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THE NECESSITY OF Chriſtian Subjection.

Demonſtrated, and proved by the Do­ctrine of Chriſt, and the Apoſtles; the practice of Primitive Chriſtians, the rules of Reli­gion, caſes of conſcience, and conſent of latter Orthodox Divines, That the power of the King is not of Humane, but of Divine Right; and that God onely is the efficient cauſe thereof.

Whereunto is added, An Appendix of all the chief Objections that malice it ſelfe could lay upon His Majeſtie, with a full Anſwer to every parti­cular Objection.

Alſo a Tract intituled, CHRISTVS DEI, Wherein is proved that our Soveraign Lord the King is not onely Major ſingulis, but Major univerſis.

1 PET. 2.17.

Feare God, Honour the King.

OXFORD Printed in the Yeere. 1643.



ROM 13.5

Wherefore ye muſt needs be ſubject, not onely for wrath, but alſo for conſcience ſake.

WOuld men but meditate, or were they perſwaded of the truth of the Prophets ſpeech, (1 Sam. 15.22.23.) Behold to obey is better then Sacrifice, & to hear­ken then the fat of Rams; for Rebellion is as the ſinne of Witchcraft, and ſtubbornneſſe is as Iniquity and Ido­latry. (Were they I ſay perſwaded of this truth) there would not be ſo little hearkening to the commands of Authority, nor ſo little obeying what they heare; nor would men runne ſo fiercely into the fearefull ſin of Rebellion, onely to maintaine and juſtifie their owne ſacrifice of fooles;Eccle. 5.1. Olympio. do. in lo. which is indeed no other then their fooliſh imaginations have deviſed, and their vaine thoughts have ſet up as an Idoll to themſelves. Or were wee not fallen into thoſe laſt and worſt of times prophecied of by the Apoſtle (2 Tim. 3.1.5. ) wherein men that make ſhew of godlineſſe (yea many that moſt ſhew of it) have onely a ſhew, but deny the power of it, being proud, curſed ſpeakers, diſobedient to parents: Proud in­deed, when they dare exalt themſelves againſt Gods Vicegerent;His Maje­ſties large Declarati­on, p. 12. 13 225. 256. 257. &c. Curſed ſpeakers, when they dare libell and ſlander Prince and Prelate; Diſobedient to Parents, Naturall, Eccleſiaſticall, and Politicall were we not I ſay fallen into ſuch times, I ſhould not need to〈◊〉the Apoſtles inference, which the unſeaſonable ſins of theſe ſeaſons make ſo ſeaſonable: [Wherefore ye muſt needs be ſubject, &c.]

In which words, Infert concluſionem Principaliter intentam, Aq. wherein; Concludit Paraeneſin ſubjectionis ejuſque neceſſitatem, Rol. ſhewing that we muſt obey the Magiſtrate, not onely for feare of puniſhment, but much more becauſe that (although the2 Magiſtrate hath no power over the conſcience of man, yet ſeeing he is Gods Miniſter) he cannot be reſiſted by any good conſci­ence, Gen: Notes, ex Calv, & Bez. In qua duas potiſſimum urget cauſas ob quas poteſtatibus neceſſariò obediendum, Marlor. Firſt their power to cauſe feare of wrath. Secondly our conſcience to obey Gods ordinance; In reſpect of both which we muſt be ſub­ject not onely for wrath, but alſo for conſcience ſake:

Wherein I ſhall conſider theſe 5 particulars.

  • 1. The Illation, [Wherefore,]
  • 2. The Duty, [ſubject]
  • 3. The Neceſſity, [muſt needs]
  • 4. The perſons obliged, [Ye]
  • 5. The Reaſons perſwading, and thoſe twofold:
    • 1. From feare of wrath, although [not onely for wrath.]
    • 2. For conſcience, [But alſo for conſcience ſake.]

Aquin. Lyr. Calv. Bez. Marlor. Rolloc.1. The Illation and inference in this word [Wherefore] being a concluſion, wherein Quod initio praeceperat de praeſtandâ Magi­ſtratibus obedientiâ, nunc per modum collectionis repetit, ſed cum ex­poſitione: Calv. It will be convenient for conceiving fully the Apoſtles meaning, and the force of his Arguments, and the drift of this concluſion, that we reflict back as farre as the beginning of this Chapter; where (beſides thoſe two mentioned, verſe. 4. Of 1. Terror to the ill, which I reſerve to be handled under that of wrath. 2. And Reward to the good, which I referre to that of conſcience.) We ſhall finde foure Reaſons premiſed to inforce this concluſion, [Wherefore ye muſt needs be ſubject, &c.]

1. Firſt,〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (v. 1.) for there is no power but of God. How much ſoever we may perhaps diſlike them, and how ill ſoever they may ſometimes uſe their power; As Pi­late did his,Jo. 19.20. Matth. 27.26. in crucifying him whom he ſhould have cloſed, and looſing him whom he ſhould have crucified, yet our Saviour himſelf acknowledgeth, that even this abuſed power was〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, given him from above; (Ioh. 19.11.) For miſery comes not out of the duſt, neither doth affliction ſpring out of the earth: (Iob. 5.6.) But as Omne bonum deſuper,Auguſt. de Civitat. Dei, l. 5. c. 21. Every good gift is from above, (Iam. 1.17. ) ſo is there no evil in the City, and the Lord hath not done it, (Amos 3.6. ) (i.e.) Majum poena, no evil of pun­iſhment.


Per me Reges regnant, By me Kings raigne, is the generall ground of the Charter, both of good and evil Princes, and No­bles, and all the Judges of the earth, (Prov. 8.15.16.) He it is that raiſeth unto David a righteous branch, a King who ſhal raigne & proſper, and execute judgement and juſtice upon the earth,Jer. 33.5, 6. Hoſ. 13.11. in whoſe dayes the people ſhal be ſafe; And he it is that gives an evil King in his anger, & takes a good King away in his wrath: Qui regnare facit hominem hypocritam propter peccata populi. (Iob. 34.30. ) vulg. So that whether they be good or evil, we muſt be ſub­ject, ſithence there is no power but of God;〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, leſt we will be found fighters againſt God,Act. 5.39. whoſe power none is able to reſiſt, whether it bee for protecting or for puniſhing; [Wherefore we muſt needs be ſubject.]

2. Secondly, they are not onely not without God,〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,Citat. and ſo of him permiſſivè; but they are the ordinance of God him­ſelf, and ſo of him poſitivè,〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ordained of God (v. 1.) whereupon they worthily uſe in their ſtile, not onely Permiſ­ſione Divinâ, or Providentiâ Divinâ, although thoſe be good titles taken in a good ſenſe; (yet they imply ſome intermediate meanes betwixt God and thoſe who beare them:) But Princes write Dei Gratiâ: for by the Grace of God (no favour of man) they are what they are; ſo that I may ſay of their government,Gal. 1.1. as Saint Paul ſaid of his Apoſtleſhip, It is not of man, nor by man, but by Jeſus Chriſt, & God the Father, For, Cujus juſſu homines naſcun­tar, hujus juſſu & Reges conſtituuntur; apti his, qui in illo tempore ab ipſis regantur. (Iren. lib 5 cap. 24.) Which may be demonſtrative­ly evidenced, if we ſhall take a ſurvey of the Series, and ſucceſſi­on of Governours, from the firſt man that was placed upon the earth, whom we finde created with an intention to make him Gods Vicegerent; (Gen. 1.26. ) and at his very firſt ſetting foot upon the earth, actually inveſted with Monarchicall government; (ver. 27.28.) That government being indeed the ſpeciall forme,Boet. de unit. & uno. Apoc. 4.11. Rom. 11.36. whereby he could reſemble the image of God who is in Heaven, as he made him upon Earth the ſole unequalled Monarch, from whom alone Quicquid eſt ab uno eſt, & eſt id quod eſt; and there­fore he is worthy to receive glory, and honour, and power, for of him, and for him, and through him are all things.

Nor was it his intention that hee ſhould onely governe the Beaſts already created, But alſo he made him to be the Monarch,4 And confirmed his Authority Iure naturali, Poteſtate patrià, over all mankinde,Teophil. l. 2. Chryſoſt. Hom. 34. in 1 Co. which ſhould be propagated after him; who as the Angels and thoſe of Heaven, had their beginning from God by Creation, and therefore were ſubject to him; ſo all the Armies upon earth were to deduce their off-ſpring from that one Adam by Generation, and ſo to owe to him ſubjection; whereas had not God intended to have Principality, depended onely upon his own inſtitution and not upon the ſubordinate Nobles, nor the multitudes of popular election, It had beene as eaſie for him, to have Created a Company, a Colony, a Countrey, a Nation, a World of men upon earth, with his own faciamus, As it was, and as he did, ſo many Legions of Angels in the Heavens; that ſo out of thoſe choice Colonies themſelves might have made choice of a Commander. But he, who found the Heavens not free from mu­tiny, when he produced a multitude of inhabitants there, although all were his off-ſpring,Apoc. 12. would not give the leaſt colour to conten­tion, for ſuperiority or equality, nor pretext of diſobedience againſt his Monarch upon earth, whilſt he ſuffers no Subject to be ſet by him but ſuch as owed the Subjection and duty of a Sonne in De­ſcending from him; Thereby teaching all poſterity, how the po­wer of a Prince over his Subjects is, and ought to bee acknow­ledged, as naturall, as the power of a Father is over his ſonne; yea and alſo thereby ſignifying, That as Naturally there can bee but one Father of one Childe,Theophil. Chryſoſt. ubi ſupr. So Politiquely there ſhould be but one Prince and Monarch of one People and Nation. Whereupon God did not create two men (no nor Eve, but out of the rib of Adam) that ſo from them all others ſhould iſſue, and they might rule promiſcuouſly, or that each of them ſhould rule ſuch as would make choice to be under his government, rather then under the others,Gen 10.9, 10. (although perhaps propagated of the other) Nor that the mightieſt Hunter, he, that could get moſt, ſhould governe moſt, as afterwards it fell out in the degenerating dayes of Nymrod. But he created onely one,Dan. A­phoaſ, Po­lit. p. 402. 24. thereby to intimate, How far Monar­chicall government is to be preferred before any other, Ariſtocra­ticall, Democraticall, Oligarchicall, or the like. This and this a­lone of man on earth, being an Idea or reſemblance of Gods go­vernment in Heaven; and we pray daily, that his will may bee done on earth as it is in heaven; And how can it be ſo, if we reject or reſiſt that forme of government? Marth. 6.10.As alſo, thereby he implies,5 that all other formes of government are againſt the courſe of na­ture, different from the patterne of heaven, diverſe from divine inſtitution, and indeed puniſhments rather then bleſt govern­ments, If they be compared with Monarchie; Which made the wiſeſt of Kings affirme, that many Princes are impoſed for the tranſgreſſion of a Land, But that Realme onely indures long which is ruled by one man of underſtanding and knowledge (Prov. 28.2.) Which Doctrine ſeemes to bee ſquared to Gods own practice throughout all ages, whenſoever he deſigned any government over his people the Jews (after they were taken no­tice of for his peculiar) although for a long time he retained the royall ſupreame Title of King to himſelfe, (during which time,1 Sam. 8. he oft times immediately delivered his Regall mandates by Urlm, Thummim, Viſions, Oracles, Propheſies. &c.) Yet hee appointed one Supreme Vicegerent over them, and not many (for as for the Sanhedrine they were but as Moſes or the High prieſts Privie Councell, Or as delegated Judges becauſe of the multiplicity of buſineſſes) One I ſay and not many,Judg. c. 10 c. 15. witneſſe Moſes 40. yeares betwixt Egypt and Canaan, Ioſhua neere 60. yeeres ſettling them in Canaan, after them Iudah, after him Oth­niell, then Ehud, then Shamgar, then Deborah, then Gideon, then Tolah, then Iair, then Iephthah, then Sampſon, But never above one at one time. And how lamentable the times were when there was not one Supreame, but the multitude tooke power into their own hands; that hideous ſtory of the licentious Danites,Judg. 19, & 20. and the raviſhed Levites wife, and the revenge of one upon ano­ther may ſerve to aſtoniſh all poſterity, and affright them from affecting Anarchie; yea & when God, after that he had in mercie looked upon their miſery, ſent them new Judges, Holy, and Sa­muel ſucceſſively, and they not therewith ſatisfied would have a King like other Nations, he doth not ſet ſeveral Kings over them,2 Sam. 8.5 Joſh. 12. as Ioſhua found 31. over the land at their enterance, but hee ap­pointed them onely one King (1 Sam. 8.22.) As being ſafeſt for his people, beſt reſembling his government and moſt agreeable to his Ordinance; Wherefore wee muſt needes bee ſubject to ſuch form of government, for it is the Ordinance of God.

Oh! how much therefore are thoſe too blame who goe about to alter this forme of government, and to introduce a new defor­med device of their own ambitious invention, wherein they are6 not agreed, whether they ſhall be ſtiled, 1. The States of England as ſome of their Preachers (forgetting the King in their praiers) have ſycophantically phraſed them; 2. Or whether they ſhall be entituled, The perpetuall Senate, or Aſſeſſours of the kingdom, as ſome have endeavoured to derive their ſtile, as the Impreſſe of a Republick; 3. Or whether they ſhall be dignified with the Princely Attribute of Gentlemen of the Crowne of England (to which ſhould be annexed the power of electing their King al­though hereditary) as ſome of themſelves have ambitiouſly ex­preſſed their affectation in aſſimilation to that of Poland; onely to the end that themſelves might be ſharers in Supremacy. A Government which admitting a Monarch whom yet they dare not deny, is neither Monarchie, Ariſtocracy, Democracy, nor O­ligarchie; and Anarchie, I dare ſay, they would not have it intitu­led; A Government which if Ariſtotle himſelf were to ſit in Councel at their cloſe Committees, he could not yet reſolve what to cal it, a government never grounded on the Ordinance of God, nor practiſed in any eſtabliſhed Common-weale. And what fear­full effects muſt neceſſarily follow it, Beſides, that it is to conje­cture when men leave the fountaines of the living waters, and take themſelves to Ciſterns of their own digging. It may alſo be apparent to any indifferent underſtanding who reads or heares the ſtory of Hen. 3. when there was an attempt of 24. Aſſeſſours and a trayterous appointing Les Douze Piers,Speed H. 3. p. 635. ex. Mat. Weſtmo­naſt. Mar­tin. H. 3. p. 66, 67, 70, 71, 73, 74. far ſhort of this confuſed inſolency, what Robberies, what Rapes, what Murthers, what Burglaries, what Extortions, what Exactions followed, (every one ſhrouding himſelf under that Aſſeſſour, which he fol­lowed, yea and every one of the Aſſeſſours after a little time, ban­dying himſelf againſt another, either for their own faction, or fa­vouring of their followers) is rather to be imagined then reported, yet thoſe times too really felt it, and all muſt neceſſarily taſte the like bitter fruit, who wil plant & nurſe the tree of popular faction.

Vpon the Lords Prayer.And alas how fooliſh and fond of flitting (to uſe King Iames his Scottiſh Proverbe in another caſe) are thoſe people which will be bewitched to follow theſe many-headed Hydra's, before the voice of the Lambe, and never conſider that old Adage Citius impletur unus ſaccus, quàm plures? hath there been ſo much paines beſtowed in vaine, if it be in vain, (As the Apoſtle ſpeaks in ano­ther caſe) to bring this Kingdome from an Heptarchie to a Mo­narchie;7 that now one part of this Iſland ſhould be turned from a Monarchiy to a Roman Decemvirate, a Venetian Senate, a Low-countrey State, nay to the government without a name, God for­bid: Vis unita fortior, but a Kingdome divided cannot ſtand. Mat. 12.25.I beſeech you therefore brethren marke them diligently which cauſe diviſions amongſt you, and avoid them: (Rom. 16.17. ) for thoſe who at firſt cauſe diviſions, in Opinion, in Doctrine, and in Religion, wil at the length attempt diviſions in Govern­ment, in Policie, in Countries and Kingdomes. Let us in the feare of God conſider with our ſelves, That if there be no power but of God, even the puniſhing and perſecuting power, and if we muſt be ſubject even to that, leſt we ſhould fight againſt God,Eſay 49.23. Oh how much more then, where Kings are nurſing fathers, ought we to ſhew our ſubjection with all readineſſe and chearfulneſſe? If Saint Paul inforce obedience to the Prince with ſo many forci­ble arguments, when that Tyrant Nero (who devoured Chriſti­ans like a Lyon) raigned and raged. Oh how ſhould we urge & preſſe this point, when a Conſtantine, a Patron of the Church, and pattern of piety is our preſident in religious exerciſes,2 Tim. 4.17. as well as preſident over us with righteous government: for certainely, [They that reſiſt, Reſiſt the Ordinance of God] which is the third reaſon whereupon our Apoſtle grounds this inference, Wherefore ye muſt needes be ſubject.

For as in his Church Chriſt gave ſome to be Apoſtles, ſome Prophets, ſome Evangeliſts, ſome Paſtors and Teachers, for the gathering together of the Saints,Epheſ. 4.11, 12. 1 Pet. 2.13. ver. 14. and for the worke of the Mini­ſtery: ſo God in the Common-weale appointed ſome to bee Kings〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, moſt eminent and excellent above all other, ſome to be Governours under them〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ſent by Commiſſion from them: Amongſt whom ſome are Nobles, ſome Judges, (Prov. 8.16. ) ſome Prieſts (for thoſe howſoe­ver ſome conceive of them, were not incapable of government in the Common-weale:) yea,Exod. 40.1.5. Heb. 7.8. ſome things there are which could not be decided without them. (Deu. 17.8. to 12.) ſome are Governours of Cities, (Deut. 21.3, 4.) ſome Rulers of thouſands, ſome of hun­dreds, ſome of tens, (Exod. 18.25, 26.) and ſome live meere­ly in ſubjection, as the inferior poore ſervant,Polit. l. 1. c. 3.4. &c. whom Ariſto­tle that Linceus of Nature affirmeth, Nature it ſelfe framed one­ly to that uſe; and every man bound in conſcience by the law of6〈1 page duplicate〉7〈1 page duplicate〉8God to abide in that ſtate wherein God hath placed him, and to be contented, with his Vocation, Degree, and calling, (1 Cor. 7.20, 21, 22.) unleſſe hee will bee as guilty of confuſion in the body politique, or Eccleſiaſticall, as the members ſhould bee in the body naturall, if one ſhould ſtrive to uſurpe anothers place;1 Cor. 14.12. to 31. The foote the head, the eare the eye; and unleſſe we will be as guilty in reſiſting the ordinance of God, as they ſhould bee of deforming the act of his Creation.

1 Pet. 2.13. to 17. Mat. 20.14Submit your ſelves therefore to all manner of ordinance of man for the Lords ſake,〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Take that which is thine own and goe thy way. If thou beeſt a Ruler, do it with diligence: If an Officer, wait on thy office: If a Teacher, attend to teaching: If but a ſervant, doe that without ſlothfulneſſe, (Rom. 12.7. to 11.) If a Judge,Deut. 17.9. to 13. be learned, (Pſal. 2.11. ) yea, and upright too, (Pſal. 58.1.) If thou art to be judged, be obedient, or elſe thou muſt be cut off, both for thine owne ſin, and alſo for others example. Nor muſt thou be obedient onely when Superiours be good and cour­teous, but even when they are cruel and froward: Nor onely when they puniſh thee juſtly for ill doing, but even when thou ſuffereſt wrongfully, yet muſt thou endure for conſcience ſake, (1 Pet. 2.18, 19.) which the Apoſtle confirmes by the example of our Saviour Chriſt, to (verſ. 25.) who when he ſuffered reſiſt­ed not, no nor ſo much as threatned, (verſ. 23.) although he could have had more then twelve Legions of Angels, (Mat. 26.53. ) teaching us, that we muſt not reſiſt Authority, although unjuſtly oppreſſing: (muchleſſe iuſtly ruling although puniſhing.) Firſt, Neither offending it, (Mat. 17.27.) Secondly nor defending our ſelves againſt it, (Mat. 26.52. ) what ſpecious pretences ſoever we may make for it. For who might have pretended faier in that kinde, than the Primitive Chriſtians againſt Idolatrous Perſecutors?Ambroſ. yet they profeſſe, that Armaſunt preces & lachri­mae; ſo that nemo noſtrum quando apprehenditur, reluctatur; nec ſe adverſus injuſtam violentiam veſtrum, quamvis nimius, & copioſus noſter ſit populus, ulciſcitur: Cyprian. Who might have pretended more rightly the defence of himſelf, of his fellow Diſciples, of his Maſter, yea of Religion, than Saint Peter? Yet heare our Saviours mandate and his menace, his mandate: [Put up thy ſword into thy ſheath:] His menace, [For all they which ſtrike with the ſword, ſhall periſh with the ſword.] [All] whoſoever Clergie or Laity,9 ſtrike againſt authority, or without the licence of it, in what caſe ſoever without exception of 1, Se defendend,Aug. l. 22. cont. Fauſt. c. 75. or 2. Maintenance of a Covenant, or 3. Defence of Religion. And what manner of Chriſtians thoſe men are who dare reſiſt their rightfull, righ­teous, religious Sovereigne: Or what manner of Religion that is, which they pretend gives priviledge to ſuch rebellious practi­ſes, I leave to every good Chriſtian to conſider: Onely give me leave to tell you, ſure I am, it is not ſuch as was known to Pri­mitive Chriſtians: It is not ſuch as was allowed by our Saviour to his Apoſtles, nor is it ſuch as the Apoſtles taught the People of their times: for they without any cloake,His Maje­ſties Pro­clamation and Decla­ration, &c. Sub moderamine in­culpatae tutelae (which indeed never can be by Arms but onely by Laws) Howſoever Pontificians and Conſiſtorians conſpire: as Buchanan laboured to beguile his Nation, and ſome of our Coun­trey-men have beguiled themſelves, and Jeſuites would have beguiled the whole world, and without any diſtinction ſo offen­ſive and defenſive diſobedience, the Apoſtles taught the Church of God, That he which reſiſts, (be it how it will) reſiſts the Ordi­nance of God.

[And he that reſiſts purchaſeth to himſelf damnation. ] which is the fourth reaſon to inforce this [Wherefore, &c.] and beares a threefold reading, 1. Iudicium, Judgement: Tremel. 2. Condem­nationem, Condemnation: Beza & Tompſon. 3. Damnationem, Dam­nation: Vulgar & Kings Bible. All which are but the Graduati­ons of the puniſhments, implied by the originall,〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; for not onely〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (Matth. 5.22. ) they ſhall be in danger of the judgement of cenſure and condemnation of the cenſorious: Although this be a puniſhment which an ingenious ſpirit would willingly eſcape, which made David pray, (Pſal. 39.8.) Let me not be made a rebuke unto the fooliſh, whileſt they cenſure, re­prove, condemne my actions in their Aſſemblies, much more a man that is ſhot through the head with popularity, as His Maje­ſtie ſaith of the then revolted Rolloc,Larger Declarati­on. p. 25.405. as indeed all factious perſons in Church and Common-weale are, eſpecially if they aſpire by, or adhere to the popular faction; For ſuch, like the Camelion, which turnes to all colours ſave white, lives onely by the aire, and delights rather in breath then other, Ac ſi mallet coctam quam cru­dam; ſo they who apply to popularity, and ſuit themſelves to all company, ſaving the innocent, can live no longer (at leaſt not10 with delight) then they ſucke the breath of applauſe from the multitude. Pſ. 69.12.But behold, not onely thoſe which ſit in the gate (the Rulers) ſpeak againſt ſuch diſobedient perſons, but if they eſcape the ſongs of the Drunkards (who perhaps may whoop on their ſides) yet ſhal verybabes and ſucklings chant their diſloyalty, and the Vipers tongue ſhall ſlay them, (Iob. 20.16.) Thus an evil condemnation ſhall fall upon them,Prov. 10.7 whereby their name ſhall rot, and their memoriall ſhall ſtinck, even〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, under the cenſure of thoſe who are as cenſorious as themſelves: Nor onely ſo, but〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, They ſhall receive Judgement, and Con­demnation:Pſ. 41.8. Pſ. 109.6. Pſ. 1.15. 1. Both Judgement before the Tribunall of men, where the ſentence of guiltineſſe ſhall proceed againſt them; and when ſentence is given upon them, they ſhall be condemned, for ſuch ungodly perſons ſhall not be able to ſtand in Judgement, nei­ther theſe ſinners in the Congregation of the righteous. 2. And alſo they ſhall receive Condemnation from the Juſtice of God, who ſtands in the Congregation of Princes,Pſ. 82.1. (as to ſurvey, ſo to aſſiſt) and is a Judge amongſt the earthly gods, yea even of thoſe whom they ſometimes cannot come by to judge according to their deſervings;Verſ. 8. who when he ſhal ariſe (as he will ariſe) to judge the earth, he will recompence ſuch wicked perſons after their de­ſervings;Pſ 50.21. he will reprove them, and ſet before them, even in Or­der, the things that they have done: As firſt their Pride, next their Covetouſneſſe to maintaine it, after that their rebellion to declare it, then their Hypocriſie and counterfeiting Religion to vaile and defend it,Pſ. 55.16. & at the length he will bring Death haſtily upon them, and they ſhall go down into hell, ſithence ſuch wickedneſſe is in their dwellings and amongſt them; and is not this a fearefull Judgement and Condemnation? ſo fearefull, as what can be con­ceived to be added? And yet behold, 3. 〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Rom. 14.23. 〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Judgment, Condemnation, yea, Damnation of an accuſing conſcience ſhall conſummate their miſery, even ſuch as drave Iudas to be his own Executioner upon earth;Matth. 27.3, 4, 5. This ſhall do continuall execution of Gods juſt judgement upon them in hell, by that worme that never dies, and that fire which never ſhall be quenched, where their rebellious carkaſſes ſhall be an abhorring to all fleſh;Eſay. 66.24. wherefore for the eſcaping ſuch fearfull 1. Judge­ment. 2. Condemnation, 3. Damnation here, and hereafter from God and man; We muſt needs be ſubject.

112. [Subject] Which is the duty; That as the Devil overcame man by his diſobedience to God,Matth. 20.27, 28. Philip. 2.4 Verſ. 5. to 9. Rom. 12.10. Matth. 18.2. ſo man may return to God and overcome the Devil, by obedience to man for the Lords ſake. Chri­ſtianity is a Schoole of Humility, and we muſt not look every one upon our own excellencies, but upon other mens; having the ſame minde in us, which was in Chriſt Jeſus, in giving (not in taking) honour, preferring one before another,〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, humbling our ſelves as little children; As they ſubmit to their Parents, ſo muſt we be ſubject to our Prince, for he is the Perſon to whom principally the Apoſtle preſſeth this ſubjection; as Aquin. Dion. Carth. Bruno. and Claud. gloſſe it. The ſubjection to others be­ing for his ſake, as the ſubjection to him is for the Lords ſake; which that we may performe aright, let us conſider theſe three particulars:

  • 1. Qualibus, To what manner of Princes we muſt be ſub­ject.
  • 2. In quibus, In what things we muſt be ſubject.
  • 3. Quomodo, How we muſt expreſſe our ſubjection.

1. Qualibus, To what manner of Princes we muſt be ſubject. As the Apoſtle injoynes Servants concerning obedience to their Maſters, ſo ſay I to Subjects concerning their Soveraignes;1 Tim. 6.1, 2. Let as many as are under the yoke count their Governours worthy of all honour, (Sive fideles, ſive infideles, whether they be gentle, or whether they be cruell) that the name of God and his Doctrine be not ill ſpoken of: 1. And if they be believing, let us not de­ſpiſe them becauſe they are faithfull and beloved, and partakers of the benefit, to wit redemption. 2. Or if they be unbelievers, let us not rebell, nor reſiſt them; becauſe although, 1. Quidam illo­rum dantur ad timorem & poenam, & increpationem, Some of them are ſent meerely for a terrour and a puniſhment. 2. Yea, Quidam ad illuſionem & contumeliam, & ſuperbiam; Some of them ſet up themſelves in pride, meerely to contemne, and ſcorne, and ſcoffe at their Subjects, as the perſecuting Emperours did, when they expoſed the Chriſtians naked to fight with beaſts and beaſtly Heathens. 3. Aſwell as Quidam ad correctionem & uti­litatem ſubjectorum, & conſervationem Iuſtitiae; For a fatherly re­formation of offendors, a loveing protection of the obedient, and the preſervation of Juſtice for both: Yet we muſt conſider and confeſſe, that Ad utilitatem Gentilium terrenum Regnum poſitum12 eſt à Deo, non à Diabolo, qui nunquam omnino quietus eſt; Imo qui nec ipſas quidem gentes vult in tranquillagere, ut timentes regnum humanum: Earthly Kingdomes are erected by God, not by the Divel, who as he is never quiet himſelf, ſo would he not have the people live in peace, (as appeares by his late practices) which government is the meanes to procure and preſerve, preventing men from devouring thoſe that are more righteous then them­ſelves:Hab. 1.13.14. And for being like the fiſhes of the Sea, or the creeping things who have no Ruler over them: for, Per legum poſitiones re­percutiant multiplicem gentilium injuſtitiam, Kings and Princes by their Laws reſtraine and bridle the fury and violence of our na­turall corruptions: yea, and the worſt of Princes is never worſe then Quemadmodum populi digni ſunt Dei juſto judicio in omnibus aliqualiter ſuperveniente: Iren. l. 5. c. 24. ſuch as the people have provoked God to ſet to afflict them, whoſe juſt judgement al­wayes interpoſeth it ſelf in ſuch weighty caſes. Although ſome­times we know it not, oft-times we will not acknowledge it: which being ſo, may oblige every one of us to be ſubject to all powers, of all qualities, conditions, diſpoſitions, tempers, religi­ons, under whom the Lord hath placed us: Sive 1. Nutriciis, ſive 2. Hypocritis, ſive 3. Haereticis, ſive 4. Tyrannis: Whether they be nourſing fathers, for whom we muſt praiſe God: or diſ­ſembling Hypocrites, or obſtinate Heretickes, or bloudy Tyrants, for all which we muſt pray to God: Whatſoever Sanders, Allen, Stapleton, Parſons, Mariana, Boucherius, Santarellus, &c. on the Romiſh part: And Knoxe, Buchanan, Gilbey, Goodman, and Dane­us, on the other extreame have formerly taught, Calderwood hath followed, and ſome too fiery ſpirits of late have ſeditiouſly and ſcandalouſly put in practice, of whom I may ſay in the Apoſtles language,1. Tim. 6.3, 4, 5. If any man teach otherwiſe (then what I have affirmed) he conſenteth not to the wholſome words of our Lord Jeſus Chriſt, and to the Doctrine which is according to godlineſſe: but is puffed up & knoweth nothing as he ought to know, but doateth about queſtions and ſtrife of words, whereof commeth envy, ſtrife, railings, evil ſurmiſeings, froward diſputations of men of corrupt mindes, and deſtitute of the truth, which think that gaine is godlineſſe, (howſoever they pretend godlineſſe rather then gaine) from ſuch ſeparate thy ſelfe: For howſoever we muſt per­forme active obedience to ſuch Princes onely ſo far as lawfully13 we may, Calv. Bez. Marl. Roloc. Genev. uſque adaras, ſo long as Cum Deo non comparabuntur,Scorpias. they are not ſet in competition with God: Tertul. Yet we muſt performe paſſive obedience and abſolute ſubjection, ſuffering without reſiſtance,Act. 4.19. being ſub­ject without rebellion, even if they ſhould command the moſt unjuſt ſuperſtitious, idolatrous, prophane, or irreligious things which can be imagined; yet I ſay we muſt not rebell, unleſſe we will renounce Chriſtianity,Gloſſ. in­telin. but we muſt let this be Probatio ſub­jectionis, the touch-ſtone of our ſubjection, even our patient and conſtant ſufferings:

For, Quae paſſos Apoſtolos ſcimus manifeſta eſt Doctrina,Tertul. ubi ſpr. The truth of this Doctrine is ſealed by the Apoſtles ſufferings, who indured of Heathen Princes, and for not renouncing Chriſtianity, Carceres, Vincula, Flagella, Saxa, Gladios, Impetus Indaeorum, Coe­tus Nationum, & Tribunorum Elogia, & Regum auditoria, & Pro­conſulum Tribunalia, & Caeſaris nomen interpretem non habent: Impriſonment, Bonds, Stripes, Stoning, Wounds, Violence of the Jews, Conventing before the Gentiles, Queſtioning in the Courts of Tribunes, Examinations and Anſwers before Kings, Arraign­ments at the Tribunals of Proconſuls, yea and could not find an Appeale to the Emperour, any protection for their innocencie; yet they not onely ſubmitted themſelves, and poſſeſſed their own ſoules with patience, but alſo taught all pious people ſo to doe; as here our Apoſtle makes it apparent, and (Titus 3.1, 2.) preſ­ſeth it to all poſterity: Put them in remembrance (for indeed we are too apt to forget) that they be ſubject to the Principalities & Powers, and that they be obedient, & ready to every good work; that they ſpeak evill of no man,His Maje­ſties De­claration ubi ſupra. (much leſſe of Princes and Pre­lates, as ſome of late have done) That they be no fighters, (much leſſe Armed Rebels) but ſoft, lowly, gentle, ſhewing all meek­neſſe to all men, much more to Rulers; yea, and ſuch effect did this Doctrine produce, that Sanguis Martyrem ſemen Eccleſiae, Cypr. The blood of the Martyrs was the ſeed of the Church. The bloud, not the ſword, that were too Turkiſh. And however, Circa majeſtatem Imperatoris infamemur, Tert. ad Scap. l. 2. They were ſlandred as diſloyall to the Emperour; yet, Nunquam Albiniani, vel Nigriani, vel Caſſiani inveniri potuerunt Chriſtiani: Never a­ny Nigrian, who made Religion the ſtalking-horſe for Rebelli­on; Nor never any Caſſian who aſſaulted his Soveraign by Aſ­ſaſſination,14 could be found amongſt the Chriſtians: Chriſtianus nullus eſt hoſtis nimirum Imperatoris, quem ſciens à Deo ſuo conſti­tui, neceſſe eſt ut & ipſum diligat, & revereatur, & honoret, & ſal­vum velit, cum toto Romano Imperio, quouſque ſeculum ſtabit, tam diu enim ſtabit: Colimus ergo Imperatorem, ſic quomodo & nobis licet, & ipſi expedit, ut hominem à Deo ſecundum, & quicquid eſt à Deo conſecutum, & ſolo Deo minorem: For no true Chriſtian can be an enemie to his King or Emperour, whom he knows to be placed over him by God, and therefore upon neceſſity muſt love him, reverence him, honour him, pray for him, and deſire and in­deavour his ſafety as the ſafety of the Kingdome; as being next to God, leſſer onely then God, and endowed with the power which he hath from God, over all the men in his Dominions. Hereupon was it that the Chriſtians fought ſo many valiant bat­tels, and obtained ſo many glorious victories, even for Heathen and perſecuting Emperours, yea even for Iulian the Apoſtata himſelfe: but never did they fight any battel, pitched any Field, arrayed any Army, armed any Legions, or ſo much as entred into conſultation againſt their Emperour. And thus you ſee, Qualibus, to what manner of Princes we muſt be ſubject. And I think all will willingly conclude, Si parendum eſt magiſtratui prophano, certè multo magis obedire oportet Sancto & Chriſtiano,In Matth. 22.21. Bez. If Heathens were thus obeyed, much more ſhould Chriſtians; If perſecuting, much more pious Princes, ſuch as our Gracious So­veraigne, whoſe clemencie may challenge our love, as wel as his power command our duty, whom God preſerve, and proſper long over us in honour and felicity, and give us the grace and grati­tude to be ſubject, not onely for feare, but even for conſcience ſake. And ſo I come to conſider

2. In Quibus? In what things we muſt be ſubject? Wherein the true ſtating of the Queſtion is much differenced from the mi­ſtaken and miſtaking Tenents of many of theſe times, who con­ceive and would beare the world in hand.

1. That they are bound no further to Subjection, then with a Rightly Regulated Conſcience, they may performe Active Obe­dience to all their Superiours Edicts and Commands.

2. That they are not bound to Active Obedience, where they have a doubting conſcience, although not fully informed by the right rule of Reaſon, or expreſſe authority of Gods word.

153. That the Supreame Magiſtrate, muſt have expreſſe affirma­tive warrant in the word of God for all his injunctions, or elſe the Subject needs not obey them.

Whereas the truth is,

1. Concerning the firſt, That although Active Obedience binds onely in the Lord, yet abſolute ſubjection is due without any reſiſtance for the Lords ſake,〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Epheſ. 6. .To humane Ordi­nances (1 Pet. 2.13.) Even when man ordaines; not the Load (1 Cor. 7.12. ) yet ſuch a man as is ordained of the Lord, and ſo preſumed to ordain according to the Lord, wee may not in any wiſe reſiſt.

2. And as concerning the ſecond, Although when man is left to his own liberty, The rule is to be obſerved, Quod dubitas ne feceris, becauſe he that doubteth is condemned of his own Con­ſcience, yet when we are Commanded by Authority,Rom. 14.23. and wee onely doubt in our ſelves whether that bee good and lawfull which is comanded, or not, The Rule of Saint Auguſtine muſt be obſerved Si dubitas feceris, If you onely doubt doe it, except you have expreſſe warrant out of Gods word, or the Analogie of faith, and undeniable neceſſary Conſequence to the contrary; Authority muſt turne the ſcale of thy doubting conſcience, and weigh downe thy Judgement to Active obedience, ſo that

3. The Magiſtrate is not bound to expreſſe Text for warrant of each of his particular edicts; It is ſufficient that it is contain­ed in his generall Commiſſion Dixi Dii eſtis, I have ſaid ye are Gods. (Pſal. 82.6. ) and therefore have committed my delegated power to you, Per me Reges Regnant, By me Kings Raigne (Pro. 8.15.) And therefore by my authority may lay injunctions up­on their Subjects, and they are obliged to Active Obedience, ex­cept they can produce a negative Act of Parliament out of the high Court of Heaven; for Princes are not onely inſtead of God by repreſentation (Exodus 4.16. ) but they have the power of God over thoſe to whom they have commiſſion (Exod. 7.1.) I have made thee Pharoahs God, yea and put caſe the Subject could produce a contradictory command of God to that of his King, yet is not his paſſive obedience diſpenſed withall, nor any part of his abſolute ſubjection diſſolved or cancelled,Ambroſ. To. 3. Epiſ. l. 5. Orat. But wee muſt needes be Subject, (at leaſt by ſuffering if not by doing) in all things, even againſt the dictate of a doubting, yea, or a diſ­cerning conſcience.

163. But then in the next place it remains to be reſolved by what meanes, or in what manner this ſubjection is to be expreſſed, which muſt be by theſe ſeven meanes following; where there are not Iura Regni by mutuall conſent of Prince and people to ſuper­ſede them, or diſpence with any of them.

1. Firſt by praying for them (1 Tim. I exhort therefore that firſt of all, Supplications, Prayers, Interceſſi­ons, and giving of thankes, be made for all men, for Kings and all that are in authority, that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godlineſſe and honeſty, for this is good and acceptable in the ſight of God our Saviour, who wil have all men to be ſaved, and to come unto the knowledge of the truth. Where obſerve we muſt pray, 1. To the end that we may live godly and peace­ably, when we did not live ſo before: 2. That they may come to the knowledg of the truth, when they knew it not before: 3. And that they may be ſaved, when they were not in that ſtate before. None ſo bad then, to and for whom we are not to expreſſe our ſubjection by this duty.

〈◊〉. Tit. 3.1, 2. Citat.2. Secondly, we muſt ſpeake no evill of them; (Exod. 22.28.) Thou ſhalt not revile the Gods, nor curſe the ruler of the people. Is it fit to ſay to a King, thou art wicked; and to Princes ye are ungodly? (Iob. 34.18) No certainly, nothing leſſe, and there­fore follow the counſel of Martialis, who lived in the Primi­tive times, learned of the Apoſtles, and taught to ſucceſſion A murmuratione cuſtodite corda veſtra; Keepe not onely your hands from mutiny, and your tongues from muttering, but even your hearts from repining.

3. Thirdly, we muſt not diſpute their Commands, for where the word of a King is, there is power, and who may ſay unto him, what doeſt thou? (Eccleſ. 8.4. ) (i. e.) Not publikely and illegally to raiſe oppoſition againſt him, onely we may privately informe our own judgement, to prepare as peaceably either for active obedience or for Martyrdome.

Joſh. 1.16, 174. Fourthly, we muſt expreſſe our ſubjection by doing all their commands which are not directly againſt God, reſolving with the Iſraelites, All that thou commandeſt us we wil do, and whi­therſoever thou ſendeſt us we will goe, onely the Lord thy God be with thee.

Fiftly, we muſt expreſſe it by ſuffering all puniſhments pati­ently17 without any reſiſtance; for thoſe things which we dare not do when they command them, becauſe they appeare (not ſeem) to be directly againſt God, (as hath been before demonſtrated;) imitating S. Chryſoſtome, (Epiſt. ad Cyriacum) Cum à civitate fu­garer, dicebam intra meipſum, ſi quidem vult Regina me exulem a­gere, agat in exilium; Domini eſt Terra & plenitudo ejus; & ſi vult ſecare, ſecet; idem paſſus eſt Iſaias, &c. Et ſi ſubſtantiam auferre, au­ferat, nudus exivi ex utero matris meae, nudus etiam revertar; If the Queene will have me go into baniſhment, let her baniſh me; The earth is the Lords, and all that therein is. If ſhe will have me ſawen in ſunder, I ſubmit my ſelf; Iſaias ſuffered ſo before me. Apoc. 13.10.If ſhe will confiſcate my goods, I am contented; Naked came I out of my mothers wombe, and naked muſt I returne again. Behold, this muſt be the patience of the Saints.

Sixtly, by ſupplying meanes, Ad neceſſaria ſecundum ſtatûs ſui conditionem; Lyr. paying due tribute to our Princes; for this is the manner, Quomodo velit te ſubjici proteſtatibus, redere jubens cui Tributum, Tributum: cui Vectigal, Vectigal; (i. e. ) quae ſunt Cae­faris, Caeſari, & quae Dei Deo. Tertul. Which tribute muſt be paid without limitation of the quantity before, or accompt of the diſ­poſing of it after payment, Gloſſ. Ordinar, If Calvin underſtand it aright, (which I dare not aſſure, nor will I diſpute) for,Calvan ver. 6. Neque noſtrum eſt vel Principibus praeſcribere, quantum in res ſingulas im­pendant, vel eos ad calculum vocare: We have no power to pre­ſcribe to Princes what they ſhall expend upon occaſions, nor to call them to accompt for their imployment of what is expended which I conceive to be intended where there are not Pacta inter Principem & Populum: nor fundamentall Lawes of the Land to the contrary.

Seaventhly, we muſt expreſſe our ſubjection by guarding of the Princes perſon, fighting for him upon occaſion,2 Sam. 8.11, 12. Et 10.26. 2 Sam. 2 Sam. 11.11. and ſparing him from going out with us to battell, leſt he ſhould quench the light of Iſrael, (2 Sam. 21.17.) And what kind of conſciences thoſe men have, who can let their leige Lord go out to battell without them, (they being required) or who can leave him in his Tents in the field, when they return to their own houſes, I leave both to men experienced in the Word, and practiced in the ſword to conſider: and ſo proceed.

3. To the third part of my Text, which is the neceſſity of this18 duty of ſubjection, implyed in theſe words [muſt needs.] Muſt is for the King, and ſo it is indeed: and ſo is this: And therefore im­plies a double duty by theſe two words [muſt] and [needs] termes of double neceſſity;Matth. 21.3. Dominus opus habet, Our Lord the King, the Lord of us and all we have hath need, and who will not then let all go preſently? He muſt have it: in caſe of true abſolute, immi­nent neceſſity, to ſave our ſelves and the publique, according to the Laws of the Land:Luke 10 42. The ſupporting of His State is that Vnum neceſſarium for our ſafeties, and the ſafety of the whole Kingdom; and therefore the Apoſtle doth doth not onely ſay, 1. It is con­venient that we be ſubject, (i. e. ) for ornament ſake. 2. Or it is fit that we be ſubject (i. e. ) for order ſake. 3. Or it is profitable that we be ſubject (i. e. ) for providence and diſcretion ſake. 4. Or it is contenting that we may be ſubject (i. e. ) for peace and quiet ſake. 5. But〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, It is neceſſary Obligationes juris & propter vim coactivam ſuperioris, viz. quia tenemini & poteſtis ad hoc compelli ad profitendam veram ſubjectionem. [We muſt needs be ſubject] for abſolute neceſſity ſake:Dion: Carth: Neceſſitate ſalutis, Aq. even for the neceſſity of our ſalvation in Heaven, and of our ſafety up­on earth. What is it but ſubjection which continues the bleſſed Harmony in Heaven amongſt the Angels? What is it but Rebel­lion which bred that confuſion in Hell amongſt the damned ſpi­rits? What is it but ſubjection which can continue Peace, Plen­ty, Piety, Order, and Unanimity amongſt men upon earth, Whereas Rebellion brings forth War, Waſte, Wickedneſſe, Con­fuſion; Deſolation, and Deſtruction: wherefore for avoiding theſe, and preſerving thoſe, We muſt needs be ſubject. And ſo I come

4. To the perſons obliged, which is the fourth thing propoſed in my Text, in this word [Ye] 〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Theoph. And ſo Saint Chryſoſtome before him,〈…〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. With whom conſent Theodoret and Oecumenius amongſt the Greeks, and Greg. Mag. and S. Bernard amongſt the Latines, expreſſe them­ſelves both in opinion and phraſe to the ſelfe ſame purpoſe; we the Clegy, ye the Laity; we the Prieſts, ye the people; or ye the mighty Peeres,al. Inſt. l. 4. c. 20. we the many multitude. 1. For neither are Peers excepted and reſerved like the Lacedemonian Ephori, Romane Tribunes, or Athenian Demarchi, to reſtraine the inſolencies or exorbitances of Princes oppreſſions. 2. Nor are the Prieſts ex­empted19 like the Roman Hierarchie, to be inſolent and exorbitant in the Common-weale. 3. Nor are the people priviledged (as is pretended by ſome ſchiſmaticall Demagogi) to carry all by force of their collective body; But we and ye, 1. Peers, 2. Prieſts,Buchan. 3. Peo­ple, muſt all needs be ſubject: And that

5. [Not onely for feare, but even for conſcience ſake.] Which is the laſt member propoſed for proſecution. [Not onely for feare] And yet we muſt be ſubject for feare too, which, Cogit vel invi­tos, Marlorat. Compels thoſe that have no Conſcience;Theophy­lact. Lombard. Imo & poſſunt poteſtates etiam ſine cauſa iraſci, Hieron. And yet we muſt feare and be ſubject too (though they oppreſſe our tender conſci­ence) for feare of puniſhment from God, and from the Prince.

1. From God, who will not ſuffer his Ordinance to be con­temned; Non enim privati eſt hominis abrogare imperium ei quem Dominus cum poteſtate nobis praefecit. Calv.

2. From the Prince; for, Vltionem repoſcere poſſunt magiſtratus ob dignitatis ſuae contemptum. Idem. They may juſtly avenge the contempt of their authority, 1. Either by their Laws, by which In legum tranſgreſſores & inobedientes ſeveriter animadvertunt: Marlorat. Or elſe by Armes; for, Portat gladium, He bears the ſword, (verſ. 4.) And if He draw it againſt Schiſmatiques, Here­tiques, or Rebellious perſons, Magiſtratus juſtè punit gladio,Lib. 1. & Parmon. c. 7. Aug. They muſt not caſt off feare, and incourage themſelves and their company againſt his commands, as if reſiſting for the cauſe of God (as they pretend) they were to be accounted Mar­tyrs; for they are no more capable of Martyrdome, dying in con­tempt of lawfull Magiſtracie, then the Idol Prieſts, or the devils themſelves were by the ſubverſion of their Temples, or ceaſing of their Oracles, by vertue of our Saviours Incarnation; or by the command of the Emperour, converted to Chriſtianity: Aug. ubi ſupra. But on the contrary it may be verified, that they who under the royall command of a rightfull King, obediently, con­ſcionably, zealouſly, and couragiouſly fight againſt a Schiſmati­call, or Hereticall Rebellious people, (who make Religion the pretext for Rebellion) if they die, they dye Martyrs, if they live, they live Confeſſors: and therefore we muſt feare even the Princes ſword. That I may not inſiſt upon loſſe of favour, friends, honour, credit, and the like;Prov. 20.2. Although a wiſe man will conſider even in this, that the indignation of a King is as the roaring of a20 Lion;A••• and if this Lion roare, who can but be afraid? for he that provoketh him to anger, ſins againſt his owne ſoule; and what then ſhall become of his body? Or if any be ſo fool-hardy as not to feare, yet muſt he be ſubject nevertheleſſe, Not onely for feare,

[But even for conſcience ſake.] Non ſolùm, quia reſiſtere poten­tioribus & armatis impunè non liceret, quemadmodum tolerari ſo­lent injuriae quae propulſri nequeunt: Sed ſponte docet obeundam hanc ſubmiſſionem, ad quam verbo Dei obſtringitur conſcientia: Cal. Not onely becauſe they are armed and can over-maſter us, for ſo men ſuffer injuries from private men, becauſe they cannot with­ſtand them: but the Apoſtle teacheth, that a Chriſtian is bound to ſubjection to his Soveraigne by the Word of God; and the tye of conſcience more firme and cloſe, then by a Souldiers Belt, or Jaylors Bolts and Manacles:Ambroſ. Theophy­lact. So that, Etiamſi certò conſtaret nos manus illorum (alioqui valde longas) poſſe effugere: Marlorat. Al­though we were aſſured that we could ſcape their reach, or op­poſe their power: Yea, Etiamſi exarmatus eſſet magiſtratus quem impune laceſcere,Calv. & contemnere liceret, nihilo magis id tentandum quàm ſi poenam ſtatim imminere cerneremus. Although the Magi­ſtrate had neither Armes, nor Armies, ſo that men might provoke and contemne his power in reſpect of puniſhment, muſt we not preſume to neglect him any more, then if we did ſee Armes and Armies, Racks and Gibbets, and all engines for execution prepa­red before us: Quia niſi omnino ſubjiciamini Principi polluta eſſet conſcientia veſtra obvians divinae ordintioni, Bruno. Becauſe un­leſſe we be abſolutely ſubject to our Prince (pretend what purity we will) our conſcience is defiled, and every ſtep wee march a­gainſt him, we ſet our ſelves in battell array againſt the Ordi­nance of God: And indeede I cannot but wonder what hard hearts and cauterized conſciences thoſe men have, who doe not preſently ſmite themſelves, and their hearts die within them like Nabals when they find themſelves guilty of ſubtracting ſubjecti­on from their Prince,1 Sam. 25.37. (a greater ingratitude then which cannot be excogitated, and ingratitude is one of the greateſt ſinnes;) for Subjects are obliged.

1. By the rule of right Reaſon, to obey him, without whom we cannot be ſafe; but without the King the Common-weale cannot bee ſafe, no more then a ſhip without a Pilot in a ſtor­my21 my Ocean; And therefore by the rule of right reaſon we muſt obey him.

2. By naturall equity, which bindes to do good to them which do good to us, but Kings and Princes do good to us, for by their meanes we obtaine great quietneſſe, and by their providence many worthy things are done to our Nation:Act. 24.2. By them we receive honour, enjoy riches, peace, plenty, and freely profeſſe and pra­ctice piety: and therefore even for naturall equity, We muſt needs be ſubject, which is the leaſt good we can doe to them.

3. By morall civility we are bound to be ſubject to him who protects us: But Kings and Princes protect us from evill doers, who would violently take away our lives, inſolently uſurpe our lands, prodigally miſpend our goods, laciviouſly deflowr and ra­viſh our wives, & mercileſly ſlave our children, yea, they are the Protectors and defenders of our faith, and therefore we are bound at leaſt not to rebell ſithence all theſe miſchiefes have been, are, & will be the effects of ſuch diſobedience, from which Good Lord deliver us.

4. By Chriſtian Religion and conſcience, which enjoyns, that we muſt not reſiſt the Ordinance of God: but Kings and Princes are the Ordinance of God, and therefore we muſt not reſiſt them. verſ. 1, 2.

And doe 1. Right reaſon, 2. Naturall equity, 3. Morall civility, 4. Chriſtian Religion and conſcience oblige us to ſubjection? Oh then take heed, and never truſt any (though never ſo faire Profeſ­ſors) who pretend conſcience to countenance diſobedience, at leaſt to caſt off ſubjection, as it is hard to diſobey and not to rebel. Yet ſuch alwayes have been the faire pretence of the fouleſt pra­ctiſes. Thus the colour of the common good to free the people from Subſidies, Taxes, and Oppreſſions (which then ſeemed by their Governours to lye upon them) led the people of the Iews, yea and ſome Romans too, to follow Theudas, Iudas of Galile,Ioſep. An­tiq. Iudai. l. 18. c. 1. & l. 20. c 6. Saluſt. conjurat. Ca­tilin. Speed. Catiline, and their companions. Thus the Rebels of elder times in this Iſland, chriſtned their Inſurrections, the Army of God & the holy Church, making Religion the Patroneſſe of their impie­ty. Iack Straw, Iack Cade, Wat Tyler, Fryer Ball, alias Wall, and ſuch others, made 1. The oppreſſion of the Commons, 2. The in­ſolencie of the Nobility, 3. The covetouſneſſe of the Prieſts, and the inequality of men of equall merit, the vail of all their violence22 and villany. Hollinſhed Rich. 2. p. 429. Graſton p. 330, 331. Thus the Rebellion in the North, Lincolnſhire, and Norfolke, were raiſed under pretence of 1. Reforming Religion, 2. Freedome of Conſcience, and 3. Bettering the Common­weale, yea, and they are alwayes masked under the vizard of, 1. Pro Lege, 2. Pro Grege, 3. Pro Rege; whereas indeed they are againſt the King,L. 2. de Bello Iu­daic. c. 16. break the Laws, and make ſpoile of the people, as Ioſephus relates the ſtory of the Rebellious Iews, pretending onely againſt Florus harſh, unjuſt, and cruell uſage, and not a­gainſt the Romanes:Naucler. But as King Agrippa cleares it by his Re­monſtrance, They did but onely ſay ſo; for their actions were ſuch as worſe could not have beene done by the greateſt Enemies of the Romane Empire, for they ſacked the Townes, robbed the Trea­ſuries, burnt the Houſes, waſted the Fields; neither were they the Townes, the Treaſuries, the Houſes, the Fields of Florus, but of the Roman Empire. I will not make Application, but ſit hence theſe things have ever beene ſo,Prov. 24.21, 22. I will onely conclude with Solomons Admonition: My ſon, feare God and the King, and meddle not with them that are ſeditious; for ſuddenly ſhall their deſtruction come, and who knoweth the ruine of them? Yet certaine it is that ruined they ſhall be, and perhaps when themſelves leaſt ſuſpect it, ſuddenly as with the Arrow of Lightning ſhot from the Bow of God, which may ſerve as a Corollary to our Apoſtles premiſes to in­force this concluſion, [Wherefore ye muſt needs be ſubject, not onely for wrath, but even for conſcience ſake.] Which God grant us all grace to be, for Jeſus Chriſts ſake, the Patterne and Patron of perfect obedience; to whom with the Father and the holy Ghoſt, be all honour, glory, power, might, majeſty, and dominion, from this time forth for evermore. Amen.


CHRISTVS DEI, The LORDS Annoynted. OR, A Theologicall Diſcourſe, wherein is proved, that the Regall or Monar­chicall power of Our Soveraigne Lord KING CHARLES Is not of Humane, but of divine Right, and that GOD is the ſole Efficient cauſe thereof, and not the people.

Alſo that every MONARCH is above the whole Common-wealth, and is not onely Major Singulis, but Major Vniverſis.

Written in Anſwer to a late Printed Pamphlet intitu­led, Obſervations upon ſome of His MAIESTIES late Anſwers and Expreſses.

1 Pet. 2.13.

Subjecti eſtote omni humanae creaturae propter Dominum, ſive Regi quaſi Praecellenti.

Submit your ſelves to every Ordinance of man, for the Lord's ſake, whether it be to the King as ſupreme.

Printed by HS MAIESTIES Command AT OXFORD. 1643.


CHRISTVS DEI, OR, A Theologicall Diſcourſe, wherein is proved, that Regall Power is not of Humane, but of Divine Right, and that God only is the Efficient cauſe thereof, and not the People.


1 THere is a Book come forth of late, barely intituled, Obſervations upon ſome of His Majeſties late An­ſwers and Expreſſes, without any name of the Au­thor or place where it was printed. Wherein the Ob­ſerver (ſo I muſt call him not knowing him by any other name) aimes chiefly and directly to prove, that the Heredita­ry, Regall, and Monarchicall power of our now preſent dread So­veraigne King Charles, is inferiour and ſubject to the power of the now preſent Parliament.

2 Which to evince he undertakes to lay down the originall foun­dation of all Regall power whatſoever, according to the efficient & finall cauſes thereof. And having made the finall cauſe to be the ſa­fety of the people, together with their Civill or Politicall happi­neſſe; he alſo makes the efficient cauſe to be, not God, but only the2 people, and the inſtrumentall cauſe of conveying and deriving this Regall Power to be, not any divine law, nor nothing elſe (amongſt Chriſtians) but the meere humane pactions and Agreements of the Politick body of the people. And then arguing by a rule in nature; that quicquid efficit tale eſt magis tale, he iſſueth out this juſt infe­ence (as he calleth it) that though the King be ſingulis major, yet he is univerſis minor, and therefore inferior and ſubject in power to the Parliament.

3 Having peruſed this diſcourſe, and finding it to be moſt inju­rious to Regall Power or Monarchy, contrary to the true princi­ples of State and Divinity, or Orthodox Chriſtian Doctrine: I thought I might do my King and Country good ſervice, to con­fute theſe deſperate and more than dangerous Poſitions, by decla­ring and proving the true Originall foundation, according to the fi­nall and efficient cauſes of Regall or Monarchicall Power: which (with Gods good helpe) I hope to do perſpicuoſly in the few en­ſuing Paragraphes.

SECT. 1. Of the Primary Finall cauſe; as alſo of the efficient cauſe of all Civill Societies or Republiques.

Becauſe whatſoever is done, is done for ſome end or purpoſe, without which it ſhould not have been done, nor had a being: ther­fore it is the conſtant Doctrine of all Philoſophers, that the end is the chief and Principall of all cauſes: and therefore, for methods ſake I will begin with it. Now to find out the Primary end of all Civill Societies or Commonwealths, we, that are Chriſtians, muſt reflect attentively upon thoſe words of the holy Ghoſt. Pro. 16.4. Univerſa propter ſemet ipſum operatus eſt Dominus. By which we are aſcertained, that God Almighty created not only all other Crea­tures; but all man-kind alſo, as for their Primary end, for himſelfe, and his own Praiſe and glory.

And as for man in particular, God created him to his owne i­mage and likeneſs, endowing him with an underſtanding and a wil, that he might know how to honour and love his Creator, and by ſuch love & honour might finally become happy in the fruition of3 his eternall, unſpeakable and ineſtimable glory in heaven: for means whereto, firſt God dictated certaine Divine precepts and prin­ciples unto man, & imprinted them with his very creation upon his natural reaſon (for which cauſe they are called divine natural Laws written in every mans heart, ſaith St. Paul. Rom. 2.15. ) that every man might be equally capable to know them, and equally obliged to obey them. Secondly, God infuſed into him Faith, hope, and Charity, and other ſupernaturall virtues, all tending to this conduce­ment, that man following them as his guides, might, through his obedience to God, attain to his owne ſalvation. Thirdly, to binde man more ſtrongly to his ſubjection, and to make it appeare more illuſtriouſly unto him, that therein principally conſiſted his Wel­fare, as the very End and Center, for and to which he was created, He gave him an expreſſe divine Law, not to eate of the tree in the midſt of Paradiſe upon pain of death. Fourthly, by Revelation he inſtructed him in many particular ſacred formes and Rites of exte­riour divine worſhip, as ſacrifice and other; for though we read not any where in holy Writ, that Adam offered Sacrifice, no more than we doe of Iſaac; yet we read there that Cain and Abel did, and that Abraham and Iacob did. But it cnnot be imagined that Cain and Abel were the firſt Inventors of this moſt, religious and divine worſhip, (no more than that Iſaac dd neglect it) but by Pa­ternall tradition and example they received it from Adam.

3. All which duely conſidered, it will appeare evidently, that the primary end for which all men are created, is to ſerve, honour, love, obey, and worſhip God. From whence it followes, that this being mans higheſt and principalleſt concerne, it ought al­ſo to be his higheſt and pincipalleſt care to attend to it. But moſt certaine it is, that men, living divided and ſcattered over the face of the world without the inſtruction and aſſiſtance one of another cannot poſſibly performe this for every particular mans behoofe, as is requiſite. And therefore from this finall cauſe aroſe primarily a neceſſity amongſt men to unite and combine themſelves into ci­vill Societies and Common-wealths. This end could not be pre­fixed by men; but men were created for this end by God. And therefore this is the primary, ſpirituall, ſupernaturall, and divine fi­nall cauſe of all Republikes, to which every other end muſt be but ſecondary, ſubordinate, and ſubſervient.

44 And from hence it followeth further, that ſince on the one ſide no naturall agent can by it's naturall power compaſſe the attain­ing of a ſupernaturall end; and on the other ſide Civill Societies ought not to be inſtituted in vaine: we muſt needs conclude, that the Primary efficient cauſe of all Common-wealths is only God.

PARAGR. 2. Of the Secondary finall Cauſe, and alſo the only Efficient Cauſe of all Civill Societies and Republiques.

1 Every Creature in the world ſtrives to preſerve its own kind. We ſee what paines and Care Beaſts and Birds take to reare their younglings. Trees and Plants beare fruits and ſeeds to produce the like when they are periſhed. Yea, the inanimate Creatures (accor­ding to their predominant Element and mixture) ſtrive every one to obtaine and enjoy their Center. And all this not only for their own particular, but alſo for the harmonious Accommodation and pre­ſervation of the Vniverſe, the great and moſt excellent work of na­ture, wherein ſhe doth nothing in vaine. But in vaine had man been, if he alſo had not been provided of neceſſary meanes towards the Preſervation of his kind. For which cauſe God ſaid it was not good for man to be alone: and therefore gave him a Woman to be his Helper, that ſo by meanes of generation he might propagate his of­ſpring to the worlds end.

2 This Preſervation then of mankind, is the maine naturall and ſecondary end of man. And to ths end God gave him his bleſſing to increaſe and multiply, from whence ariſeth, that of neceſſity there muſt be at leaſt private families. But man and Woman finding (by wofull experience) moſt true what God ſaid to Adam and Eve; that he ſhould eate his bread in the ſweat of his browes, that ſhe ſhould bring forth her children in paine, found alſo preſently, that every private family is not ſufficient of it ſelf to maintaine ths work of Preſervation, without the help of one another. For firſt, to ſay no­thing of womens deliveries in chld-birth, which cannot poſſibly alwayes and every where be performed requiſitely by themſelves and their families, without the help of ſome other, or others: and5 yet even upon this preſervation of mankind holds a moſt neceſſa­ry and principall dependance. I will onely ſpeak of mans part, who with the ſweat of his browes, with extream toyle and labour muſt provide food and cloathing, and all other neceſſary ſupports and ſuſtentations for his family. But to doe this he muſt of neceſſity (I ſpeak not of barbarous inhumane people) have ſome certaine place of aboad; and in this he muſt have ſome peculiar right, ſome propriety of poſſeſſion, by vertue whereof he may reap the fruits of the earth, and maintaine his Cattel. And how ſhall every private family be able to doe this with ſecurity? will not every one ſtrive for the beſt poſſeſſion? will not the ſhepheards of Abraham and Lot, and of Iſaac and Gerera fall to contention for water and paſtures, & ſuch like other neceſſary elbow roome? And in theſe uncivill and unſociable quarrells, muſt not all private families be made like to the fiſhes of the ſea. Hab. 11.13.14. where the ſtronger muſt de­vour the weaker?

3. Secondly, God endowed man in in his creation with an under­ſtanding and a will. This underſtanding is of that infinite capacity, that it hath for its Adaequate Object omne ens as it is verum And man therefore is in perpetuall and reſtleſſe ſearch of knowledge, to perfect his underſtanding by experience and learning, The wil alſo hath for her Adaequate Object omne ens as it is bonum. And man therefore is in perpetuall purſuit of Reciprocall love to perfect his will by friendſhip and juſtice. Over and above theſe, God gave to man the faculty of ſpeech, to be the reciprocall conveyance of learning and friendſhip. So as for this very reaſon Ariſtotle ſayd ex­cellently wel, that man is by nature a ſociable creature, for neyther warning nor friendſhip, nor juſtice (in which conſiſts eſſentially mans Civill or Politicall happineſſe) nor ſafety or ſecurity (which is the only preſervation of every mans being) can poſſibly be acqui­red & maintayned in the diviſion of men in their priviate families. And therefore for this very end it was naturally neceſſary for men to unite and aſſociate themſelves into Civill Societies and Commu­nities, that ſo they might preſerve thir Kind.

From the learning, experience and Induſtery of the underſtanding proceed all Arts, Tillage, Manufactures, Trade, and Traffique,6 which bring in Gaine, and that brings plenty, from the friendſhip and juſtice of the will proceed Peace and ſecurity: in which ſecure peace and plenty conſiſteth perfect ſalus populi. Now ſince this cannot be had in divided private families, & without this there can be no preſervation of Man-kind, it followes; that Civill Socie­ties or Commonwealths are naturally neceſſary. Whoſe naturall finall cauſe is truely and onely (in the manner as I have explicated) Salus populi.

Now furthermore, ſeeing that Common-wealth is not the deſigne of Art and Invention of particular men, nor of any poſitive law of theirs, but proceeds from the Common neceſſity of all man-kind, intimated unto them by the Law of nature, of which God is the ſole cauſe and Author: it followeth that the efficient cauſe of all Republiques is onely God.

SECT 3. Of the Finall and Efficient cauſe of Civill Power in a Commonwealth.

1. As for the finall cauſe there is little or no difficulty; for ſeeing that the finall cauſe of every thing muſt needs be that, which that thing neceſſarily refers unto, as to its end for which it is done or hath its being: it is manifeſt, that ſince civill ſocieties have for their naturall and ſecondary finall cauſe Salus populi; the power alſo which muſt not be ad destructionem, but ad aedificationem, to main­taine thoſe civill ſocieties, can have no other finall cauſe, but that whereunto they direct and are directed, which is Salus Populi.

2. The materiall cauſe in whch this power originall, reſides and inheres; as the former to make up a compleat Body of a Common-wealth, is the people. And ſo the Obſerver ſayth ve­rie well in this kind of cauſe, power is originally inherent in the people: moſt certaine then it is, that even at the very firſt uni­ting themſelves into a Civill ſociety, there is an inherent power in the people to governe themſelves, and by ſuch Govern­ment to preſerve themſelves in ſafety. For this is the onely neceſſary naturall end for which they met (as I have very briefely ſhewene before) that they might bee able and7 powerfull to ſecure themſelves, and preſerve their kind. But this meeting would have been in vaine, and this preſervation wholly made fruſtrate, if there were not this power inherent in them.

3. If in the naturall body of man there were not an interiour Directive Governing Power to guide every particular member in the operative uſe of its function, and to contrive thoſe operations to the mutuall good of one another, and the conſervation of the whole man; that body could not poſſibly but ſuddenly periſh. For if the teeth will not chew, nor the throat ſwallow, nor the hands reach, nor the feet ſtirre, nor the eyes look out, when nature re­quires her neceſſary food, ſhe and they and all muſt ſtarve. So in a politicall Body; if all members ſhould do what they liſt, and ſhould not be compelled by ſome abſolute power to contribute their ſtrengths and endevours to the preſervation of one another, and the whole Community, it would be but Regnum in ſe diviſum, that of neceſſity muſt fall to deſolation, as the holy Ghoſt confirms alſo elſe where, ſaying Prov. 11.14 Ubi non eſt Gubernator dſsipa­bitur Populus.

4 The maine difficulty is: who is the efficient cauſe of this power, Wherein, not to be tedious to my Reader, but to yield him the ſatisfaction of his expectation in a briefe and reſolute anſwer, I preſent unto him this Decretory Aſſertion. This power is not a humane but a divine Right; and God onely is the immediate effi­cient cauſe thereof. This I prove by five Arguments.

5. Arg. 1. There is a rule in nature (to uſe the Obſervers owne words) Quod dat eſſe dat conſequentia ad eſſe. But the eſſe of a Republike cannot have a ſimpliciter eſſe without the eſſe of this power. Therefore he that is the efficient cauſe of the Repub­lique, is alſo the efficient cauſe of this power. But (as I have prov'd before SECT. 2. n. 5.) God is the ſole efficient cauſe of all Re­publiques, therfore he is alſo the ſole efficient cauſe of this power.

6 Arg. 2. The Primary finall cauſe of Civill Societies (as I have prov'd SECT. 1.) is divine worſhip, which man could not prefix to himſelfe as his end, but he was created by God for and to that end, and onely God prefixed that end to man. Therefore this is a divine end which cannot be atchieved without a divine8 Power (as I have alſo proved in the ſame Section, n. 4.) onely God then is the immediate Efficient cauſe of this power.

7. And from thence it proceeds, that Kings, acknowledging themſelves to have received this divine power, principally for this primary end, their Oathes at their Coronation are (as the Obſer­ver very grutchingly granteth) more preciſe in the care of Cano­nicall Priviledges, and of Biſhops and Clergy men, than of the Commonalty: and not from the reaſon which he gives. viz. be­cauſe they were penned by Popiſh Biſhops. For whether the Bi­ſhops were Popiſh or Proteſtant, ſurely they are not to be blamed ex hoc capite, but moſt highly to be reverenced, that according to their profeſſion and duty they put Kings in mind, in the firſt place, of divine worſhip, and their owne and their peoples eternall ſalva­tion depending thereupon. And I cannot underſtand why the Ob­ſerver ſhould give that reaſon, but onely to ſeduce the Vulgar into a baſe and profane miſconceiving and vilifying of the royal pow­er of Kings, and their ſacred Oathes. For Popiſh without all doubt in his Dictionary ſignifieth ſuperſtitious at leaſt, if not Idolatrous. But, if it be ſuperſtition for a man to be more preciſe in the care of Divine Worſhip, and his ſoules everlaſting ſalvation, than of a­ny other his temporall end or affaire (ſee Section 1. n. 3.) in vaine then have all Chriſtians hitherto believed that they were in a true Religion. Let the Obſerver conſider what cenſure he deſerves for thus finding fault with Kings Oathes, and whether hee gives not juſt cauſe of ſuſpicion, that he is rather an Atheiſt than a Chriſti­an. It is well knowne to all Chriſtians, that Quaerite primùm Reg­num Dei & juſtitiam ejus is no invention of Popiſh Biſhops, but our Bleſſed Saviours owne Doctrine and Rule, not only to Biſhops, but to all Kings and people whatſoever, as the principall, to which as an Acceſſorium followes, & haec omnia adjicientur vobis. Mat. 6.33.

8. Arg. 3 When private families firſt joyned themſelves in­to a Common body of ſociety, before any Condictum, Paction, or Agreement amongſt themſelves, to enact poſitive Lawes for their government, there was an inherent power in them to enact ſuch Lawes. For who can make a Law without a power? But this power, not being the effect, but the moſt neceſſary cauſe of9 all humane pactions, or poſitive Lawes, cannot have its origen from man, but onely from God. Ergo God is the ſole Efficient cauſe of this power.

9. Arg. 4. When men firſt aſſociated themſelves into a Com­mon-wealth, they were all of equall Right and Power, ſo that none (I ſpeake of ſeverall families ſtill as before) could challenge ſu­periority the one over the other. For, this divine naturall power, viz. Se defendere, & vim vi repellere, was inherent in every one of them, and obligeing them. The power then which accrewed to to the aggregation of the whole ſociety, was not made but brought, as being no other than what was in all and every particular Mem­ber of that ſociety before. But that is a Divine power, and the immediate effect of God. Ergo. And indeed in the due mnnaging or excerciſing of this divine naturall law of ſe defendendo, and vim vi repellendo conſiſts totally the ſecurity and Salus Populi, and the power of the Common-wealth to maintain it.

10. Arg. 5. God Almighty is ſo ſolely the Legiſlator and Author of his owne Lawes, without the concurrence or conſent of any other Councell, (quis enim conſiliariu•••us fuit, aut quis pri­or dedit ei? Rom, 11.33.) That they have their eſtabliſhment onely in and by his own will. So that no power whatſoever of his Creatures, can by any contraition againſt him, invalid or annull thoſe Lawes. But non occides is a Divine naturall Law and precept expreſſed in the Decalogue. Therefore no Pactions or agree­ments of men can give this power of putting a man to death, no more than Cain could kill Abel. But on the other ſide it is ma­nifeſt, that Republikes have a lawfull power of putting men to death, without which they could not preſerve their owne ſafety. Therefore they have it from God. And how ſoon God gave this power to men I know not, nor cannot find, untill after the floud; when Gen. 9.6 we read this expreſſe poſitive divine Law and precept given to the Civill Magiſtrate. Quicunque effuderit hu­manum ſanguinem, fundetur ſanguis illius.


SECT. 4.

1. The Finall Cauſe of Regall power muſt of neceſſity be the ſame that is of the Common-wealth, becauſe the King is the ad­miniſtrator of the power of the Common-wealth, to the ſame end no doubt, for which it was firſt ordained: of which having ſpoken largely before, I have no need to ſay any thing here.

2. The maine queſtion is, who is the efficient cauſe of Regall or Monarchicall power? Which the Obſerver boldly averres to be, not God, but the people. And upon this falſe ground he vents all thoſe ſwarmes of falſe inferences throughout his whole diſcourſe.

3. But before I lay down the true Reſolution of this queſtion, I muſt deſire my reader to mark with good heed the great difference that is between the power it ſelfe of a Common-wealth, and the authority to adminiſter that power: for the people may be the Ef­ficient Cauſe of this ſecond, though not of the firſt. As for ex­ample, the Aldermen of London may elect, nominate, and conſti­tute ſuch or ſuch a man to be their Lord Major to adminiſter the power that belongs to the Corporation of that City; and herein they may be the Efficient cauſe of his Authority to adminiſter the power of the City, but not of his power; becauſe that is the gift of the King by his Charter, of which his Majeſty therefore is the onely efficient cauſe, and not the Aldermen, nor all the people of that Corporation whatſoever.

4. I have proved all along in the precedent Sections, that the Ci­vill power of a Common-wealth, is not a humane, but divine pow­er, of which, not the people, but God onely is the Efficient cauſe. It is true indeed, that it is in the voluntary election of the people to authorize one, or few, or more with the adminiſtration of this power. And as long as this Authority is ſtill elective in the people, they may by conſent of the major part alter their forme of Guber­nation into Democraticall Oligarchicall, Ariſtocraticall, or Mo­narchicall, as they pleaſe. And herein the Obſerver ſaith truely, that God is no more the Author of Regall, than of Ariſtocraticall power: for whether this power be in many, or in one, it is ſtill the11 ſame divine power of the Common-wealth, though diverſly ad­miniſtred, of which God onely is the efficient cauſe. But when the people have once reſigned up all their authority into the hands of one, and his heires for ever, ſo that now it is not any longer ele­ctive in them, but hereditary in him: then not onely the power, but the authority alſo to adminiſter that power is ſolely inherent in him and his heires, unalterably and irrevocably for ever.

5. This then is my firſt Aſſertion. The Efficient cauſe of Re­gall or Monarchicall power, is not the people, but onely God. I ſpeak in this Aſſertion, not of conditionall Princes, but onely of abſolute Kings and Monarchs. My firſt proofe then is. When the people create a King, they elect his perſon, and authorize him with the adminiſtration of the abſolute power which is inherent in the whole Common-wealth to governe it ſelfe: otherwiſe he is no abſolute King, of whom onely I ſpeak, and ſo doth the obſerver alſo. But this power (as I have proved) is not an humane, but a divine power, of which God onely is the Efficient Cauſe. Therefore God onely, and not the people is the Efficient Cauſe of Regall power.

6. My ſecond proofe, God ſaith expreſſely, Prov. 8.15. Per me Reges regnant, &c. Then their Dominion or power by which they reigne is immediately from God. Chriſt ſaith to Pilate, Joh. 19.11. Non haberes poteſtatem, &c. niſi tibi datum eſſet deſuper. Then this power is not from below from men; but from above, from God. St. Paul ſaith, Rom, 13.1. Omnis anima poteſtatibus ſublimioribus ſubdita ſit: non est enim poteſtas niſi à Deo. And qui reſistit Poteſtati, Dei Ordinationi reſistit. And, non ſine cauſa gladium portat. For what cauſe? Dei enim miniſter eſt, vndex in iram, &c. Then Regall Po­wer is Divine power and the Ordinance of God, wherein the King is not the peoples, but Gods Miniſter, as being inveſted and annoynted interiorly in his perſon by him with a Divine power; of which the exteriour Vnction is a ſacred, Ceremonous, Com­monefactive and ſolemne Teſtimony. And for this cauſe Gyrus though a Heathen King is called by God himſelfe. Iſay 45.1. Chriſtus meus, Gods own annoynted. The holy King Joſaphat ſaith to thoſe whom he had conſtituted Judge. 2. Paralip. 19.6. Non12 hominis exercetis judiciam, ſed Domini. Then it is not a humane pow­er, but a divine power by which the King doth judge and rule his people.

From hence I infer two Corollaries.

7. The firſt: That there is a two-fold truſt in the King. The one of his power. The other of the adminiſtration of his power. The firſt is Gods truſt unto him to exerciſe his divine judgements. The ſecond, is the peoples, to adminiſter it Propter ſalutem populi. But if he ſwerve herein; ſeeing that the power is divine and reſiding and inhering onely in him, and not in the people, he is not liable to the people, but onely to God.

8. The ſecond Corollarie. As God is the ſole efficient cauſe of Regall power; ſo the inſtrumentall cauſe which conveighes this power, is the divine naturall Law obliging men to unite themſelves into Civil ſocieties. For God gives a power to men to govern them­ſelves by obliging them to unite themſelves. And conſequently the election of the people (with all the Obſervers pactions and a­greements) is but Cauſa ſine qua non, by way of approximation, that this divine power may reſide in thoſe few, or more, or one rather than in any other. As in my former example n. 3. The efficient cauſe of the Lord Majors power is onely the King. The inſtru­mental cauſe by which this power is derived unto him, is the Char­ter of the City, granted to them at pleaſure, more ſtrictly or more largely by the King. And the Aldermens election of this or that particular man, is but the approximation, that the Kings power may reſide in him to governe the City, rather than in any other.

9, My ſecond Aſſertion. Every abſolute King (inveſted and an­nointed with a divine power by God himſelf to exerciſe his judge­ments through the election of the people to be ſole adminiſtrator therof) is in power ſuper totam Rempublicam; Superiour abſolutely over the whole Common-wealth. And therefore is not only Ma­jor ſingulis, but Major Vniverſis, and ſuper omnes ſimul. This Aſſer­tion is evident out of the former. For the power that was inherent in the whole Common-wealth to exerciſe Gods judgements, and to governe and preſerve it ſelfe, was a divine power, not only ſuper ſingulos, but ſuper omnes ſimul, and therefore Major Univerſis. But this13 power is now totally and abſolutely inherent in the King only. Er­go he is ſuper totam Rempublicam: and Major Univerſis.

10. In confirmation of this argument, I argue thus. Either the whole power of the Common-wealth is in one, or no. If no, then he is no abſolute King or Monarch, contrary to our ſuppoſition. But if he be a Monarch, I aske againe; if there be a powet in the Common-wealth, which is not in him, is it ſubordinate to his pow­er, or no? if it be ſubordinate, then his power is above that pow­er, and ſo ſuper totam Rempublicam, and Major Univerſis. If it be not, then there are ſimul & ſemel two ſupream Civill powers in a Com­mon-wealth, two ſupream contrary Maſters at once to be obeyed, one and the ſame individuall Kingdom and Gubernation, and yet divided againſt it ſelfe, which are moſt abſurd and impoſſible.

11. From hence it is evident, that his Majeſty ſayd moſt truely, and moſt learnedly; that the adminiſtration of the whole power of the Common-wealth being committed in truſt abſolutely and irrevocably to him and his heires for ever, it is impoſſible that a power above that truſt ſhould be committed to others.

12. This the Obſerver in effect plainly confeſſeth. But relapſing in­to his wonted Paroxiſmes of ſtrong malice againſt Regall Power, he labours (by his moſt falſe erroneous Principle Rex eſt minor U­niverſis) and tires himſelfe in vaine to anſwer it. And becauſe the ſtrength of all his long tedious and farraginous diſcourſe depends wholly upon theſe two falſe grounds, viZ. that the people is the efficient cauſe of Regall power; And that Rex eſt minor Univerſis; and I have manifeſtly confuted them both: I preſume I have alſo ſufficiently confuted all the reſt; and therefore conclude in thoſe ſacred words, Data eſt a Domino Poteſtas Regibus, & virtus ab Altiſ­ſimo. Power is given to Kings of the Lord, and Soveraignty from the higheſt. Sapient. 6.3.


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TextThe necessity of Christian subjection. Demonstrated, and proved by the doctrine of Christ, and the Apostles; the practice of primitive Christians, the rules of religion, cases of conscience, and consent of latter orthodox divines, that the power of the King is not of humane, but of divine right; and that God onely is the efficient cause thereof. Whereunto is added, an appendix of all the chief objections that malice it selfe could lay upon His Majestie, with a full answer to every particular objection. Also a tract intituled, Christus Dei, wherein is proved that our Soveraign Lord the King is not onely major singulis, but major universis.
AuthorMorton, Thomas, 1564-1659..
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Bibliographic informationThe necessity of Christian subjection. Demonstrated, and proved by the doctrine of Christ, and the Apostles; the practice of primitive Christians, the rules of religion, cases of conscience, and consent of latter orthodox divines, that the power of the King is not of humane, but of divine right; and that God onely is the efficient cause thereof. Whereunto is added, an appendix of all the chief objections that malice it selfe could lay upon His Majestie, with a full answer to every particular objection. Also a tract intituled, Christus Dei, wherein is proved that our Soveraign Lord the King is not onely major singulis, but major universis. Morton, Thomas, 1564-1659., Jones, John, d. 1600.. [2], 22, [2], 13, [1] p., [1] leaf of plates : port. s.n.],Oxford [i.e. London :Printed in the yeere. 1643.. (Attributed to Thomas Morton.) ("Christus Dei," attributed to John Jones, has separate dated title page, agination, and register, and was also issued separately (Wing J961A). Both parts are London counterfeits of Oxford editions.) ("Christus Dei" includes an answer to: Parker, Henry. Oservations upon some of His Majesties late answers and expresses.) (A reissue, with title page of first part reset, of Wing M2843 and Wing J961A.) (Annotation on Thomason copy E.93[11]: "19. March. 1642" The 3 in the imprint date is crossed out.) (Imperfect: "Christus Dei" and port. lacking from film copy at 16:E.93[11].) (Reproduction of the original in the British Library.)
  • Parker, Henry, 1604-1652. -- Observations upon some of His Majesties late answers and expresses -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800.
  • Divine right of kings -- Early works to 1800.
  • Christian life -- Early works to 1800.

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  • Text Creation Partnership,
ImprintAnn Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2012-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 2).
  • DLPS A89341
  • STC Wing M2844
  • STC Thomason E62_18
  • STC Thomason E93_11
  • STC ESTC R571
  • EEBO-CITATION 99872887
  • PROQUEST 99872887
  • VID 130899

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