ſufficiently well-affected to the preſent intereſt that now rules; and ask him but theſe two queſtions:
But now my friends, ſhould I put you upon a ſerious conſideration of the publike wayes of Major William Packer, and his great maſters; truly I think I might truly aver, that all the hiſtories of the whole world, will not afford a generation of men, that in printed Declarations have promiſed more to a people of good, and in actions done leſs then they; there being not the leaſt ſuitableneſs in the world, betwixt their publike Declarations and their Actions; for although it was onely Law and Liberty that declaredly we fought to ſecure for theſe eleven together againſt the King, yet I would now but ask any ingenious man in England this queſtion, Whether there be any law in reality, liberty, or propriety left in England, but the Generals will and pleaſure; who although he was but a mean man a while ago, and now at moſt but the peoples daily hired and paid mercenary ſervant; Doth he no28 pick and cull Parliaments at his pleaſure? and when thoſe that he hath left hath given him and his aſſociates out of that that is none of their own many thouſand pound lands of inheritance a yeer; doth he not at his pleaſure pluck them up by the too•s? although by his conſent and ſeeking, they had hem'd themſelves about with divers laws, to make it treaſon for any man or men of England, whatſoever, but to indeavor to raiſe force againſt them to diſſolve them; and doth not he and his Officers when they have created neceſſities of their own making, without the leaſt ſhaddow of Parliamentary authority, expreſly againſt the tenour of the Petition of Right, and all our fundamental laws, moſt arbitarily, as if the people of England were the moſt abſolute conquered, invaſſalized ſlaves upon the ſace of the whole earth, lay a tax of ſixſcore thouſand pound a moneth upon the people, to fill his pockets and his fat aſſociates? and doth he not do more then all the foregoing Kings and Tyrants of England durſt do, in chuſing by himſelf and ſuch of his meer mercenary Officers joyned with him as he pleaſeth, a Parliament or Legiſlators of whom he pleaſeth, to make laws for the people without asking their conſents in the leaſt? Sure I am, the Chronicles and Records of England declare, that it was one of the Articles for which King Richard the ſecond was diſcrowned, and loſt his crown, That by himſelf and his own authority, he had diſplaced but ſome Burgeſſes of the Parliament, and•ad placed ſuch o•her in their•oomes, as would beſt fit and ſerve his own turn. See William Martins Chronicle of the laſt Edition, folio 128. Article 21.
And in Article 22. He is accuſed for cauſing certain laws in Parliament to be made for his own gaine, and to ſerve his own turn.
And in Article the 20. He is accuſed for over-awing the Members of Parliament, that they durſt not ſpeak their minds freely.
And as for our lives, it was Maſter Peters averment to me long ſince in the Tower, we had no law leſt in England; and it was his averment yeſterday, being Sunday the laſt of July, in the preſence of the General, before ſome of my acquaintance, two of which aver to me, that he averred to them, we have now no law left or in being in England, ſo that it ſeems the Generals will muſt be our rule to walk by, and his pleaſure the taker away of our lives, without any crime or charge in law laid unto our charges, or any defence or ſpeaking for our ſelves permitted to us, or required of us; which is abſolutely and perfectly my caſe, as appears by the Votes of Parliament of the 15. Jan. 1651. printed in my Trial: Therefore Judge ſeriouſly of your own, and conſider impartially, whether now in your preſent condition, under your great high and mighty pretended Chriſtian maſter and lawleſs Lords, You are not in a worſe condition then ever any of our forefathers were, under their Heathen, Pagan, Papal, Epiſcopal, or Presbyterian governours; having now to deal with a company of mighty pretended Chriſtians and Saints, who yet make it their trade to get their bread and livelihood, by ſhedding the blood, and butchering of their neighbours and country-men (they know not wherefore) whoſe tables are dayly richly ſpread and deckt with the price of the blood of the people of England, and their back and houſes richly clothed and adorned with the ſame, whoſe laws and liberties they have deſtroyed and confounded, although they receive their daily wages and ſubſiſtence from them; and that for no other publikely owned and declared cauſe, but for the preſerving of them.
And being it is againſt the law of God, the light of nature, reaſon, and the law of England, as the Officers of the Army in many of their Declarations have declared, for a man to be Judge in his own caſe as they are with me, in conſtantly picking and nulling my Judges, of what perſons they pleaſe; yet in a way of equity and juſtice,29 I challenge all my adverſaries amongſt them, even from the General to the meaneſt Officer, to chuſe 2, 3, 4, 5, or 6 honeſt friends, and I will do the like; and in the face of the Sun, even to the utmoſt hazard of life, I will refer my ſelf to a bide by their judgement, upon a fair and open publike hearing, for all manner of things, from my Cradle to this hour, that they are able to lay to my charge; and if they refuſe this (do they not declare thereby their own guilt?) which I am confident there is none of them all dare imbrace it, but only continue in their belying me behind my back, when I am not preſent to maintaine my own innocency, which to preſerve amongſt you, and other honeſt people in England, I ſhall deſire you ſeriouſly to read the honeſt papers already printed and publiſhed by my ſelf and friends or well-wiſhers, for my vindication and juſtification, the names of which thus followeth.
But in regard I am naming of books for my vindication, I beſeech you to take notice, that there is one of the excellenteſt pieces that lately I have read in England, for clearing up the ancient fundamental laws, rights, and liberties ſetled by our forefathers, lately publiſhed by that ſober and rational man, Captaine Robert Norwood, and printed for the foreſaid Rich. Moone, Intituled An additional diſcourſe, &c. which hath much relation to a moſt laborious piece, commonly reputed to be made by Maſter Sadler, the Town-Clark of London, and which is Intituled, Rights of our Kingdome, or, cuſtoms of our anceſtors, Printed at London by Richard Biſhop 1649. a••30in a ſpecial manner, mentioned in the 27. pag. of the foreſaid Captaine Norwoods book; in the diligent reading of which, you may exactly ſee what your ancient and legal freedoms are; and the abſolute ſlavery and bondage in which now you are, from which God in mercy and loving kindneſs ſpeedily and fully deliver you: and ſo I reſt,
We whoſe names are underwrit, the day and yeer above mentioned, do teſtifie, That we were with Maſter Henry Scobel Clarke to the Parliament, and Maſter Ferman his Clarke, which ſaid Ferman ſhewed us the Journal book, and the Votes therein again Lieutenant Colonel John Lilburne, which agreed with the Votes printed. We deſired the ſaid Ferman to ſhew us the Record of the Act and Judgement paſſed in Parliament againſt Lieuterant Colonel John Lilburn: but the ſaid Ferman ſaid, he could not ſhew it us till his Maſter came home; but ſaid that he had a copy which he writ for Maſter Prideauxes man: but Maſter Prideauxes man refuſed it, ſaying, he muſt have it in Parchment. And the ſaid Ferman ſaid, he writ it him in Parchment, but becauſe it was not certified, he made him write it over again in Parchment, to have it certified by Writ into the Chancery, and he ſaid it was done lately: and the ſame day we ſpoke with the ſaid Henry Scobel, and deſired him to ſhew us the Original Act and Judgement that paſſed in the Houſe againſt Lieut. Col. John Lilburne: and he brought us ſeveral papers which he read unto us, which ſaid papers were full of ſcratches, and very many words and lines croſſed out. We asked him whether that was the Orginal, that paſſed the Houſe, to which he anſwered, Yes. We further asked him, whether it was ingroſſed in Parchment, and then paſſed in the Houſe after it was ingroſſed; but he ſaid No, and that there was no other paſſed in the Houſe but thoſe papers he ſhewed us: and in thoſe ſcratched, blotted, patched, interlined papers, writ to our apprehenſions, in ſeveral hands, and ſome of it newly done, as we told the ſaid Maſter Henry Scobel. The fines therein mentioned, were writ in figures, which we ſaid was a great error in a principal bond, much more in a principal Act. We alſo asked him to ſhew us the Original of the Judgement which the Act makes mention of, to be paſſed the fifteenth day of January, one thouſand ſix hundred fifty one, againſt Lieutenant Colonel John Lilburn, for high Crimes and Miſdemeanors by him committted; but he ſhewed us certaine Reſolves, which are as followeth.
But he could not ſhew us, as he ſaid himſelf, any Judgement given for high Crimes and Miſdemeanors, the 15 day of January 1651. or any other day againſt Lieut. Col. John Lilburn: and further ſaid there was nothing that paſſed but only thoſe Reſolves: we asked him how often the Act was read, and he ſaid it was read twice upon the twenty firſt of January one thouſand ſix hundred fifty one, and then committed, and read the third time upon the thirtieth of January 1651 (but the ſaid Mr. Scobel refuſed to ſhew us the indorſement, although we earneſtly deſired it, but he ſnatched it away from us) and corrected, and put to the Queſtion whether it ſhould be ingroſſed, but (as it appears by the Journal book which he ſhewed unto us) it paſſed in the Negative that it ſhould not be Ingroſſed: but was reſolved that it ſhould be printed and publiſhed.
Unto which foreſaid Certificate, I ſhall onely deſire to annex a penn'd anſwer unto ſome objections about my carriage beyond ſea, penn'd by a meer ſtranger that I know not, and ſent unto me: which paper being very pertinent to the foregoing treated of buſineſs, thus followeth:
ITs objected that John Lilburn held correſpondencie with malignants when he was beyond the ſeas, being baniſhed out of England.
Anſw. If John Lilburn being baniſhed did hold affinity or correſpondencie with Malignants being beyond the ſeas, yet he betrayed no truſt repoſed in, or unto him; for they that baniſhed him, put no Charge or Truſt upon him to act for them in his baniſhed condition ▪ but by their baniſhing of him deprived him of all duties and performances: and putting him there in a capacity of an Alien, and excommunicated perſon from the Commonwealth of England, making of him an enemy,33 and ſo leaving him free in himſelf to act for himſelf either with or againſt thoſe th•…baniſhed him, as he pleaſed: for in their Act of baniſhment which they ſay concerns him and now would take away his life for pretended breaking of it, They did not lay any Injunctions upon him in his baniſhed condition to act for them, nor reſtrain him to act againſt them: ſo that in reaſon he the ſaid John Lilburn cannot be blamed for what he ſaid or did beyond the ſeas, although it were ten times worſe then his adverſaries report it: the reaſon is, for that they made him an Alien and ſtranger to England, putting him in the condition of an enemy, depriving of him if he pleaſed, from all the obligations, duties, and performances of an Engliſh man. But if he had not been baniſhed, then in the eye of the Law of nature he ſhould have endeavoured to preſerve the well-being of his native Country: and did not David go with the Philiſtians to battel againſt Saul, as is recorded, when he was forced to flye for his life to eſcape the fury of Saul? and doth not David call Saul and all that took part with Saul enemies? and God doth not lay any ſin to Davids charge for it, as it may be obſerved in the Scriptures, 1 Sam. 21.10, 11. & 29.1, 2, 3.6. And 1 Chro. 12.19. Neither ought John Lilburn to be accuſed as a malefactor, for what he ſaid or did againſt thoſe that ſought to take away his life, as Saul did, or would have done to David when he was in an exile condition, ſeeing that they then eſteemed him as an enemy.
But Objection the ſecond, John Lilburn is come to England to embroyl this Nation in a new war, and to deſtroy moſt of our States-men, as is reported or ſaid.
Anſw. When there is no action committed, there is no tranſgreſſion to be charged; and where no tranſgreſſion is charged, no Law condemneth, for neither the Law of God, nor the Law of Nature condemneth before ſome tranſgreſſion be committed: for Adam was not condemned before he had tranſgreſſed, but was forewarned that he ſhould not tranſgreſs, that he might not be condemned, Gen. 2.16, 17. and if a horſe look over a hedge where Corn is, and break not in, the horſe is not preſently pounded, unleſs he committed ſome actions by breaking into the Corn, and ſo be under tranſgreſſion, then he is liable to be pounded, ſaith the Law. Neither can it ſtand in Reaſon, with men of Reaſon, that ever Mr. John Lilburn could or can embroyl this Nation in a new war again with it ſelf, for in reaſon how can it be? hath not the people or Parliament thouſands of foot and horſe now in Arms, both in England and other places, and a great Navy at Sea? and beſides, the conſtancie of Mr Lilburn to the truſt repoſed in him for the publick or common good, might let all men ſee and fully underſtand thereby, that thoſe aſperſions caſt upon him is meerly out of malice againſt the perſon of the man. Nay all men that have but natural underſtanding, may ſee the good intentions of Mr. Lilburn by his many ſufferings in the days of the Biſhops and late King, and often ſince; not that Mr Lilburn ever did oppoſe powers, or Magiſtrates as powers, but the abuſe of their power, which they inflict and exerciſe upon the people, whom both by the Law of God and Nature they are bound to preſerve and comfort: but when Powers make their luſts to be their Wills, and their Wills to be Laws, then honeſt Mr. John Lilburn oppoſeth that corruption; and for oppoſing Vice, and not Vertue, Mr. John Lilburn is often contemned and counted a turbulent man; but the truth is, tyranny is reſiſtible in whomſoever it is found (it is the Armies and grandees own Doctrine, and they have preached and practiſed it in the higheſt) and wil and ought to be reſiſted by all well principled and minded men both by the light and Law of God and Nature. Alſo if Mr. John Lilburn had been of ſuch a baſe Spirit as ſome great in place are, that when he was employed for the Parliament, to revolt, and then turn to the King and his34 Faction, and from the King to the Parliament again, and had now under his command great ſtore of ſhips at Sea, or ſouldiers on Land; then there might be ſome colour of ſhew, that he would put forth himſelf for the Kings intereſt; but Mr. Lilburn never ſtained as yet his reputation, by betraying the truſt repoſed in him for the good of this Nation, but valiantly and honeſtly hath performed his part in all actions as hath been offered him. So it may be expected and feared that ſome who make a fair ſhew of the peoples Freedoms and Liberties, do intend the peoples Bondage; as may appear by thoſe unjuſt dealings and proceedings againſt Mr. John Lilburn, that ſtands for nothing ſo much as the peoples Liberties, Freedoms, and Laws: although his life is dear unto him, and his wife and children, yet he hath acted more for the true Freedoms of the people, then ever he did for them. So having anſwered theſe your Objections, I remain yours and the peoples well wiſher of Freedom and Liberty, both according to the Law of God and Nature, and that to do as men would that others ſhould do to them, which is both the Law and the Prophets, Matth. 7.12.
(EEBO-TCP ; phase 2, no. A88267)
Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 115107)
Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 109:E708[22])
Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford.
EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO.
EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org).
The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source.
Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data.
Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so.
Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor.
The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines.
Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements).
Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site.
This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. Searching, reading, printing, or downloading EEBO-TCP texts is reserved for the authorized users of these project partner institutions. Permission must be granted for subsequent distribution, in print or electronically, of this EEBO-TCP Phase II text, in whole or in part.